PDP

By Kabir Musa Ringim

Since the return of democracy in Nigeria in 1999, Jigawa state has been governed by three governors: Sule Lamido, Ibrahim Saminu Turaki and the incumbent, Muhammad Badaru Abubakar. They all did their best to change the face of a once castigated state that used to come last in all human capital developmental indices. But Sule Lamido stands tall among them and marks his name as ‘the Father of Modern Jigawa’.

Lamido’s eight-year reign oversaw what many described as aggressive transformation in human, economic and infrastructural development. He changes the face of Jigawa from the poorest, least attractive and least-known state to one of the prettiest states where humans live a decent life. To use his own words, Lamido described Jigawa, under his leadership, as a state with new human species where things are done differently.

Lamido’s administration from 2007 to 2015 transforms every sector, ranging from education, agriculture, infrastructure, economy, etc. Hence, the administration was ranked as one of the best, if not the best, ever seen in any state in Nigeria since 1999.

In 2015, when the All Progressives Congress (APC) overtook power from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) from the federal level down to every elective position in Jigawa, Lamido and his men were left in ruins, crying over their downfall. The worst of it was the defeat of Aminu Ibrahim Ringim, the PDP’s and Lamido’s gubernatorial candidate in the election, and the victory of Muhammad Badaru Abubakar of the APC as the governor.

In 2019, as the incumbent, Badaru Abubakar, sought re-election, Aminu Ringim reemerged as PDP and Lamido’s gubernatorial candidate to wrestle power from the APC led administration. Aminu Ringim lost again, and things started to get rough between him and Lamido. Blames were traded between the two camps, and allegations became severe. The once amicable relationship got frosty. But, there was no love lost between the two in the end.

As the 2023 elections draw nearer, Aminu Ringim and his supporters have decamped to the new and fast-growing party, New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). This has left the main opposition party, the PDP, under Lamido incapacitated as several supporters have followed Aminu Ringim to NNPP.

One of the allegations made by Aminu Ringim’s camp before their defection was that Lamido planned to impose his son, Mustapha Sule Lamido, as the gubernatorial candidate. They claimed that Lamido never really wanted Aminu Ringim to govern Jigawa. According to them, Lamido deliberately scuttled Aminu Ringim’s ambitions to prepare for his son’s candidature at the end of Badaru Abubakar’s tenure in 2023.

As the saying goes, whatever is covered up will be brought to light. Aminu Ringim left PDP for NNPP, and Mustapha Sule Lamido bought nomination and expression of interest forms to contest for 2023 gubernatorial elections under PDP. PDP’s prospects in Jigawa have dwindled with the departure of Aminu Ringim and the strength of the ruling APC. Lamido’s ambition heats the atmosphere of Jigawa politics. People felt insulted, maligned and downgraded by the Lamido family.

Moreover, Mustapha Lamido is an inexperienced man with no single record of public service or political experience. He knows close to nothing about the state he aspires to lead, and people accuse him of having no human relations and lacking respect for the elders, especially the poor. It is well-known that he is just a spoilt kid who got extremely rich when his father was the governor. He has never held an administrative position in local, state or federal governments. Neither has he ever held any position in any political party. His only political experience is that he contested for Senate in 2019 and lost.

In another twist, recently, former Jigawa state governor Ibrahim Saminu Turaki joined forces with Lamidos to revive his diminishing political enterprises. The trio were spotted recently at a political gathering, and it was gathered that Turaki is eyeing a return to the Red Chamber. Whatever the calculation, Mustapha Lamido’s gubernatorial candidacy will not be sold to the Jigawa populace. Turaki is already past his glorious days, as Jigawa people see him as a drowning man trying to get his relevance back. Therefore, his addition to Lamido’s camp will never convince the average person in Jigawa to rally behind, support or vote for Mustapha Lamido as the next governor.

The worst of it all for Lamidos is that the Jigawa people consider their (Lamido’s) dynasty as another face of modern-day slavery. They are condemning Sule Lamido’s moral decadence, from being the champion for the emancipation of the poor and downtrodden under the tutelage of late Mallam Aminu Kano to a dictator trying to impose monarchy in democracy by making his son a governor. Perhaps, after Mustapha’s reign, Lamido will choose another son to succeed him, and the cycle will continue with the Jigawa people under the permanent leadership of Lamido’s family.

But the burden is on the shoulder of all the Jigawa people. The state is not under monarchy or dictatorship; we’re under democracy, and leaders will emerge through our votes. So we should fight for our rights and the freedom of our children, remain true to ourselves and take better actions that will bring about a better tomorrow for the next generation.

We will fight this imposition and keep Jigawa under true democracy where a son of nobody can be somebody. We will neither relent nor surrender because no one else can mislead us and trump upon our liberation. Our choice is clear: we can’t allow monarchy in our democracy. We have several competent people with good character and track record of public service coupled with experience and exposure, capable of leading our state to greater heights.

Kabir Musa Ringim wrote from Hadejia via ringimkabir@gmail.com.

By Salisu Yusuf

When President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida created Katsina State in 1987, we were full of hopes and euphoria that this fledgeling state would fastly grow and prosper from the grips of a complex Kaduna State. The late singer Mamman Shata aptly captured this mood in his popular song “Allah raya Jihar Katsina.” Fortunately, successive military administrations of Governors Abdullahi Sarki Mukhtar (1987/88), Lawrence Onoja (1988/89), and John Madaki (1989/92) gave us the belief as Katsina became the envy of its neighbouring states. But then the curse of anointment sets in.

During the 1991 general elections, Alhaji Sa’idu Barda of NRC (who controversially became the governor) contested against Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’adua of SDP. The latter was so popular that no candidate could beat him in a free and fair poll, thanks to the social leverage his older brother, Alhaji Shehu Musa Yar’adua, wielded. 

Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’adua was about to win the contest when President Babangida intervened and asked the electoral commission to declare Sa’idu Barda the winner. 

President Babangida had a grudge against Shehu Musa ‘Ya’adua. Hence the annulment of the first presidential election in which the late ‘Yar’dua of SDP was leading. The rest, they say, is history. Even though Governor Sa’idu Barda was anointed, he was a gentleman though he lacked ideas and focus. 

From November 1993 to May 1999, during the rules of General Sani Abacha and General Abdulsalam Abubakar, there were three military governors: Emmanuel Acholono (1993/1996), Sama’ila Chama (1996/1998) and Joseph Akaagerger (1998/1999). They ruled but performed less than the first three crops of the military.

Governor Umaru Musa Yar’adua (1999/2007) was the only unanointed governor Katsina has had yet. Although he had his weak links, he was the people’s darling. Public service was politicised as PDP membership guaranteed the executives, political appointees and thugs to go beyond the ethical and the conventional.

Governor ‘Yar’adua (un)knowingly nurtured those politicians who introduced political brigandage in Katsina political space; late Abba Sayyadi Rumah, the immediate past secretary to the Katsina State Government, Alhaji Mustapha Inuwa, etc., were his political disciples. 

However, Governor Yar’adua spearheaded the transformation of the modern Katsina State. He built the famous Umaru Musa Yar’adua University, the new Katsina master plan, College of Legal, Daura, State Secretariat, Katsina Eye Center, Turai Hospital, etc. His legacies are numerous to mention.

Around 2014 when President Obasanjo singlehandedly anointed Late Governor ‘Yar’dua to contest the presidential seat during the 2015 General Election, he further asked ‘Yar’adua to field an unknown figure in the person of Alhaji Ibrahim Shema to contest the governorship seat. ‘Yar’adua had rooted for Alhaji Aminu Masari, the then speaker of the House of Representatives. Umaru had no choice but to oblige because he was also a product of anointment. Obasanjo was also settling a political score because, in 1999, Speaker Masari had vehemently opposed Obasanjo’s tenure elongation. 

Though Governor Shema too performed miracles, it was during his term that corruption was institutionalised. His subsequent trials under the EFCC concerning the Local Government Joint Account fund are a testimony. Shema was so arrogant and daring that he called those outside the PDP cockroaches who deserved to be killed if they interfered with election matters. 

Governor Masari was also a product of anointment though he was also a victim of anointment. During the 2014 APC primaries, the late Senator Kanti Bello was about to win the governorship ticket when the exercise was hijacked in favour of Masari by the so-called Abuja politicians. These people pressurised then General (retd.) Muhammadu Buhari to intervene. Subsequently, the election was skewed in favour of Masari. Late Senator Kanti could not forgive Masari until his sudden death in 2017. 

Legacies are hard to point out in the seven years of the current APC government. So many people taunt the government that its only legacies are the refurbished traffic circles (roundabouts) in Katsina and the painting of schools in APC colours. Katsina State is today indebted to the World Bank and the IMF.

However, one salient advantage of Masari’s government is political tolerance. The government has given the people the right to political affiliation, which was lacking during the PDP.

For Katsina, the anointment curse continues as Governor Masari points to Alhaji Abba Masanawa, the immediate past Managing Director of the Nigerian Security Printing and Minting Company, Abuja as his anointed successor. 

Only time will tell when Katsina will be free from the grips of anointment.

Salisu Yusuf wrote from Katsina via salisuyusuf111@gmail.com.

By Ibrahim Mustapha Pambegua

After an initial denial of rumours that he would join the ruling party, the former Nigerian president, Goodluck Jonathan, has finally ditched his party. However, after long speculations, his defection to APC has continued to elicit mixed reactions in the country.

Before his defection, many signals emerged that the former president had stopped attending activities organised by his former party. The Bayelsa state’s gubernatorial election conducted in 2020, whose former party lost to APC before a court ruled in its favour, suggested Jonathan’s indifference to PDP affairs. Does Jonathan’s defection have to do with how the party treats him during and after the 2015 general elections?

While the former president might have lost the 2015 election due to the zoning arrangements of PDP, which he disregarded and refused to abide by, the betrayal and backstabbing that ensued among trusted party loyalists led to his resounding defeat remains fresh in his mind.

The emergence of a new PDP split group led by Atiku Abubakar, Bukola Saraki, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal and other heavy party juggernauts who abandoned him at the tail end of the party’s convention had wreaked great havoc on his re-election bid. With these politicians who deserted him returning to PDP, Jonathan would not feel comfortable staying with them.

As a former president, Jonathan should be the party’s leader. However, Nelson Wike, Rivers State governor, has hijacked the party and has since been calling the shot. Wike and his surrogates have firmly controlled the party and failed to consult or engage the former president on the party’s decisions.

The inability of PDP to respect or recognise Jonathan as their leader must have dampened his morale and forced him to change his mind. One imagined how the former president, who was a governor, a vice president and president under PDP, could suddenly ditch his benefactor.

The former APC national chairman, extraordinary convention committee, Mai-Mala Buni, must take credit for Jonathan’s defection. The Yobe state governor, during his stint as chairman, visited and subsequently wooed him to APC. Do Malam Buni and his co-travellers sign a pact that they would throw their weight behind his presidential ambition if he joins the party? Jonathan did not only join the ruling party but also bought nomination form through the northern youth group.

Goodluck Jonathan’s presidential ambition has raised some critical questions. First, is the ruling party toeing the dangerous path of PDP by jettisoning its zoning arrangement? With Buhari completing his tenure, one will advise for equity and justice. There is a need for power to be shifted to the South.

Also, during its recent convention, APC opted for Abdullahi Adamu, a northerner, as the National chairman. This development has further buttressed that the South will produce the next president. Moreover, with Jonathan joining the presidential race, what will be the future of southwest politicians, especially Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who sees his contest as a lifetime ambition. It is no understatement to say that President Muhammadu Buhari’s victories in 2015 and 2019 are to the credit of Tinubu and other southwest politicians.

If APC fields Jonathan, the southwest politicians will unite and reject the party. To them, having played second fiddle in the previous elections, the 2023 ticket should be exclusively reserved for them. But, on the other hand, if the ticket is not given to them, there is every tendency of anti-party, as these politicians will ally with either PDP or Kwankwaso’s NNPP to ensure APC loses the election in the region.

Second, who and who are dragging or promoting Jonathan’s presidency and their motives? It was reported that Jonathan’s presidency had two northern governors’ tacit support. One from the northwest and the other one from the northeast. If their plan works as scheduled, Jonathan promised to pick one of them as running mate.

The legal technicalities that may await the former president will unarguably discourage APC from giving him its ticket. Jonathan took an oath of office twice.  If he is allowed to contest and luckily wins the poll, Jonathan will take his third oath of office, which is unconstitutional. This will open up serious court litigations.

What will happen if the opposition PDP finally settles for Atiku Abubakar as their candidate? Will APC stick to Jonathan’s presidency? The former president had received accolades globally for conducting a free and fair election in 2015. Jonathan was the first African president who conceded defeat and called and congratulated the winner even before the result was announced.

Since he left office, his diplomacy performances have endeared him to many Nigerians. However, the former president should have kept a low profile, continued his diplomacy engagement, and advised the country where necessary. With the former president throwing his hat in the ring, what will be his fate during and after the 2023 general elections?

Ibrahim Mustapha Pambegua wrote from Kaduna state via imustapha650@gmail.com.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

Shehu Sani, a former Senator representing Kaduna Central, has decried extortion of aspirants in political parties ahead of the 2023 elections in Nigeria.

On Wednesday, May 18, 2022, Shehu Sani took to his verified Twitter handle to subtly express his displeasure regarding the extortion of aspirants in his party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and others.

“Pay for Form. Pay for Submission of Form. Pay for Screening. Pay or “contribute” for venue and logistics for Primaries. Pay delegates. I’m not supposed to write this, but I have to; Extortionist Tollgates or Checkpoints to power,” Sani tweeted. 

In January, the former senator declared his interest in contesting for the Kaduna State governorship seat. He has consequently obtained his nomination and expression of interest forms.

By Ibrahim Nasidi Saal

A Federal High Court sitting in Kano on Tuesday granted an order of interim injunction restraining the Shehu Sagagi-led executives of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, in Kano from exercising any power pending the hearing and determination of the Motion on Notice.

Mr Sagagi is allegedly loyal to a former governor of Kano State and national leader of the New Nigeria Peoples Party, Rabiu Kwankwaso.

The case was filed before Justice A.M. Bichi by one Bello Bichi against INEC, PDP and 40 others.

The order is as follows:

 “That in order not to create a serious power vacuum In the party at the State level and to prevent any anarchy which could result from such a vacuum, an order of interim injunction is granted restraining the 3″‘ to 42nd Defendants from parading or continuing to parade themselves as the Party Executives of the PDP in Kano State, from exercising any power pursuant thereto, or doing anything in that purported capacity pending the hearing and determination of the Motion on Notice herewith filed, which is fixed for hearing on the 24th day of May, 2022.

“That an order for leave is granted allowing the substituted service of the Court Order and the originating and other subsequent processes on the 3rd to 42nd Defendants by leaving same with or at the office of the 25th Defendant, Mr. I. Wangida, Esq.”

The daily Reality reports that on April 28, another court of concurrent jurisdiction, the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja, had reinstated the Shehu Sagagi-led state and 44 local governments’ executives of PDP, pending the determination of the substantive case before it.

Ruling on the matter, Justice Taiwo O. Taiwo granted all the prayers of the Sagagi-led executives and warned the PDP national leadership against taking any action that would undermine them.

By Muhammad Sabiu

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has begun a quiet probe into the finances of the country’s 18 political parties and presidential candidates.

This came after applicants vying for various political posts in the parties paid exorbitant fees for expressions of interest and nomination papers.

As a result, in a letter, with reference number CB.3383/EFCC/HOPS/HQ/VOL.1/28, titled, ‘Investigation activities’,  the anti-corruption organization has requested that the Independent National Electoral Commission provide it with the bank accounts and other financial information of political parties.

It also demanded that the managing directors of Access Bank and Polaris Bank disclose information on the 14 accounts held by the All Progressives Congress, the Peoples Democratic Party, and another group suspected of being linked to the opposition party.

The ruling APC sold presidential forms for N100 million, while the main opposition party sold them for N40 million. In addition, APC governorship candidates paid N50 million, while those declaring for the Senate, House of Representatives, and state legislatures paid N20 million, N10 million, and N2 million, respectively, for their nomination and declaration of interest forms.

The PDP, on the other hand, sold gubernatorial forms for N21 million, Senate forms for N3.5 million, House of Representatives forms for N2.5 million, and state Houses of Assembly forms for N600,000.

While the minor parties paid lower rates for their forms, many Nigerians were outraged by the hefty nomination fees required by the two leading parties, which Transparency International described as a kind of money laundering.

Last week, on Channels Television’s Politics Today, EFCC Chairman Abdulrasheed Bawa hinted that the agency will monitor campaign finances, particularly the authenticity of monies used to acquire nomination forms ahead of the 2023 general elections.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

Nigeria’s Green Chamber, the House of Representatives, has called for an emergency session scheduled to hold on Monday. 

The clerk of the House, Yahaya Danzaria, in a statement on Saturday, April 6, 2022, announced that the emergency session would hold on Monday. However, the clerk did not state any specific reason for the emergency but said in the terse notice that critical issues of national importance would be discussed. 

“This is to inform all Hon. Members, staff, media and the general public that the House hereby recalls all Hon. Members for an emergency plenary session against Monday, 9th May, 2022, at 2:00 pm. It is particularly intended to discuss critical issues of national importance. The House regrets any inconvenience this short notice would have caused,” The notice reads.

It is unusual for the House to sit for plenary on Mondays. Usually, they sit on Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays.

However, the House members have been reportedly neglecting plenary sessions. It is believed that the incoming political parties’ primaries are the reason.

Ibrahim Nasidi Saal

Nine members of the Kano State House of Assembly elected on the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) platform have defected to the New Nigeria People Party (NNPP).

The spokesperson of the Assembly, Uba Abdullahi, announced this in a statement he issued on Friday. He said the members had sent a letter to the Speaker of the House notifying the House of their defection.

He said some of the members cited a leadership tussle in the PDP at state and national levels for their action.

The affected members include:

 Isyaku Ali Danja (Gezawa Constituency), 

Umar Musa Gama (Nassarawa Constituency),

Aminu Sa’adu Ungogo (Ungogo Constituency),

Lawan Hussain Chediyar ‘Yan Gurasa (Dala Constituency)

Tukur Muhammad (Fagge Constituency).

Mu’azzam El-Yakub (Dawakin Kudu Constituency)

Garba Shehu Fammar (Kibiya Constituency)

Abubakar Uba Galadima (Bebeji Constituency)

Mudassir Ibrahim Zawaciki (Kumbotso Constituency).

Earlier on April 29, the House announced the defection of a member representing Kano Municipal, Salisu Gwangwazo, from the PDP to the ruling All Progressive Congress (APC), also citing an internal crisis in the main opposition party

However, the latest defections are widely seen to be connected to the movement of a former governor of the state, Rabiu Kwankwaso, from the PDP to the NNPP.

Mr Kwankwaso moved to the NNPP earlier this year and is expected to run for president on the party’s ticket.

Kwankwaso’s defection has triggered the mass defection of his followers from the PDP to the NNPP. Some of them have taken party positions ahead of the party’s primaries.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Godwin Emefiele, 60-year-old Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, is one of the presidential hopefuls whose ‘aspiration’ has become a surprise to some people, and admiration to some other people.

Some people were surprised when Emefiele’s name popped up among the presidential hopefuls. This class of people thought that as an experienced economist heading Nigeria’s apex bank, Emefiele should concentrate on his job of formulating monetary policies, controlling inflation, and managing other economic fluctuations, while championing innovation to ensure the nation’s economic and financial stability.

On the other hand, the people who see Emefiele as a strong candidate believe that with the remarkable successes of the programs and schemes initiated or being implemented by Emefiele; if as president of Nigeria he will not only expand them but will also apply his wealth of experience as a development finance expert to stimulate the economy via other economic programs that will reflect on local needs in line with global trends. This group of people always cite schemes like the anchor borrower program- which has successfully created economic linkages between smallholder farmers and reputable companies involved in the production and processing of key agricultural commodities and the COVID-19 intervention that has cushioned the adverse effects of COVID-19 on households and MSMEs.

In the last five years, the CBN under Emefiele has disbursed over N114.09 billion to support the fertilizer industry- Nigeria had seven Fertilizer blending plants in 2016, and only four were operational. As of today, there were 62 functioning blending plants. These and many economic policies and progress are the ladders these people stand on to cheer Emefiele on, as a strong aspirant. There are reports that many farmers in the north, especially rice farmers have termed their successes as ‘Emefiele’.

Furthermore, political pundits are of the view that Emefiele’s candidature can be a very important political balancer for the APC ahead of the 2023 presidency game. Firstly, no camp in the Southwest will feel cheated with the Emefiele candidature since he directly doesn’t belong to any of them; but can be incorporated into any camp seamlessly.

Secondly, Emefiele from Ika South, Agbor region of Delta State, SouthSouth Nigeria, can also be linked to the cousins of the Igbos in the Southeast. This will to some extent calm the nerves of the advocates of the Igbo presidency and achieve geopolitical equity. For example. Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency was a stabilizing force in the southeast’s politics and social order.  Some political pundits believe that Emefiele, as president can also play that role, now that the Southeast is in agitation for the presidential seat. 

The time has come for Emefiele to officially declare whether he will contest or not. This is very important to clear the air- politics or CBN Governor.  If Emefiele will not contest- let him continue with his task as the driver of Nigeria’s monetary policies and other important roles of the CBN. However, if he decides to contest – this will be a big one in the field of the 2023 presidency game in the APC- already groups like the Emefiele Support Group and Arewa Alliance for the Presidency of Godwin Emefiele (AAPGE) have reached out to many quarters in the country campaigning for Emefiele.

So, what remains for Emefiele is political alliances, negotiation, and courting- this will be easy for him because of his privileged position. However, he also needs to understand that politics is not Development Finance. It is a game where a primary school dropout can teach or even ‘scold’ a Central Bank Governor!

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Muhammadu Sabiu

Governor Abdullahi Ganduje of Kano State has predicted that Nyesom Wike of Rivers State will lose the presidency in 2023.

Wike, according to Ganduje, would be a good loser because he is courageous.

He made the remarks while receiving the presidential candidate from the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, in Kano.

Ganduje said, “So, you have come to see your brothers and sisters. Good. You are aspiring for the president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. We see your efforts.

“And at the end of it, you’d lose, but you’ll be a good loser. I appreciate good losers because they have courage. And since you are doing it peacefully, you’ll live long to fight again. I congratulate you, Mr ‘Wise’ Wike. Thank you, and God bless.”

Recall that the Rivers State governor has recently shown his aspiration to govern Nigeria in 2023, noting that he stands a good opportunity to clinch power from the All Progressives Congress, APC.