PDP

Three years down the line: A reminder to Governor Bala

By Sulaiman Maijama’a

This is a complex piece to write. How can anyone following my writings from the start of the Bala Mohammed’s led-administration not submit that I have been a hailer of this government? In 2020, to celebrate Gov. Bala’s first anniversary in office, I dedicated a fifteen-paragraph piece titled, “Gov. Bala @365 day: Journey so far”, in which I dwelled much on the governor’s giant strides, despite inheriting a failed government.

In his second year, it was a thirty-five-paragraph piece I wrote titled, “Two years under review: Bauchi State wears a new face”. These are apart from the weekly piece I used to write, which, if aggregated, would produce a voluminous book—all in an attempt to unveil the achievements and areas of strength of this government. 

This year as the governor marks his three years in office, it should be a time for sober reflection and critical thinking on the underperformed areas, or to put it more appropriately, areas more need to be done.

I feel I will not be fair to the governor if I don’t help him embark on self-assessment and self-criticism to increase his speed.

“Verily, political power is a vicegerency from Allah and a stewardship from God’s Apostle”, says Imam Muhammad Ibn Abdulkarim (as quoted in “Principles of Leadership”). Caliph Muhammad Bello is quoted in “Usul al-Siyasa” to have said, “be informed, my brother, that one of the most serious misfortunes that may befall a servant of Allah is to be a leader for the consequences of having to render a full account of the office.” On this note, leaders at all levels need to be reminded of the responsibilities they are saddled with.

There is no iota of doubt that, under the leadership of Senator Bala Muhammad, Bauchi State has become the Ameerah among its sisters in Nigeria in terms of infrastructural development. Bala Mohammed has actualised a gleaming new city. Suppose one is to aggregate the number of infrastructural projects so far executed in the state and divide them by the number of days within three years (1095 days). In that case, they will discover that no single day passed on without a project since Bala Mohammed assumed responsibility as the Executive Governor of Bauchi State.

However, beyond physical projects, have other sectors not been forgotten? Has education received the priority it is worth?  Someone will say that His Excellency has built new model schools and upgraded and renovated many. Yes, sure, I cited them many times as achievements. But beyond the surface, what about the teachers’ welfare, salaries, and allowances? To the best of my knowledge, since His Excellency came in, no single teacher in Bauchi State has been promoted. More importantly, we do not have a single strategic policy for improving the standard of education. These can defeat the aim of the polished model schools.

Let me remind His Excellency that during the previous administration of Muhammad Abdullahi Abubakar, he used to have a Special Adviser on Students’ Affairs, the position Governor Bala is yet to appoint, despite its importance. It seems ironic that governor Bala has SA for unmarried women but does not have one for students. Maybe the absence of this position is the reason for the tribulation befalling the indigene students of Bauchi State because they do not have anyone, appointed apart from a commissioner, to stand for them and to speak their voices.

Governor Bala is passionate about quality education because appointing Dr Aliyu Tilde as Commissioner for Education indicates that. But I don’t know the wisdom behind the termination of the sponsorship of 200 students of Malikiyya College of Health whose sponsorship was offered by the previous administration. Some of them had to give up schooling for a lack of financial capacity.

In the same vein, international scholarship, which is obtainable in sister stateslike Kano (where super-intelligent students are sponsored to study abroad), has been terminated. The local scholarship was paid only once and partially disbursed to only a few students whose institutions are in Bauchi State. Similarly, I don’t know if His Excellency is aware that the medical bond given to medical students as stipends by the previous administration has been disrupted, despite the challenges of the health sector. As the saying goes, “Health is wealth” and “education is the backbone of every development”. These students are an asset to our society. Thus, however much is invested in them will eventually payback. His Excellency needs to ponder on this.

On the issue of salaries, there still exists a problem. Not only that, people worry why despite death, retirement and a record of no employment, there has been an exponential rise in the Bauchi State wage bill from N4.5 billion to N7billion?  I’m not unaware of the fact that to address the challenges on the issue, the governor, on Thursday, September 10th, 2020, hosted a Media Parley with civil servants, labour leaders, government officials, elder statesmen, stakeholders and the media where massive corruption in the system was exposed. But recommendations were made by the financial consulting firm, DYNATECH Solutions Limited, contracted by the state government, but nothing seems to be improving. Some civil servants still spend months without a salary. They are suffocating.

Some people tell the governor that no government is without fault; every government comes with its shortcoming. Frankly, in Bauchi State, it comes with any flaws but not issues of salaries because Bauchi is a civil servants state. We like His Excellency, but we fear his opponents will use this to their advantage and campaign against him.

On the other hand, business people in the state have also been registering their discontent. His Excellency may have forgotten that during his campaign at Central Market, Bauchi, he promised that, if elected, he would inject into the annual budget,  Five Hundred Million Naira (500 000 000) earmarked as a loan to business people in the state. I believe this will be a good initiative and will help improve business. But, alas, three years have gone, and it is yet to be actualised. 

Similarly, His Excellency should begin to see to the welfare of his people, especially politicians who had made sacrifices to ensure that he comes on board. Honestly, many of them are not better than those in opposition party, despite their contributions and closeness to this government. These people may not summon the courage to tell the governor, but they open up when you speak to them off the record. Therefore, you cannot accuse them of anticipating a payoff from the government they brought in. Let me borrow Mahmud Jega’s words: to accuse a politician of expecting something in return from the government they supported and brought in is like accusing a person who attends prayers of expecting to be rewarded in the hereafter.

There are many ways these people can be helped. Why not learn from Jigawa State by giving them small-small contracts? Say, Mr. “A” bring the furniture to SSG’s office, give him N500 000;  Mr. “B” provide fuel for official cars in the governor’s office, 1 000 000; Mr. “C” bring chemicals for washing toilets in the government house;  produce chairs in primary schools;  build bathroom among others. Don’t give them a contract above N5 Million. They will still appreciate and be contented. With this, money will be circulating among people, thereby increasing the welfare of all and sundry. Being a staunch supporter of this government, I don’t want to believe that the contract is for “family and friends”, a slogan this administration is taunted with. 

Finally, I commiserate with the governor on his defeat in the recent PDP Presidential Primary Election. Keep the dream alive; the future holds a lot. We still need him as the executive governor of our dear state. One year is enough for him to remedy the observations mentioned above, which I raised out of concern.

My best wishes.

Maijama’a, Faculty of Communication, Bayero University, Kano. He can be reached via sulaimanmaija@gmail.com.

PDP will not win 2023 elections

By Aliyu Nuhu

When I analyze this election, you see some people shouting bias, especially when the prediction did not suit them. I said Atiku would clinch the ticket. I only stated the obvious fact based on my own calculations. It didn’t mean I liked Atiku or disliked Wike. Just that I knew Atiku mastered the art of political brinkmanship and he has experience and wider network and followers above all the contenders. He can’t be a vice president for eight years and run for president the sixth times for nothing.

Now I said Tinubu will take the APC ticket. The wait won’t be long but facts on ground support his candidacy. If it is about winning this election, APC can’t make the mistake of destroying the regional alignment that gave it power in 2015. North and Southwest can work together and cruise home to victory.

PDP will not win this election whether Buhari is popular or not. Whether his government failed to deliver on its promises and rubbished Nigeria’s economy and allowed insecurity to exacerbate people’s suffering is also immaterial. Performance is a good requirement but winning Nigeria’s election is not that straightforward because of the kind of voters we have who are largely poor and ignorant.

Democracy flourishes where there is prosperity and enlightenment among the voters. Stomach infrastructure plays a bigger role in Nigeria’s election. I am saying this to underscore the importance of having governors during presidential election. No party with a sitting governor will fail to get at least 25% of the votes of his state.

In this election APC has all the states where the numbers are concentrated and will surely deliver their states to the party. PDP has only four states in the North.

Having federal government is another big booster to APC. Security agencies always work for the government in power. There is also federal resources from CBN and NNPC and what the ministers will bring on the table from their ministries. Even INEC is working hands in gloves with federal government. APC has a big advantage there over PDP.

Some people will argue why PDP lost election in 2015 when it was in power. It was because the PDP broke to pieces before the election with all the important governors leaving the party. Jonathan was stoned in states where PDP had governors. If you don’t have governors that will work for you, forget presidential election. It is impossible to win Nigeria’s election without controlling states.

The danger of PDP relying on South East votes is that there are few voters there despite the region being notorious for voter apathy. Actions of IPOB will also stop people from voting, this is the reason why I say the region is not important in winning election. This a fact not a support for APC.

Atiku has tenaciously been in the race for Nigeria’s president and with his fierce independece and good health he will outperform other candidates. But this is a moment of truth. He is in the losing party and may have to wait for Tinubu to finish his eight year terms, besides the fact that the North cannot rule Nigeria forever. Power has to go to the South this time, and Southwest for that matter.

Last year I wrote on the biological retirement of older northern Nigerians and after 2023 if you add with years to their ages, most of them will either be in their graves or in their late seventies and eighties struggling with health issues.

Shehu Sani loses PDP governorship primary election

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari.

Human rights activist and former senator, Shehu Sani, has failed to secure the Kaduna governorship ticket of the People’s Democratic Party, PDP.

Sani only got two votes from delegates in the primary election conducted by the PDP on Wednesday, May 25, 2022.

Sani accepted the election’s outcome as fate and has taken to his verified Twitter handle to congratulate the winner, Isah Ashiru.

“The Kaduna PDP Governorship primaries has [sic] been concluded. I lost, and Honourable Isah Ashiru won.

I wish to congratulate him. Two Delegates voted for me without giving them a dime; unfortunately, I don’t know who they are, so that I can appreciate these clean votes. We look forward,” he tweeted. 

Many believed Sani’s refusal to pay delegates amounts to his failure in the primary election. He has repeatedly vowed not to pay delegates to vote for him, a decision that many consider laudable but has caused him a significant setback in his political career.

Yobe North: The quest for effective legislator, Abba Sarki and the rest of contenders

By Umar Yahaya

Yobe North has been blessed with the representation of an experienced lawmaker, Distinguished Dr Ahmad Ibrahim Lawan, a fourth times senator and President of the Senate, who is now seeking support and collaboration to replace Buhari as the President in the forthcoming election. I wish him the best this journey has to offer; he possesses all the requirements to be President.

However, in the epoch-making election (2023), the Yobe North requires an experienced person to represent it in the tenth (10) Senate. So we are in the stage of opening a new chapter. Of all the contenders, only Abba Sarki possessed the qualifications, wisdom, brilliance, prudence and knowledge to represent it. I’m not embroidering anything here; it’s based on records, facts and figures. In a democratic setting, when someone presents himself for an elective office, the expectations are simple; what are your public or private sectors records and experiences? What have you done to people and your community before? What makes you a credible and right candidate for the position? These can allow us to put you on a scale and measure your weight and whether you deserve our vote and support.

Going by these, I would say Abba deserved to fly the APC flag. He has knowledge and expertise, rising to Director of Human Resources, Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Rural development and recently retired. A graduate of Political Science, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. He knows and understands what it entails to be an administrator and manage resources. As the saying goes, “Good laws do not make themselves”. It requires inputs of time, lots of information, selection of what is based for the people, and articulating them into laws for the country’s benefit and its progress and development. I am confident he can perform well and do a great thing as he did before he retired from civil service. 

His public service understanding and knowledge give him more advantage over other contenders. He would sustain what was started by the current senator and consolidate the gains achieved. He inspired hope for a better tomorrow and representation. He would do a great job when given the mandate. In an ideal environment, a merit leadership position is your capacity and foresight, the vision and goals you have for the people. He has these attributes. 

In records, Abba Sarki facilitated projects as a Director, Federal Ministry of Agriculture to our communities; it is visible. No one would dispute or deny this, from the construction of roads in Nguru, Machina and Karasuwa Local Governments, rehabilitation of infrastructure, specifically, Nguru Abattoir to an ultra-modern facility, drilling boreholes and provision of solar energy to both rural and urban communities. Facilitated training of youth and women in various skills such as fisheries and animal rearing.

In his desire to bring change and development to our communities, he helps in employment our people in different government Ministries, Departments, and Agencies. These are what make him stand out as the best for the job. Anyone who can’t show what he has done before seeking an elective office doesn’t deserve to present himself for any office or our vote. Politics is all about getting what is best for your people.

What is needed for the APC, His Excellency, Hon. Mai Mala Buni, Senator Ahmad Ibrahim Lawan and Zonal APC stakeholders to allow for free, fair, and credible primary elections. Our people deserved the best. A zone that produced the President of the Senate requires a man with better qualifications, experiences and connections. His representation would give an equal opportunity, do a great job and wanders for his people, state and country.    

My prayers and hopes are that Abba Sarki is given a chance to represent us. He would command respect from his peers. He is charismatic, calm, kind, a beacon of hope, bold, hardworking, and committed to seeing our societies’ progress and development.

Let’s do it together.

Let’s change the narratives.

We deserve better.

We inspired hope.

New Vision.

Umar Yahaya wrote from Hausari Ward, Nguru, Yobe via umarnguru2015@gmail.com.

Jigawa amid struggle to fight monarchy in democracy

By Kabir Musa Ringim

Since the return of democracy in Nigeria in 1999, Jigawa state has been governed by three governors: Sule Lamido, Ibrahim Saminu Turaki and the incumbent, Muhammad Badaru Abubakar. They all did their best to change the face of a once castigated state that used to come last in all human capital developmental indices. But Sule Lamido stands tall among them and marks his name as ‘the Father of Modern Jigawa’.

Lamido’s eight-year reign oversaw what many described as aggressive transformation in human, economic and infrastructural development. He changes the face of Jigawa from the poorest, least attractive and least-known state to one of the prettiest states where humans live a decent life. To use his own words, Lamido described Jigawa, under his leadership, as a state with new human species where things are done differently.

Lamido’s administration from 2007 to 2015 transforms every sector, ranging from education, agriculture, infrastructure, economy, etc. Hence, the administration was ranked as one of the best, if not the best, ever seen in any state in Nigeria since 1999.

In 2015, when the All Progressives Congress (APC) overtook power from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) from the federal level down to every elective position in Jigawa, Lamido and his men were left in ruins, crying over their downfall. The worst of it was the defeat of Aminu Ibrahim Ringim, the PDP’s and Lamido’s gubernatorial candidate in the election, and the victory of Muhammad Badaru Abubakar of the APC as the governor.

In 2019, as the incumbent, Badaru Abubakar, sought re-election, Aminu Ringim reemerged as PDP and Lamido’s gubernatorial candidate to wrestle power from the APC led administration. Aminu Ringim lost again, and things started to get rough between him and Lamido. Blames were traded between the two camps, and allegations became severe. The once amicable relationship got frosty. But, there was no love lost between the two in the end.

As the 2023 elections draw nearer, Aminu Ringim and his supporters have decamped to the new and fast-growing party, New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). This has left the main opposition party, the PDP, under Lamido incapacitated as several supporters have followed Aminu Ringim to NNPP.

One of the allegations made by Aminu Ringim’s camp before their defection was that Lamido planned to impose his son, Mustapha Sule Lamido, as the gubernatorial candidate. They claimed that Lamido never really wanted Aminu Ringim to govern Jigawa. According to them, Lamido deliberately scuttled Aminu Ringim’s ambitions to prepare for his son’s candidature at the end of Badaru Abubakar’s tenure in 2023.

As the saying goes, whatever is covered up will be brought to light. Aminu Ringim left PDP for NNPP, and Mustapha Sule Lamido bought nomination and expression of interest forms to contest for 2023 gubernatorial elections under PDP. PDP’s prospects in Jigawa have dwindled with the departure of Aminu Ringim and the strength of the ruling APC. Lamido’s ambition heats the atmosphere of Jigawa politics. People felt insulted, maligned and downgraded by the Lamido family.

Moreover, Mustapha Lamido is an inexperienced man with no single record of public service or political experience. He knows close to nothing about the state he aspires to lead, and people accuse him of having no human relations and lacking respect for the elders, especially the poor. It is well-known that he is just a spoilt kid who got extremely rich when his father was the governor. He has never held an administrative position in local, state or federal governments. Neither has he ever held any position in any political party. His only political experience is that he contested for Senate in 2019 and lost.

In another twist, recently, former Jigawa state governor Ibrahim Saminu Turaki joined forces with Lamidos to revive his diminishing political enterprises. The trio were spotted recently at a political gathering, and it was gathered that Turaki is eyeing a return to the Red Chamber. Whatever the calculation, Mustapha Lamido’s gubernatorial candidacy will not be sold to the Jigawa populace. Turaki is already past his glorious days, as Jigawa people see him as a drowning man trying to get his relevance back. Therefore, his addition to Lamido’s camp will never convince the average person in Jigawa to rally behind, support or vote for Mustapha Lamido as the next governor.

The worst of it all for Lamidos is that the Jigawa people consider their (Lamido’s) dynasty as another face of modern-day slavery. They are condemning Sule Lamido’s moral decadence, from being the champion for the emancipation of the poor and downtrodden under the tutelage of late Mallam Aminu Kano to a dictator trying to impose monarchy in democracy by making his son a governor. Perhaps, after Mustapha’s reign, Lamido will choose another son to succeed him, and the cycle will continue with the Jigawa people under the permanent leadership of Lamido’s family.

But the burden is on the shoulder of all the Jigawa people. The state is not under monarchy or dictatorship; we’re under democracy, and leaders will emerge through our votes. So we should fight for our rights and the freedom of our children, remain true to ourselves and take better actions that will bring about a better tomorrow for the next generation.

We will fight this imposition and keep Jigawa under true democracy where a son of nobody can be somebody. We will neither relent nor surrender because no one else can mislead us and trump upon our liberation. Our choice is clear: we can’t allow monarchy in our democracy. We have several competent people with good character and track record of public service coupled with experience and exposure, capable of leading our state to greater heights.

Kabir Musa Ringim wrote from Hadejia via ringimkabir@gmail.com.

2023 elections, Katsina and the curse of anointment

By Salisu Yusuf

When President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida created Katsina State in 1987, we were full of hopes and euphoria that this fledgeling state would fastly grow and prosper from the grips of a complex Kaduna State. The late singer Mamman Shata aptly captured this mood in his popular song “Allah raya Jihar Katsina.” Fortunately, successive military administrations of Governors Abdullahi Sarki Mukhtar (1987/88), Lawrence Onoja (1988/89), and John Madaki (1989/92) gave us the belief as Katsina became the envy of its neighbouring states. But then the curse of anointment sets in.

During the 1991 general elections, Alhaji Sa’idu Barda of NRC (who controversially became the governor) contested against Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’adua of SDP. The latter was so popular that no candidate could beat him in a free and fair poll, thanks to the social leverage his older brother, Alhaji Shehu Musa Yar’adua, wielded. 

Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’adua was about to win the contest when President Babangida intervened and asked the electoral commission to declare Sa’idu Barda the winner. 

President Babangida had a grudge against Shehu Musa ‘Ya’adua. Hence the annulment of the first presidential election in which the late ‘Yar’dua of SDP was leading. The rest, they say, is history. Even though Governor Sa’idu Barda was anointed, he was a gentleman though he lacked ideas and focus. 

From November 1993 to May 1999, during the rules of General Sani Abacha and General Abdulsalam Abubakar, there were three military governors: Emmanuel Acholono (1993/1996), Sama’ila Chama (1996/1998) and Joseph Akaagerger (1998/1999). They ruled but performed less than the first three crops of the military.

Governor Umaru Musa Yar’adua (1999/2007) was the only unanointed governor Katsina has had yet. Although he had his weak links, he was the people’s darling. Public service was politicised as PDP membership guaranteed the executives, political appointees and thugs to go beyond the ethical and the conventional.

Governor ‘Yar’adua (un)knowingly nurtured those politicians who introduced political brigandage in Katsina political space; late Abba Sayyadi Rumah, the immediate past secretary to the Katsina State Government, Alhaji Mustapha Inuwa, etc., were his political disciples. 

However, Governor Yar’adua spearheaded the transformation of the modern Katsina State. He built the famous Umaru Musa Yar’adua University, the new Katsina master plan, College of Legal, Daura, State Secretariat, Katsina Eye Center, Turai Hospital, etc. His legacies are numerous to mention.

Around 2014 when President Obasanjo singlehandedly anointed Late Governor ‘Yar’dua to contest the presidential seat during the 2015 General Election, he further asked ‘Yar’adua to field an unknown figure in the person of Alhaji Ibrahim Shema to contest the governorship seat. ‘Yar’adua had rooted for Alhaji Aminu Masari, the then speaker of the House of Representatives. Umaru had no choice but to oblige because he was also a product of anointment. Obasanjo was also settling a political score because, in 1999, Speaker Masari had vehemently opposed Obasanjo’s tenure elongation. 

Though Governor Shema too performed miracles, it was during his term that corruption was institutionalised. His subsequent trials under the EFCC concerning the Local Government Joint Account fund are a testimony. Shema was so arrogant and daring that he called those outside the PDP cockroaches who deserved to be killed if they interfered with election matters. 

Governor Masari was also a product of anointment though he was also a victim of anointment. During the 2014 APC primaries, the late Senator Kanti Bello was about to win the governorship ticket when the exercise was hijacked in favour of Masari by the so-called Abuja politicians. These people pressurised then General (retd.) Muhammadu Buhari to intervene. Subsequently, the election was skewed in favour of Masari. Late Senator Kanti could not forgive Masari until his sudden death in 2017. 

Legacies are hard to point out in the seven years of the current APC government. So many people taunt the government that its only legacies are the refurbished traffic circles (roundabouts) in Katsina and the painting of schools in APC colours. Katsina State is today indebted to the World Bank and the IMF.

However, one salient advantage of Masari’s government is political tolerance. The government has given the people the right to political affiliation, which was lacking during the PDP.

For Katsina, the anointment curse continues as Governor Masari points to Alhaji Abba Masanawa, the immediate past Managing Director of the Nigerian Security Printing and Minting Company, Abuja as his anointed successor. 

Only time will tell when Katsina will be free from the grips of anointment.

Salisu Yusuf wrote from Katsina via salisuyusuf111@gmail.com.

2023: Who is pushing for Jonathan’s presidency?

By Ibrahim Mustapha Pambegua

After an initial denial of rumours that he would join the ruling party, the former Nigerian president, Goodluck Jonathan, has finally ditched his party. However, after long speculations, his defection to APC has continued to elicit mixed reactions in the country.

Before his defection, many signals emerged that the former president had stopped attending activities organised by his former party. The Bayelsa state’s gubernatorial election conducted in 2020, whose former party lost to APC before a court ruled in its favour, suggested Jonathan’s indifference to PDP affairs. Does Jonathan’s defection have to do with how the party treats him during and after the 2015 general elections?

While the former president might have lost the 2015 election due to the zoning arrangements of PDP, which he disregarded and refused to abide by, the betrayal and backstabbing that ensued among trusted party loyalists led to his resounding defeat remains fresh in his mind.

The emergence of a new PDP split group led by Atiku Abubakar, Bukola Saraki, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal and other heavy party juggernauts who abandoned him at the tail end of the party’s convention had wreaked great havoc on his re-election bid. With these politicians who deserted him returning to PDP, Jonathan would not feel comfortable staying with them.

As a former president, Jonathan should be the party’s leader. However, Nelson Wike, Rivers State governor, has hijacked the party and has since been calling the shot. Wike and his surrogates have firmly controlled the party and failed to consult or engage the former president on the party’s decisions.

The inability of PDP to respect or recognise Jonathan as their leader must have dampened his morale and forced him to change his mind. One imagined how the former president, who was a governor, a vice president and president under PDP, could suddenly ditch his benefactor.

The former APC national chairman, extraordinary convention committee, Mai-Mala Buni, must take credit for Jonathan’s defection. The Yobe state governor, during his stint as chairman, visited and subsequently wooed him to APC. Do Malam Buni and his co-travellers sign a pact that they would throw their weight behind his presidential ambition if he joins the party? Jonathan did not only join the ruling party but also bought nomination form through the northern youth group.

Goodluck Jonathan’s presidential ambition has raised some critical questions. First, is the ruling party toeing the dangerous path of PDP by jettisoning its zoning arrangement? With Buhari completing his tenure, one will advise for equity and justice. There is a need for power to be shifted to the South.

Also, during its recent convention, APC opted for Abdullahi Adamu, a northerner, as the National chairman. This development has further buttressed that the South will produce the next president. Moreover, with Jonathan joining the presidential race, what will be the future of southwest politicians, especially Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who sees his contest as a lifetime ambition. It is no understatement to say that President Muhammadu Buhari’s victories in 2015 and 2019 are to the credit of Tinubu and other southwest politicians.

If APC fields Jonathan, the southwest politicians will unite and reject the party. To them, having played second fiddle in the previous elections, the 2023 ticket should be exclusively reserved for them. But, on the other hand, if the ticket is not given to them, there is every tendency of anti-party, as these politicians will ally with either PDP or Kwankwaso’s NNPP to ensure APC loses the election in the region.

Second, who and who are dragging or promoting Jonathan’s presidency and their motives? It was reported that Jonathan’s presidency had two northern governors’ tacit support. One from the northwest and the other one from the northeast. If their plan works as scheduled, Jonathan promised to pick one of them as running mate.

The legal technicalities that may await the former president will unarguably discourage APC from giving him its ticket. Jonathan took an oath of office twice.  If he is allowed to contest and luckily wins the poll, Jonathan will take his third oath of office, which is unconstitutional. This will open up serious court litigations.

What will happen if the opposition PDP finally settles for Atiku Abubakar as their candidate? Will APC stick to Jonathan’s presidency? The former president had received accolades globally for conducting a free and fair election in 2015. Jonathan was the first African president who conceded defeat and called and congratulated the winner even before the result was announced.

Since he left office, his diplomacy performances have endeared him to many Nigerians. However, the former president should have kept a low profile, continued his diplomacy engagement, and advised the country where necessary. With the former president throwing his hat in the ring, what will be his fate during and after the 2023 general elections?

Ibrahim Mustapha Pambegua wrote from Kaduna state via imustapha650@gmail.com.

Shehu Sani decries money politics

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

Shehu Sani, a former Senator representing Kaduna Central, has decried extortion of aspirants in political parties ahead of the 2023 elections in Nigeria.

On Wednesday, May 18, 2022, Shehu Sani took to his verified Twitter handle to subtly express his displeasure regarding the extortion of aspirants in his party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and others.

“Pay for Form. Pay for Submission of Form. Pay for Screening. Pay or “contribute” for venue and logistics for Primaries. Pay delegates. I’m not supposed to write this, but I have to; Extortionist Tollgates or Checkpoints to power,” Sani tweeted. 

In January, the former senator declared his interest in contesting for the Kaduna State governorship seat. He has consequently obtained his nomination and expression of interest forms.

Kano court restrains Sagagi-led PDP executives

By Ibrahim Nasidi Saal

A Federal High Court sitting in Kano on Tuesday granted an order of interim injunction restraining the Shehu Sagagi-led executives of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, in Kano from exercising any power pending the hearing and determination of the Motion on Notice.

Mr Sagagi is allegedly loyal to a former governor of Kano State and national leader of the New Nigeria Peoples Party, Rabiu Kwankwaso.

The case was filed before Justice A.M. Bichi by one Bello Bichi against INEC, PDP and 40 others.

The order is as follows:

 “That in order not to create a serious power vacuum In the party at the State level and to prevent any anarchy which could result from such a vacuum, an order of interim injunction is granted restraining the 3″‘ to 42nd Defendants from parading or continuing to parade themselves as the Party Executives of the PDP in Kano State, from exercising any power pursuant thereto, or doing anything in that purported capacity pending the hearing and determination of the Motion on Notice herewith filed, which is fixed for hearing on the 24th day of May, 2022.

“That an order for leave is granted allowing the substituted service of the Court Order and the originating and other subsequent processes on the 3rd to 42nd Defendants by leaving same with or at the office of the 25th Defendant, Mr. I. Wangida, Esq.”

The daily Reality reports that on April 28, another court of concurrent jurisdiction, the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja, had reinstated the Shehu Sagagi-led state and 44 local governments’ executives of PDP, pending the determination of the substantive case before it.

Ruling on the matter, Justice Taiwo O. Taiwo granted all the prayers of the Sagagi-led executives and warned the PDP national leadership against taking any action that would undermine them.

EFCC probes political parties’ finances, seeks INEC’s assistance

By Muhammad Sabiu

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has begun a quiet probe into the finances of the country’s 18 political parties and presidential candidates.

This came after applicants vying for various political posts in the parties paid exorbitant fees for expressions of interest and nomination papers.

As a result, in a letter, with reference number CB.3383/EFCC/HOPS/HQ/VOL.1/28, titled, ‘Investigation activities’,  the anti-corruption organization has requested that the Independent National Electoral Commission provide it with the bank accounts and other financial information of political parties.

It also demanded that the managing directors of Access Bank and Polaris Bank disclose information on the 14 accounts held by the All Progressives Congress, the Peoples Democratic Party, and another group suspected of being linked to the opposition party.

The ruling APC sold presidential forms for N100 million, while the main opposition party sold them for N40 million. In addition, APC governorship candidates paid N50 million, while those declaring for the Senate, House of Representatives, and state legislatures paid N20 million, N10 million, and N2 million, respectively, for their nomination and declaration of interest forms.

The PDP, on the other hand, sold gubernatorial forms for N21 million, Senate forms for N3.5 million, House of Representatives forms for N2.5 million, and state Houses of Assembly forms for N600,000.

While the minor parties paid lower rates for their forms, many Nigerians were outraged by the hefty nomination fees required by the two leading parties, which Transparency International described as a kind of money laundering.

Last week, on Channels Television’s Politics Today, EFCC Chairman Abdulrasheed Bawa hinted that the agency will monitor campaign finances, particularly the authenticity of monies used to acquire nomination forms ahead of the 2023 general elections.