PDP

By Aminu Nuru

Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami’s odyssey into public service, and mainstream politics in Nigeria by extension, is so far filled with notable controversies that muddy the stream of his public image despite being received and welcomed with a reservoir of goodwill and optimistic anticipations by many Nigerians.

Although some people may argue that, before Pantami’s appointment to public office, there were members of the Federal Executive Council (FEC) equally knowledgeable in the matters of Islam and could be regarded as scholars in their own rights. Still, the fact is that both Mallam Aminu Kano and Senator Bello Maitama Yusuf made a name for themselves in politics and public service before Islamic scholarship and preaching. Or, to say it better, the duos are more widely known for their political engagements than anything else. Thus, they were seen as full-time politicians in the public eye. While Pantami, on the other hand, got his fame strictly from Islamic teachings and discourses.

Therefore, Pantami is a trailblazer who pioneered a cause in Nigerian polity – a revolution of Islamic clerics from Northern Nigeria joining national politics and public service. This position naturally accords him the status of a role model for subsequent clerics from the North that are willing to join public service in the future.

Though preaching and propagation of Islam would have played a role in Pantami’s rise to prominence and subsequent appointment into Nigerian public service, the controversial minister, to be fair, has demonstrated some degree of competency and seems to be averagely prepared, to say the least,  to the job he has been offered as the Director-General of NITDA  and later Minister of Communication and Digital Economy. In the same vein, he has also recorded some achievements so far. Unfortunately, however, a series of controversies are beginning to overshadow these achievements, which are at the same time complicating his polity. Still, some of these complications may not be disconnected from his past. On the contrary, they could be best appreciated if one revisits and analyses the context and content of his previous preaching vis-à-vis the atmospheric politics of the time.

Efforts to corroborate the exact date Pantami made his debut into the realm of Islamic preaching in his first preaching base – Bauchi – proved abortive. But what is certain was the unique style he adopted in delivering lectures, Tafseer sessions and Friday sermons, which promptly endeared him in the hearts of the local audience.

In the early 2000s, most Western-styled educated Muslims were looking for a fresh voice in Islamic preaching and seemed to be tired of the “oldies” and their archaic modus. They wanted something different and were eager to access the new approach that analyses and interprets contemporary issues from Islam’s perspectives. They were looking for an Islamic preacher to address and speak to them in the manner and tongues they would align and reason with. A preacher that could, for example, scrutinize the EU’s foreign policies and the US invasion of the Middle East and validate his points with the verses of the Holy Qur’an.

In Pantami, they saw the exponent of those ideals. This was due to his ability to demonstrate basic knowledge of global politics, international relations, and science and technology through the lenses of the Quran and Hadith. In addition, he commanded a very good English Language (a rare talent among Islamic clerics at the time). He exhibited a charming oratory skill sauced with puritanical diction – a personal endowment and enchantment that he consciously or subconsciously deployed to arrest, startle, and move his audience. The eloquence with which Pantami delivered his sessions was what stood him out among his contemporaries. Consequently, Pantami became the darling of Muslim populations in Bauchi and beyond for this and other intellectual traits. The Western-styled educated populations saw a 21st-century Islamic cleric of their dream in his shape.

As an influential preacher with access to grass-root populations, his pulpit echoed a dissenting voice against the government of the day. He was explicitly critical of PDP’s government at both the state and national levels and openly promoted the presidential ambition of General Muhammadu Buhari (GMB). It is on record that Pantami was not the only cleric to uphold the candidature of GMB via his pulpit; other clerics had also promoted him with equal conviction. However, Pantami’s open romanticism and penchant for the General were so extreme that when his old “friend” – Governor Isa Yuguda – fell out with Buhari’s ANPP and decamped to PDP, Pantami was not reluctant to denounce this move. Therefore, he launched out series of attacks and criticisms of the Yuguda administration in his Friday sermons (despite being a back-door “friend” of the Yuguda administration).

In an article titled “Nigerian Politicians and Hypocrisy”, Pantami wrote: “I do not know a profession anywhere in the world that is full of professionals who fulfil all the characteristics and signs of hypocrites aptly described by our infallible Prophet like Nigerian politicians in the corridors of power, particularly the companions of the largest, and probably the most dangerous party in Africa (PDP)” (Premium Times, 2012).

Nobody felt Pantami was not doing the right thing among the population. He was even celebrated and eulogized for his vilification of the PDP’s government and support for GMB. His effort was appreciated as a selfless service to the poor masses. He was practically dancing to the bits of the society. Naturally, this created a public image for Pantami – an image of an honest Islamic cleric who told the truth to power (PDP’s government?). 

Considering this background, it is not entirely out of sight if some groups work to step back on Pantami’s toes now that he has been appointed a Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. They would not also relent to feed him the same bitter pills of politics through (de)constructive criticism, malice and deliberately cooked scandals. Therefore, it is not a surprise if, for example, some pundits dug into his past utterances to make the polity difficult for him now. Or it is not least expected if some of his critics alleged that he used the garment of Islamic preaching to reach where he is now – an allegation echoed loudly by his fellow preacher and former neighbour in Bauchi. This particular preacher believes that Pantami is not worthy of being considered an Islamic cleric simply because he did not attend any Islamic school.

This allegation could be dismissed as sheer envy, especially as it comes from a fellow Salafi cleric who does not hide his aspersion of the minister. Reputable Islamic scholars have, time without number attested to Pantami’s intellectual prowess and competence in Islamic scholarship. Besides, altogether, he has tackled those accusations cleverly by not quitting the teaching of Islam even after being appointed a Minister.

The accusation that may have firmly stood is how Pantami’s pulpit swiftly changed from being a pro-people voice to one with less interest in the matters of governance and the governed. There’s no more dissent voice against the government. Even the choice of his texts for his ta’alims at Annur Mosque were deliberately strategic in the sense that their content analysis and commentary of moral truth and calls for proper conduct may not be extended explicitly to subjects within the present government. From their titles, both Kindness to Parents and Kindness to Relatives and Loved Ones would surely give a soft landing for anybody willing to avoid activism in his preaching.

His defenders may argue that Pantami now has unlimited access to the government. Therefore, he can channel his grievances privately, but the atrocities for which he vilified the previous government have also been committed, doubled and tripled by the present administration. Morality demands that he does more than voice his anger privately, considering his earlier vituperation.

One would think he will not hesitate to relinquish anything that has to do with this administration to demonstrate his unreserved solidarity for the masses. But, unfortunately, Pantami – an erstwhile vibrant advocate of good governance – is not the man to surrender power for posterity. Therefore, while it may not be the wisest decision to leave the government to demonstrate his pro-masses stand, Pantami should do better in making patriotic moves decisions no matter whose ox is gored. He could do that while avoiding avoidable controversies and political tussles that may tarnish his image and the institution he represents.

Aminu Nuru wrote from Bauchi. He can be contacted via aminuahmednuru@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The 2023 presidential elections will present to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) a golden opportunity to wrestle power from the ruling All Progressive Congress (APC). However, the greatest challenge facing the PDP is how to utilize this opportunity seamlessly by presenting a candidate that can secure for the party sufficient votes throughout the country.  

Today, all indices indicate that the APC’s presidential candidate may come from the southwest. Since 2015, APC’s trump cards have been the north and the southwest. However, the north may be APC’s biggest dilemma in 2023- the party has to appease the north while striking a balance on Nigeria’s complexities- this is where the PDP can take advantage if it plays its own cards very well.

Former Senate President Bukola Saraki, Governor Aminu Tambuwal, and Governor Bala Mohammed, all presidential aspirants on the PDP platform, have kick-started a move for the PDP to present a consensus candidate for the 2023 presidential elections. Saraki said the reason they were pushing for a consensus candidate was to reduce the likely rancour in the process of choosing the party’s flag bearer. Apart from having a rancour-free process, a consensus candidate will give the PDP an opportunity to pull resources together for a common goal. Furthermore, the party will have ample time to campaign for the general elections, as it has eliminated the long and tedious campaign for the primaries.

The big question is, who is PDP’s ideal consensus candidate among all the aspirants? The person should be someone who is well-known, have a network and connection, and is sellable across the country.

As a matter of real politics, the PDP may consider a one bloc vote. That is the Buhari cult-like followers, who, as of now, have undecided votes. The PDP can win the vote of that bloc vote and combine it with its own traditional votes by presenting someone different from Buhari but acceptable to Buhari’s cult-like followers. In addition, a consensus candidate should be someone who knows the Nigerian political terrain –and is acceptable to the common people- someone who Nigerians see as capable of tackling the current problems in the country.

If the PDP agrees to go for a consensus candidate- the party should do this based on certain logic. Firstly, the PDP should analyze the North and Southwest- two parts of the country with the highest number of voters- to define which of them will give the party some cutting-edge advantage. The party should then present a candidate that can bring the votes from that region.

Secondly, as the APC is looking southwest, the PDP should analyze the entire south and do its arithmetic with an open heart on just how to win the election.

Thirdly, PDP’s ideal consensus candidate should be chosen relative to the APC’s likely presidential candidate. It should be someone from the PDP ranks who has the clout, the political structure, the war chest, and the human resources to face any candidate from the APC.

An open discussion among the PDP presidential aspirants can produce good results for the consensus candidate. Though some of the aspirants will fizzle out from the race if the party does not use a zoning formula because their aspirations are based on permutations that the ticket is zoned to a particular section of the country.

Consensus is good for an opposition political party with an opportunity to get power. But some observers are of the view that a primary election will eliminate any hassle for the good candidate- as he may be tied down with many demands from other aspirants and interests.

If the call for a PDP consensus presidential candidate by Bukola Saraki, Governor Tambuwal, and Governor Bala is without any ulterior motive, it will be a welcome and excellent idea for the PDP. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar said, all the presidential aspirants don’t have issues with each other, once they sit down in a room, they will select the best candidate among themselves. Most political observers said Atiku made the statement because he is fully aware that, as of today, all the odds are in his favour – either consensus or primary election.

 Zayyad I. Muhammad writes Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Sagir Ibrahim

Recently, we witnessed a new direction in our modern politics, whereby former Governor of Kano State, Engr. Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso and other former political heavyweights formed a new movement with an ambition to upset the status quo ante of our politics.

No doubt, Kwankwaso is a political juggernaut with a track record of achievements within his state. I don’t think it will be an exaggeration to say, none among his peers can match him in terms of positive impact on the lives of the poor. From that, he successfully built a team of educated youth that penetrated the nook and crannies of Northern Nigeria. On a visit to any tertiary institution in the North-West, it is rare to register the absence of a lecturer who happened to be a benefactor of the Kwankwaso government or under his present Kwankwasiyya Foundation.

And on the other hand, looking at his peers, for instance, Sokoto, under Governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, is not yet free from the shackles of illiteracy despite being a former speaker a second-term governor. Moreover, Sokoto is ravaged by persistent banditry insecurity. So then, how can he save the nation from the current insecurity challenges if he can’t secure his state? But in terms of party acceptance and the 2019 PDP presidential primary election’s result, his political strength is more extensive than Kwankwaso’s.

Although, that will not be unconnected with his ability to forge a good relationship with his party leadership, unlike Kwankwaso, who is known to have mad love for dominating relationships and space without considering others. For instance, when he left PDP for APC in 2014, he dominated the APC in his state by anointing his preferred candidates on the party tickets leaving no room for those he met in the party. The same happened when he defected to PDP from APC. He cornered all the party structure and candidates to his faction without regard for others that were there before him. That forced people like Sen. Ibrahim Shekarau to leave the party.

Kwankwaso’s New Movement

Recently, Kwankwaso launched a new movement that aimed to bring a positive change to the country’s political atmosphere. Known political figures that attended the launching are ex-governors, ministers, political actors and some technocrats. But, there is a possibility that the movement would join an existing political party outside the two major parties to serve as a third force in the upcoming election. Assuming that it joins another party, is he the only person in the movement with a presidential ambition? How ready are his colleagues to assist him financially and politically? Are they influential enough to sway people to vote for him? These and many more questions are begging for an answer.

Currently, forming and marketing a new political party in Nigeria less than a year before the election is almost impossible unless it is a merger of existing political parties. But, unlike this new movement, the influence of its convener is the most potent force that can be marketed. And if he can be sold in his Kano quickly, could that be done in Northeast, which has VP Atiku Abubakar, Ahmed Mu’azu, and Gov. Bala Muhammad that are eyeing the same seat?

Even in the North-West, how well prepared is the movement to confront the likes of Tambuwal that outshined him during the 2019 primary election?

What about Southerners who believe this is their perfect time to clinch the seat? Therefore, Kwankwaso has a lot to face in this new direction.

If not for wishes being horses, he would’ve exercised enough patience to join either of the two bigger parties, especially the APC. Because if the likes of Prof. Yemi Osinbajo emerge as the party flag bearer, they will be left with no perfect match to serve as his running mate than him. But his desperation is for leadership is second to none.

But looking at the constitutional provision, one needs a political party to contest any political seat since there is no constitutional provision for independent candidacy. With this, we can understand the political calculation of Kwankwaso. Going by the obstacle(s) mentioned, there is no possibility of Kwankwaso being the flag bearer of any of the two major parties. At best, joining NNPP could serve as an avenue for him to test his relevance in the national political space since his new party has no candidate of his calibre. Therefore, there’s every possibility for him to clinch the party presidential ticket.

Can He Win?

This is something that only time could tell. But, indeed, if any of the political parties give their ticket to a Northerner, Kwankwaso will now turn into a major spoiler to the Northern votes and a distraction. Thus, this could pave the way for a Southern candidate to victory. And in the end, if God lend us long life to 2027, maybe then he’ll contest again and luckily emerge as a winner since most of the contestants are either in old age or have given up their ambition

Sagir Ibrahim is a graduate of Economics from the Department of Economics, Bauchi State University Gadau. He can be reached via ibrahimsagir1227@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Sagir Bauchi

As the political atmosphere in the country started to get momentum, top political actors are back on the strategy board to put down action and execution plans for successful campaigns and elections victory. Overnight, some controversial politicians are now running away from their once arrogant and nonchalant attitudes to a born-again one, thereby looking away from whatever may dent their newly ‘customised integrity’. As a result, the usual campaign promises of provision of security, creating job opportunities, fighting against corruption, etc., now appears unsaleable talking points to the electorates as they once were.

News of the inter-party crossover from some prominent politicians like former Speaker Hon. Yakubu Dogara (PDP-APC), Matawalle of Zamfara (PDP-APC), Kwankwaso (PDP-NNPP), etc., are making headlines.

Hon. Yakubu Dogara is one of the major political figures in Bauchi State politics. His role in ousting the previous governor of the state would never be neglected or underestimated. He played a vital role in his constituency and other spheres of the system.

When he decamped from PDP, the party that brought the present administration of Governor Bala Muhammad, several opinions were expressed in respect to that. To some, he joined the ruling party in anticipation of giving him the party leadership (i.e National Chairman of the party). While, to others, he was craving for the seat of Vice-President, in case the party ticket is won by a Southern Muslim. In present Nigeria, a Muslim-Muslim or Christian-Christian ticket at the presidential ticket is a non-starter, as it will polarise the country, create chaos and mistrust.

Of the two opinions surrounding the decamping of Dogara, none could totally be disregarded as they contain some elements of truth. For instance, If APC assigns Bola Ahmed Tinubu as its flag bearer, the party must pick a Northern Christian politician with popularity, high political experienced and wide acceptance among the regional religious, political and traditional leaders/institutions. The aim is to convince the electorates to go out and vote for the party on the election day. Dogara is one of those Northern Christians with broad appeal and political experience. But, can he win the confidence of his Northern block to vote for their ticket?

For that answer, we have to examine the current political doings and his image in his home state, Bauchi, to answer that question.

The present political situation in the state is a bit complicated. We all witnessed how his doings in his constituency influenced the emergence of the current governor of the state during the last gubernatorial elections. Still, events have overtaken the once-political comrades’ romance between him and the governor. His popularity has significantly dropped in 2/3 of the constituency he’s representing. And that could affect his future career in the state and beyond. Therefore, the Dogara factor alone cannot influence Northerners to vote for his party.

Now, away from Dogara to the party at large. Months ago, APC Governor’s Forum paid an unexpected visit to the former President, Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. Of course, we did not know what was discussed during the visit. Still, looking at how the party is desperate to retain the president’s seat, it’ll be hard to disconnect it from what the Hausa people termed as “gaisuwa da ro’kon iri”. So they visited him, likely to ask for his blessing, sympathy and support to use his influence in the South-South to canvass support for their party flag bearer during elections. Or maybe, to lure him into accepting to contest for the presidency on the party ticket. 

If we take the party entirely and put it on a scale, we can see that the party is in a dilemma of who to be entrusted with the party ticket to retain the presidential seat. But looking at how the party zoned the national party executives, now it is clear that the flag of the party would come from the South.

Among the top Southern candidates that expressed interest in the presidency are Vice President Yemi Osibanjo and the party leader, Bola Tinubu. One of these two have every chance to win the party primaries. But, who among them can be an easy sale to all the regions of the country? Would the old rivalry between Igbos and Yorubas resurrect and allow Igbos to support anyone of them? Only time would tell.

But in the North, despite the significant drop in trust and popularity of President Muhammadu Buhari, there still exist those supporters that will go for whoever PMB anointed to succeed him at the polls. But many will be in a dilemma of choosing between one of their own, an outsider or may even decide not to vote.

After the country’s return to Democratic rule, PMB was among those with a desperate ambition to rule the country again. He contested three times but lost at general elections. Fortunately for him, he won at his fourth outing. Unfortunately, during his failed bids, his body language was that he only relied on the votes of his fellow Northerners.

By 2010, Buhari realised that that illusion wouldn’t give him the presidency. So, he aligned/merges his one-man party, CPC, with an umbrella forum of some rebellious and highly influential mainstream politicians from the ruling party, nPDP, ANPP and the Southwest’s AC to form the APC. This conglomeration of parties (merger) is what solely got him the presidency.

With all honesty, looking back at the significant contribution of the Southwest politicians, this is the right time for him to pay back those that helped him actualise his presidential ambition with the party ticket on a platter of gold, especially to a Southwestern candidate.

There’s not much tension within the PDP due to their discipline and expertise in handling intra-party conflict. However, the party must be careful with an emerging conflict from Wazirin Adamawa and governors’ overzealous ambitions. In addition, they must learn from their 2015 avoidable mistake that cost them the elections and government.

Sagir Ibrahim is a graduate of Economics from the Department of Economics, Bauchi State University Gadau. He can be reached via ibrahimsagir1227@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Sabiu

Reports coming from Gusau have it that Mahdi Aliyu Gusau, the state’s deputy governor, has been impeached by the Zamfara State House of Assembly.

The members ousted Mr Gusau from office on Wednesday during plenary after 20 out of 21 voted in favour of his removal.

Following the submission of a panel report by the state’s chief judge, Kulu Aliyu, to investigate alleged impeachable offences against the deputy governor, the parliamentarians quickly voted.

By Ibraheem Abdullateef

Late last year, Nigerian media was awash with my statement of appeal to the two biggest political parties, All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), on the review of nomination form fees for office-seekers under 35 years old in the 2023 elections, to deepen inclusion, and strengthen national democracy. Weeks later, none of these parties has made any official statement on the matter. We must sustain the tempo until the cause is achieved. 

The review of nomination form fees by APC and PDP is urgent to strengthen our democracy, encourage diversity, and foster youths’ inclusion in politics and leadership. It is socially, economically, and politically unhealthy to retain the same table used in 2019 for the 2023 elections. 

In the 2019 elections, PDP sold their gubernatorial expression of interest and nomination forms for N1 million and N20 million, respectively.

Reports also show that PDP charged N12 million for both the expression of interest and nomination form for the Office of the President, N3.5million for Senate, N2.5million for House of Representatives, and N600,000 for the House of Assembly.

In a similar vein, the gubernatorial expression of interest and nomination form of the ruling APC attracted N2.5 million and N20 million, respectively. 

It also sold for N5 million the expression of interest and N40 million for nomination form for the Office of President, N7 million for Senate, N3.5million for House of Representatives, and N850,000, for the House of Assembly.

It is most worrisome that these political parties retained the fees in the recently held Anambra elections, Ekiti primaries, and others in 2022.

While I understand that funds accrued from the sale of forms remain a serious source of funding its operations, the decision of the parties to make young people pay the same fees as more established office-seekers is unfair and inconsistent with emerging realities in modern democracies. 

As it stands today, the exorbitant fees for nomination forms are mitigating against the legitimate ambition of over 65% of credible, capable young Nigerians to run for elective offices. It also encourages corruption and godfatherism; fuels the orgy for violent, do-or-die electoral practices while deepening the gap between the rich and have-nots in our society. No party must retain those crazy fees for the 2023 elections. 

Data about the 2019 elections released by YIAGA showed that only 8.6% (68 members) of 991 seats in the 36 State House of Assemblies and 6.8% of 360 members of the House of Representatives were under 35 and below.

Although youth candidacy in Nigeria’s elections rose from 21% to 34.2 % (13.5 per cent of the candidates vied for the Senate, and 27.4 per cent for the House of Representatives), the fact is that buoyed by the Age Reduction Act, Nigeria could have recorded better youths participation under a more favourable party system. This shows that the demography that constitutes over 60% of the registered voters in the country has literally had no place in Nigeria’s democracy. 

From 1999 to date, the abysmal record of youths participation in politics is a direct effect of our mega parties, PDP and APC’s weak commitment to youths inclusion agenda. Despite the notable efforts of #NotTooYoungToRun in improving eligibility, affordability of the political system reduction in nomination fees is key to unlocking the space for young Nigerians. This is why these parties need to decide now to show over 80 million Nigerian youths they genuinely believe in them and are the best platforms for the Nigeria Project. 

It no longer sells the stories about the non-participation of young people in politics. What is new is the understanding that there has been no space for them in the leadership. From communication to organising, and even campaigns, they have always been involved at different levels. But, with a lack of deliberate intra-party youths-friendly policies, Nigerian political parties are meant to attract seasonal voters, not future leaders.

Let me state that I am aware that the PDP and APC constitutions give women a 50% cut in regular fees for nomination forms and find that applaudable. But I cannot understand in 2022 why the same constitution would make no provision for the youths, especially after the #EndSARS struggle and the global youths renaissance, to encourage young Nigerians’ dreams and passion for the motherland. Nigerian youths deserve a 60% cut in fees. 

With our sheer numerical strength and globally acclaimed talent and industry, Nigerian youths do not deserve this strategic exclusion and alienation from democracy from the parties that average Nigerian youths consider as platforms of choice. The message this passes inadvertently is that they are not much wanted, accepted, and treasured, as is usually parroted. And seriously, this is a bad curve on our political values that must be reset immediately by the parties. It is time to match words with actions. 

When these constitutions are reviewed, I have absolute faith that they will positively change leadership selection, becoming instrumental to the clamour to ingest energy and innovation to national leadership. There is no doubt of Nigerian youths’ abilities to lead and make impacts to accelerate the growth and development of the nation. 

I appeal earnestly to the leadership of these parties to stop this alienation, review and reduce the fees for the nomination form for office-seekers below 35 years of age in the 2023 elections. It is the ultimate way to reciprocate the love and loyalty, maximise the talent and energy of the youths constituency, to promote inclusion, peace and development of Nigeria. 

Abdullateef is the Kwara Central Representative in the Nigerian Youth Parliament (NYP) 5th Assembly. He can be reached via ibraheemabdullateef09@gmail.com.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

“Cowards die many times before their deaths; the valiant never taste death but once.”

When arguably the all-time world’s greatest playwright, Williams Shakespeare, penned the above immortal lines in Act 2 Scene 2 of Julius Caesar, he must have had a long peep into the future of one of his country’s colonies. Moreover, he must have envisioned a special kind of man who exudes rare courage and sound, consistent principles in all he does and at all times.

He is a man who abandons the bandwagon and chooses to remain on the side of truth, fairness and justice even if that stance is unpopular and can cost him his safety and freedom.

Why do some people have sleeplessness over the courage and audacity of Senator Kashim Shettima, a former Governor of Borno State, over his recent opinions on democracy, politics and good governance in Nigeria? Surprisingly, subtle threats are being expressed to warn him to thread softly in some quarters and platforms.

Kashim Shettima is not your kind of everyday politician. His inspirational life story has been that of courage, conviction and consistency and remaining on the right path, on the side of the oppressed and the vulnerable, through thick and thin.

Charismatic, sound, brilliant and masses-oriented, the qualified agricultural economist has dedicated the better part of his adult life to the service of his beloved people of Borno state.

The above outstanding qualities earned him the highest office in the state in 2011 after he served with distinction in at least four different ministries as Commissioner.

After a brilliant career as a first-rate banker, he was Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs (2008), Education (2009), Agriculture and Natural Resources, and finally, Health. He then contested the Governorship election in 2011 and defeated Muhammad Goni of the PDP.

His first term in office endeared him to the hearts of the people. He further proved himself to be a compassionate, responsible and responsive leader who was always there to meet Borno people at the point of their need. His emphasis was on youth and women empowerment and infrastructural upliftment of the state.

In one of his most quoted quotes, American civil rights icon, Martin Luther King Jr said: “The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy.”

The Boko Haram menace brought the rare leadership skills out of Shettima. He stood his ground to protect his people; he never ran away from the battle. Instead, he put his life on the line and confronted the monsters. He mobilized the police, rallied soldiers and established the Civilian JTF, which helped to stem the tide of the insurgency.

In September 2014, Maiduguri, the seat of government, became very vulnerable to being attacked and overran by insurgents. The fear was so intense that notable residents relocated their families to Abuja. However, Governor Shettima, who was out of the country for an official assignment, abandoned everything and returned to Maiduguri in a show of courage and patriotism. On his return, he mobilized residents towards rising in defence of their ancestry, and they succeeded in pushing the enemies back.

Based on the sleepless nights he endured in the latter part of his first tenure – moving from one shooting or bombing scene  to the other with countless bodies and a river flowing with blood and all the back and forth he did with Presidential Villa actors over whose responsibility it was to protect Borno people – most observers thought he would chicken out and not bother to seek the second term in office

He sought and won reelection in 2015 under the All Progressives Congress, APC, and was unanimously chosen as Chairman of the Northern States Governors’ Forum, an umbrella body of Governors in the 19 States in northern Nigeria.

Alongside sincere peacebuilding, Governor Shettima championed the Reconstruction, Rehabilitation and Resettlement of victims of insurgency. He focused so much attention on the expansion and remodelling of existing schools and building new boarding primary and junior secondary schools to cater for over 50000 unaccompanied orphans whose parents were killed by insurgents across the 27 local government areas of the state.

Shettima also identified and supported a fine, fantastic gentleman as successor so that the journey of good governance he started would not perish on the way. Since coming to power, Professor Babagana Zulum has elevated good governance to world-class. Zulum’s excellence is a massive credit to Shettima. Unlike others, the two great men complement each other a lot and have not been involved in any fight.

In February 2019, Shettima’s glittering political career entered a new chapter when he won the election to represent the people of Borno Central at the Senate. Since then, his voice has been one of the most audible and laudable in the fight for justice and rights for all Nigerians in the Senate.

Speaking truth to power is part of Shettima’s DNA, and no level of elite conspiracy or underhand, high-wire, discreet manipulations, schemings or threats would take that away.

A popular adage in street parlance says: “Something must kill a man.” It is often said to justify some risk-taking that could end a man’s life. But the good people of Borno and other Nigerians of good conscience will not sit by and watch any harm come to Shettima on account of his principled stand on justice, equity and fairness as we move towards 2023.

His political choices and comments are his entitlements. However, if some powerful, vested interests are so uncomfortable with the truth that they want to unleash ‘undesirable elements’ on him, the people are watching with keen eyes and vigilance.

The people of Borno and their allies outside the state will employ all legally permissible and legitimate means to protect Shettima from any form of harassment and intimidation. They will continue to support and protect him till he accomplishes his mission of doing what is just and fair to all and sundry in the polity, not only in Borno, North-East but Nigeria at large.

Lawan Bukar Maigana wrote from Wuye District Abuja and sent the article via Lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

By Muwaffiq Fa’izu Saleh

Since the demise of Sen. Ali Wakili (RIP), many of us have taken an interest in who will succeed him, probably due to our admiration for the unique style in which he carried out the affairs of his constituency (as the then Chairman of the Senate Committee on Poverty Alleviation and member of various committees) to the numerous constituency and developmental projects. There came his replacement in the person of Sen. Lawal Yahaya Gumau, a.k.a. “Maliya”.

Many progressives doubted the ability and capability of Sen. Maliya to sustain the level of Wakili’s performance, not even surpass it. Therefore, all eyes were on him, whether he would deliver or not. Lo and behold, there came a silent achiever in him.

I, however, said “silent achiever” because of how it is being said. The achievements of Senator Gumau are too enormous to be silent, for they are conspicuous. From reviving long-abandoned boreholes to renovating and or constructing and reconstructing classrooms and providing essential reading and writing materials for primary and secondary schools, among other projects. These works cut across his constituencies.

The dividend of Democracy, they say, is the beneficial results of superficial investments made by the people to bring about a government to power. In Sen. Maliya, we have seen quite many of them. They can only be highlighted in the various empowerment programs in his constituents. These include distributing sewing machines, motorcycles, grinding machines, car washing machines, utility vehicles, and SUVs for his political associates, giving various gifts in cash and kind.

In today’s society, the importance of these laudable gestures cannot be overemphasised. As I heard him in one or two speeches where he made some promises, most or all that he focuses on are projects and developments that will directly touch people’s lives, and he made it clear that it always touches his heart to see people suffering. He rarely speaks, but he is a man that works the walk.

Furthermore, you have most likely heard once, twice, or even many times that Sen. Maliya has given an award, a scholarship, or an employment opportunity to a close associate or even a family member. I may not work with figures on these gestures, but some never come to the limelight until one circumstance or another brings them, and I believe some may never do so. I can tell you that of all the qualities of a distinguished senator, this particular one is the most fascinating to many of us. 

The religious institutions are not left out in the pools of the Senator’s good deeds as he extends his hands to them. Suppose you did not hear about him renovating and/or building this and that mosque. In that case, you must have heard about him giving one Imam/Sheikh/religious figure a big and luxurious car (s) or bus (es) for the smooth running of religious activities.

I cannot remember a week in the last couple of months that I didn’t see or hear about the Distinguished Senator fulfilling one promise or another and building on so many good works that he never even promised. It has now reached the extent that Gumau has a new slogan, “Maliya Mai Sati-Sati”. A few days ago, he did some of these stunts that became the talk of the town in a state whose government gives out “Akuya” as empowerment.

Bauchi may be a state where circumstances brought the PDP to govern. Still, with Senator Lawal Yahaya Gumau and many others in the APC making substantial positive impacts on their people, the PDP is already a standing-dead party only waiting to be buried come 2023.

Muwaffiq Fa’izu Saleh wrote from Bauchi State via muwaffiq005@gmail.com.

By Kabiru Danladi Lawanti

In a liberal democracy, political representation is a straightforward concept. In Nigeria, every four years, there are elections where citizens pause and turn back to see what their political representatives did to them during their four-year tenure. In a defined geographic area or constituencies, the citizens choose from a range of candidates—themselves citizens living in (or near) that same area—and elect a few to sit in the national assembly as representatives of the people of these constituencies. Yet both theoretically and in practice, it is far more complicated.

While representative democracy is often poetically described as government ‘of the people, by the people, for the people,’ it is not only the people who are represented: political parties, ideologies (in this sense religious and ethnic), business, urban and rural people — to name but a few—are also represented. Furthermore, even the very notion of ‘the people’ is amorphous as a representative cannot possibly represent the full diversity of ‘the people’ and all their divergent and conflicting interests.

Since the return of democracy in Nigeria in 1999, many representatives have been sent to Abuja to represent their constituency at the national level. These constituencies comprise a group of local government areas in a particular state. In some states, the constituencies are formed of a single local government area. For example, in Gombe State, there are six federal constituencies: Akko, which covers the Akko LGA, Balanga/Billiri that covers Balanga and Billiri LGAs, Dukku/Nafada that comprises Dukku and Nafada LGAs. Others are Gombe/Kwami/Funakaye, which contains Gombe, Kwami and Funakaye LGAs; Kaltungo/Shongom, which covers Kaltungo and Shongom LGAs and lastly, the Yamaltu/Deba federal constituency that covers Yamaltu/Deba LGA. These constituencies have sent representatives since 1999. Of particular interest to me is the Akko Federal Constituency, where I came from.

Politics, they said, is a network of no permanent foes but only connected interests. In the last 22 years, the constituency has had six representatives. Of this six, two remained the longest-serving representatives – Bello Suleiman and Usman Bello Kumo. Bello Mohammed spent only one tenure in the National Assembly, from 199-2003. In contrast, Umaru Barambu and Samaila Mu’azu Kashere spent two years each in the hallowed chamber after a court sacked Umaru Barambu in 2017.

To be fair to the reps mentioned above, each tried to develop the area in his way. However, a careful analysis of what came to the constituency in the last three and a half years cannot be compared to any in the previous 22 years. The level of human and capital development witnessed is unprecedented in the entire northeast. The only representative that can match the level of human and capital development brought to the constituency by Usman Bello Kumo (UBK) is Mukhtar Betara. This is obvious, knowing that Betara is Chairman House Committee on Appropriation.

A consummate and highly experienced politician, Usman Bello Kumo has a deep commitment and unrivalled passion for grassroots development. For instance, in his second coming alone, 2019 to date in the National Assembly, he has attracted infrastructural development in many areas of human development like education, health, water, roads, electricity, youth and women empowerment all over the constituency for the betterment of their economy and improved standard of living.

As Chairman, House Committee on Police, Hon UBK was able to also send more than 100 youth into the Nigeria Police Force. One thing is clear, UBK has always stood out among other politicians of his calibre. He has never allowed the trappings and grandeur of office to stand between him and his avowed goals of lifting his people from the shackles of poverty, hunger, disease, homelessness and mass unemployment.

As 2023 approaches, we shall soon be inundated with a mix of the serious, the incredible and sprinkles of the comical as political parties jostle to promote candidates of varying capabilities. These include those who appear to have genuine intentions for service to the people and aspirants who seem pretty content with no more than having their faces splashed around on party banners. Already, we have seen some campaigns of calumny against his person when some rabble-rousers, fighting for recognition, working under the instruction of politicians are sponsoring political jobbers to say many things against the man. This, they do discredit him in the eyes of his teeming supporters. One thing is clear; it seems UBK is not even distracted with these political mudslingers.

Holding onto his mission – an intense zeal for total political, economic and social liberation of his people, Hon UBK has always seen his primary vocation in the political arena as being one of service, duty, benevolence and charity towards his constituents. In this regard, he has abided by his campaign promises of using elective office to improve a lot of his people. This is the direct opposite of what his detractors are doing. His opponent definition of representation is that of trying to use political office to feather their nest, irrespective of the economic fortunes of the electorate that voted for them in the first place.

Notwithstanding these outstanding credentials and track record of success, we must remind Hon UBK, as stakeholders and indigenes of this area, that rural areas need his attention. Most of us in the rural regions of Akko, especially villages like Lawanti, Malam Jamo, Gamadadi, Akko and surrounding towns, are currently facing an acute shortage of water never seen in more than thirty years. My last visit in December 2021 to my home town made me pity the dwellers of these areas. Most have to travel many kilometres to get drinking water. Others use water from streams, competing with their animals. It is a pitiful scenario.

There are also allegations that his empowerment programmes are not all-inclusive. Recently, some communities in Gona District have a cause to go to press to complain that his empowerment programmes were only targeted at Kumo, his hometown. 

As a political maestro, who can be taken literally for his words, Hon UBK needs to pause and turn his attention to these people and listen to their complaints, even if they come from a minority voice. We have no doubt, considering the excellent job he did to his constituency in his first coming 2011-2015 and now, his words, as the proverbial saying goes, can be taken to the bank.

As we approach 2023, politicians, including Hon UBK, understand the importance of an alliance. There is no better time to do this than now. And I am sure he needs the rural areas to launch his return to the National Assembly.

Kabiru Danladi Lawanti wrote from the Department of Mass Communication, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, via kblondon2003@yahoo.com.

By Ahmad Murtala

Ever since Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu declared his ambition to succeed President Buhari earlier this month, the political sphere off and online stirred up debates in favour of Tinubu and the potholes along his way. People cite some irrelevant motifs that may hinder Tinubu’s success. However, these are not paramount of any buyable candidate at the moment, and of course, for the electorate.

The intrinsic status quo of our polity entertains those factors that undermine the democracy and the governance—rating region, tribe, religion, age, school attended, above competency and capacity going even further to dig up the ancestral root of a candidate. The result we are cultivating under this administration says a lot about the mistakes we’ve committed in the past – from  2015 to date—by using only those yardsticks to scrutinize a candidate. Can we still pelt with our intelligence to subscribe to the same mistake of the past come 2023, which appears new dawn to our country?

We imported the American presidential system of government, which is quite expensive and implemented its only cover page. It’s a multi-party system that compels too much spending which a saleable candidate capable of taking the lead is hindered from contesting by the processions. These include the ticket, the campaign, and the mobilization. In this context, two major parties are on the run, which the rest endorses the party that has the chance of winning in subterranean manoeuvre.

The Southeast has configured and domesticated PDP as its political party since 1999, while APC appears nascent in the region—the weakness of the ruling party and the deterioration of the security across the country under the watch of APC makes the nascent party lose its credibility far to the NE. If the president is to emerge from the region, two possibilities may arise.

First, northern people stereotype and characterize PDP as evil, callous and looters, which most of the states in the region are under. Second, APC has lost its shining plate before the people based on what appears on the ground since coming to power in 2015. Therefore, no matter the candidate’s credit from the SE, if APC deems it fit to give the flag bearer to the region to entertain zoning as postulated by some northern state governors, the chances are its success would be a bottleneck.

The polarization within the spheres of politics that SouthEast translates to secession if not given a chance to rule, it appears that PDP would have to play the same card of the last election, by choosing the running mate from the SouthEast, here the North would draw a line looking at the indices of the carnage their businesses faced in the region. Meanwhile, APC would play the South-West and the running mate from the North, perhaps a Muslim-Muslim ticket. The result would be determined by the primaries from the parties in a couple of weeks ahead.  

In those countries that have built the social establishments and have smooth working systems with literally little or no corruption, the age of presidential aspirants is not a matter of concern. We see Biden of US—unlike Nigeria when chunks of domestic battle are entangled yet to be addressed. The age of the candidate matters a lot in this context. Tinubu, who appears to be more robust so far from those who declared their aspiration, is brazenly feeble. If not a good diet and wealth make politicians appear strong, most of the politicians at the frontline ought to assume coach duties guiding the upcoming ones. We forbid the like we’ve seen in this administration by encasing the president in the Villa and plunging the country into anarchy.

From the view and the colour of the game, Atiku Abubakar, the former vice president, would swiftly take the PDP flag and Tinubu APC. Both have been dented by the people’s court to have maliciously accumulated wealth—having no other alternative polling box for the electorate. If history is to repeat itself, Buhari contested four times before he won. Now, Atiku is running on his fifth time is likely to have a smooth ride based on APC losing its credibility because of insecurity across the country. 

The extreme thirst for power to fulfil the ‘need hierarchy’ is not dangerous to the beholder alone. The motive is only to possess the authority without a sketched-architectural blueprint and clear manifestos which will coalesce with the national need. Buhari came on this platter, and the result is unbecoming.

So far, the two giants have not made it to the public the what-and-how to attend to the tangled problems agonizing every sector. The currently delicate security and imbalanced economy are at the top, strangling the country by the neck—finding it arduous to breathe. We, for now, don’t need the so-called ‘kingmakers’ who cannot heed or take advice from the public opinion but become foreign puppets—since, intrinsically, the presumption of superiority as the number-one citizen is established. 

Road to Villa 2023 must come from the parties and play the game card to sew the polarization across the region. The Villa in 2023 and beyond begs for a head that has both stick and carrot in his hands, the one who has a clear understanding of foreign policies and has immediate treatment to our problems, both short and long-term solutions. If to suggest best candidates, there are a multitude of them from SS, SW and NW, both fit in into position of President and Vice President, but for now, let’s see the outcome of the parties convention, which is the utmost decider.

Ahmad Murtala sent this article via ahmadmurtala@outlook.com.