PDP

By Mukhtar Jarmajo 

Mao Zedong, the founder of the Peoples Republic of China, once said, “Politics is war without bloodshed while war is politics with bloodshed.” By inference, thus, there is so much correlation between politics and war, the only difference being that the former isn’t bloody while the latter is. Therefore, the art of politics is the same as that of war, where two or more opposing parties contest for supremacy either in terms of votes for political power as with politics or territorial control as with war. Additionally, politics and war involve strategies to subdue the opponent through deceptive techniques. 

Perhaps this is why Sun Tzu, the great Chinese writer, philosopher and war strategist, noted that while differentiating victorious warriors from defeated ones, “Victorious warriors win first and then go to war, while defeated warriors go to war first and then seek to win.” Aside from that, Sun Tzu emphasised the importance of strategy in war. He also meant that only warriors who adopt strategies in defining the means to conquer the enemy are victorious. The third import of Tzu’s quote is that strategists conquer their opponents well before the offensive is launched. 

So just as wars can be won and lost before the first Salvo is released, elections too can be won and lost even before any vote is cast. Meanwhile, it bears no repeating that only strategic politicians achieve such excellence. They study the prevailing political circumstance, analyse it based on the ambitions of the time, and then meticulously plan the best strategy to be used in conquering the opponents. Politicians such as the Bauchi state APC governorship standard bearer, Sadiq Baba Abubakar, are victorious political warriors simply because they understand the art of political warfare. 

During the governorship primary election in Bauchi state, the erstwhile Air Chief turned political czar and let his fellow contenders believe they were more political than him. Therefore only they knew what the road to winning the party’s ticket looked like. After the contest, Sadiq Abubakar won the day, with the runner-up placed at a distant 92 votes away. While they were reluctant that he was not a factor to count, Sadiq Abubakar campaigned vigorously and reached out to stakeholders and delegates to convince them of the substance and import of his ambition. 

In the end, they were convinced that aside from experience he would bring to the table, the erstwhile diplomat is one politician capable of giving the ruling PDP in Bauchi state a run for its money. Thus, he won the primary election before the first ballot was cast. And by Sun Tzu’s standard, Sadiq Baba Abubakar is a victorious political warrior. It raises no eyebrows that as a graduate of political science who also holds a master’s in strategic studies, the Bauchi APC governorship standard bearer can do even more than this. 

Jarmajo can be reached via dattuwamanga@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Aminu

The Chairman of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in Kano Hon. Shehu Wada Sagagi has called on the National Chairman of PDP Dr. Iorchia Ayu to quit his position in the interest of the party.

Hon. Sagagi made the call today during a press briefing in Kano.

Hon. Sagagi said for peace, unity and giving a sense of belonging to PDP members from the southern part of the country, the national chairman should pave way for a southerner to replace him.

“In the interest of unity and success of our party, I would like to call on the national chairman of our party Dr. Iorchia Ayu to please honour his promise that he earlier did, that in case a Northerner emerged as a flagbearer of the party, he promised to resign.

“So I will like him to toe the path of honour so that unity returns to the party, so that Atiku Abubakar will be successful in the 2023 election because the Southerners in our party need to be given sense of belonging,” he said.

The PDP Chairman further said: “A situation where the national Chairman is from the North, Chairman of Board of Trustees is from the North, the Chairman PDP Governors Forum is from the North and the presidential candidate is also from the North, I think there is no sense of fairness.”

Hon. Sagagi emphasised that unity and success of the party should be the priority while the Chairman should consider his resignation as a necessary sacrifice for the PDP.

“I call on Dr. Ayu, as a statesman, to honour his promise and consider it as a sacrifice he should make for the party to move forward. And So, his resignation will go a long way in forging unity in the party so that at least a southerner should emerge as a National Chairman of the party for unity to prevail and peace will return to the party.

“And we promise to be law-abiding members of the party and we will heavily campaign for our presidential candidate Alh Atiku Abubakar to win the forthcoming 2023 general election,” he added.

The Chairman further dispelled the rumour that they are hobnobbing with other political parties and candidates other than PDP.

He added: “On behalf of the Kano State Executive Committee (SEC), I dispel the rumour that we have any association with any political party or candidate. Our party still remains people’s Democratic Party PDP and we are committed to its success at all levels.

“We call on the party SEC in the State and our governorship candidate to engage in aggressive Party membership drive in all the wards and 44 local governments in the Kano State for the success of the party in 2023.”

Hon. Sagagi also appealed to aggrieved members of the party to sheath their swords and join hands with them for the success of the PDP.

“We would like to use this medium to call on all aggrieved members of the party to sheath their sword to come and let’s join hands to work together as a party so that victory is ours in 2023.”

He commended SEC and party members in the State on the successful primaries. He congratulate all candidates who emerged successful after the primaries at the state and national levels.

“I congratulate the national leadership of the PDP for the successful national convention. I applauded the Election committee together with all our party men and women in Kano State for their dedication and commitment.”

By Abdulhaleem Ishaq Ringim

It is the realization that Nigeria’s presidency cannot be won by the sole or combined agencies of personal fame, resources or regional influence that informed the ideation of a merger of political parties that eventually birthed the APC. 

And the essence of this merger, as it were, was the pursuit of a formidable confluence between Nigeria’s most politically active blocs – northern and south-western regional voting blocs. This resulted in the officiation of an alliance through the instrumentality of a transnational political platform capable of displacing the political hegemony of the PDP. And the central representative figures of the two voting blocs were unarguably Muhammadu Buhari and Bola Ahmed Tinubu. 

Evidently, the merger would not have been successful without the uncompromising commitment and consensus of these central figures. Lack of such a consensus was the sole reason why attempts at the merger failed in 2011. And the eventual consensus was what translated into a successful merger that ousted PDP in 2015. One could say both of them are indispensable for as far as the merger is concerned. 

In both instances, the dynamics of running mate selection constituted a major challenge; one that stalled the entire merger process in 2011 and almost jeopardized the efforts again in 2015 if not for last minute compromises. And for the purpose of this article, our referential premise would be the events that characterized the selection of a running mate for Buhari in 2015. 

The resumption of merger talks was principally premised on the assurances of improved mutual understanding and primacy of deliberation and mutual agreement on all issues before implementation. Resultantly, the issue of VP selection was agreeably deferred to the ACN side of the merger. And being the leader of the ACN and a southerner, Bola Tinubu was the first point of call. 

However, such a supposition was put to test by the concern of certain stakeholders largely from the non-ACN merging parties over the feasibility of flying a Muslim-Muslim ticket to victory against the PDP. And based on this singularity of a justification defined strictly on the bases of religious [in]compatibility questions, Tinubu was dropped for Osinbajo whose credentialed affiliation to the leadership of Nigeria’s Christian establishment was seen as a suitable match to Buhari’s perceived religious fanaticism. 

7 years later, the same political platform faces same dilemma. Tinubu, the initial choice of Buhari’s running mate in 2015 and flag-bearer of the APC for 2023 presidential elections is faced with the daunting task of choosing a running mate. The dynamics that defined his emergence was largely characterized by ethnic considerations and the process of choosing his running mate seems to be greatly saturated by the influence of the overbearing conflict of ethno-religious interests. 

Ironically, the hypocritical ultimacy of political convenience as against principle has never been this blatant. Scores of politicians who vehemently opposed the idea of a Muslim-Muslim ticket in 2015 are seen today to be championing the cause. Even more perplexing is the dismissal by some of these supporters of issues of religious affiliation(of the running mate) as irrelevant. This group’s advocacy centers around the supposed primacy of merit and capacity to deliver without deference to ethno-religious considerations. The contradiction here is that same group agitated for a Tinubu presidency in fulfillment of a zoning agreement strictly based on an ethno-regional arrangement. 

As the elite slug it out, they keep deliberately torrenting the conflict down to the level of the masses whose minds have over time fallen victim of manipulative conditioning by the elite. As a result, the Christian establishment and followership, especially in the North demand uncompromisingly that the VP be picked amongst their brethren. While the Northern Muslim establishment and followership in the usual feeling of mutual insecurity and distrust have threatened to actively oppose a ticket with a Northern Christian as VP. 

It sadly almost seems as though whoever clinches the VP slot officially and institutionally enhances the presence and validity of the religion he belongs to. But is that accurate? How is a peasant Muslim farmer going to be better off with a Muslim as VP? And how’s the Christian peasant farmer in the opposite situation? What of security? Buhari is president yet the North suffer from insecurity the most. What of Justice? 

This conflict is largely an in-house Northern conflict. And we’ve consistently been falling victim to these manipulative tendencies because we’ve failed to understand certain political and social realities. But the most important among such realities is the glaring yet often forgotten fact that the allegiance of almost every elite in Nigeria is more to the power superstructure than it is to religion.

“This game of masks!”, as Yusufu Bala Usman, of blessed memory, described it only adopts religion as a manipulative enabler and agency for continued relevance within the power cycle. That is all! Religion should not be a manipulative tool. And it is high time we understand that it is never about religion but about power and the spoils that accompany its acquisition. The Muslim community should also be able to distinguish between manipulation and genuine allegiance to religious interest. 

In his seminal work ‘Leadership and Governance in Nigeria: The Relevance of Values’ whose content is drilled in philosophical and ethical theorization of Sokoto Caliphate’s breed of leadership and public policy with an exposition of the imperative of pillaring contemporary political and social value systems on the pristine belief systems and culture of our people; Mahmud Tukur, of blessed memory, explained that affiliation and allegiance to the Islamic belief system and values formed the foundational basis of community identity during the caliphal era. He puts “working hard in co-operation with fellow members to achieve the higher values of society or service in the interest of the community’s raison d’etre” as the archetypal basis of communal belonging. 

Muhammadu Sanusi II in his review of Tukur’s work deduced Islam – as a corpus of teachings(and values) rather than of actions of persons – to be the definitive basis for identity of the Northern Muslims. To quote his deconstruction of this principle, “… the fact that a “northerner” or a “Muslim” or a “Fulani” is the subject of a political issue is not sufficient to make that issue a “northern”, “Islamic” or “Fulani” one. The bottom line is how consistent is the issue at stake with the teachings of Islam as incorporated in the value-systems underlying the caliphate. In effect, every other identity is subsumed under our Islamic identity, and the Islamic values are the ones worthy of defending. These are not to be sacrificed in the name of “nationalism” or “northern politics” or even “Muslims”.

I find these delineations very instructive for it exposes religious manipulative systems and presents us with the philosophical framework for subjecting our political actions as Northern Muslims to intellectual scrutiny. It provides the basis for validation(or not) and examination of the consistency of our collective actions with the pristine Islamic value-systems. In the context of this article, it affords us the opportunity of examining the consistency of our agitation for VP slot(supposedly in the interest of religion) to our foundational Islamic values; is having a Northern Muslim Vice President fundamentally an Islamic interest? And are the Muslim northerners considered for the slot worthy of supporting strictly based on Islamic affiliations and considerations? Will fielding them in anyway lead to achieving the higher values of the Islamic community? 

These are the fundamental questions that require our dispassionate attention. By answering them, we’d be able to realize whether or not we are yet again falling for religious manipulative machinations. It will also reveal to us those social and political realities of ours that render us susceptible to this manipulative tendencies. However, one thing is clear, that the divarication and fragmentation of the formerly United North (into Muslim and Christian North) is our greatest source of susceptibility to manipulation and even marginalization. Even as the Union was not devoid of internal skirmishes, we were presentable as a United, influential front externally. This dichotomization only weakens our influence and negotiating position of advantage. 

Our collective problems as the North do not respect such bifurcations same way the results of incompetence of both Muslim and Christian political leaders of Northern extraction do not too. And good and ethical leadership are not exclusive preserves of any of the two religions. In fact, there’s a strong convergence of both religions on issues of political values, leadership ethics and principles of good governance. Insecurity; poverty; economic underdevelopment; inefficient educational and healthcare systems; infrastructural inadequacies; etc are our collective challenges and our collective resolve should be of getting competent leaders to reverse the situation. Ours should be geared towards sustaining and consolidating the unmatched northern political negotiating base and influence and leverage that to ensure we force the leadership to stick to their side of the social contract. 

To these manipulative elites, religion is only but an agency for the sustenance of relevance and power for self-aggrandizement. We must rise above such manipulative machinations and focus on building a formidable consensus capable of enforcing on the leadership a Northern agenda for development regardless of who becomes VP. 

Abdulhaleem Ishaq Ringim is a political/public affairs analyst, he writes from Zaria and can be reached via haleemabdul1999@gmail.com.

By Hassan Ahmad Usman

To begin, I would like my readers to understand that, unlike games, there is no “cheat code” for good governance. Governance is practical, with little room for derailing if the desired outcome must be achieved. If there is anything that President Buhari-led’s administration taught us, it is to shun unrealistic optimism.  There is nothing wrong with setting standards for our leaders or being optimistic about the prospects of their leadership.  

At the inauguration of Buhari in 2015, one would believe by now that he is rounding off his eight years stay, our four refineries would be functional, the epileptic power supply would be a thing of the past, security tackled, and so many things accomplished. 

Notwithstanding, people overlook many landmark achievements by his administration. Why? Unrealistic optimism. They are not the standards we set for him from the on set. In a year, we’ll have a new president, new administration and new policy makers. In between, we’ll have an election that will bring a new government.

The leading candidates so far are former vice president Atiku Abukar of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP),  former Lagos state governor Bola Tinubu of All progressives Congress (APC) and former Anambra state governor Peter Obi of the Labour party (LP). These candidates are enjoying a large support base. 

My candid advice to the “Batists”, “Atikulateds”, and the “OBIdients” is to learn from the travails the Buharists went through in his defence. They marketed Buhari to the extent that we thought only miracles would better his performance in office, and failure was an impossibility in our imaginations.  We again gave him another chance despite his dissatisfaction with his first term because the Saraki/Dogara-led National Assembly was a block to his reform agendas. They also told us that the 2016 economic recession was a catastrophe due to the then-ever-falling oil prices. With these excuses, whether acceptable or not, we should understand that there won’t be a smooth ride for any president in a developing economy like ours.

So, I remind those supporters to moderate their optimism and understand and study what development is all about in modern civilization. It is not as easy as we thought. It would be best if you weren’t in defence of your candidate throughout his stay in office.  

Nigeria had her chance to turn things around when the oil price was at its highest. Unfortunately, indecisions and a lack of foresight from the leaders made it impossible. We are now living to bear the brunts of the indecisions of our past leaders. 

To Nigerians, we should understand that good governance that translates into sustainable growth and development cannot be achieved through “quick-fix” solutions. It’ll take longer than expected time for it to manifest. We’ve read and heard of the turnaround of countries like China and the United Arab Emirates but never paid attention to the processes they passed through before making it to the big stage. If development is what we all crave, we must all make sacrifices that come with it and know that we may not be the immediate beneficiaries of our own strides. 

Hassan Ahmad Usman writes from Lafia, Nasarawa State, Nigeria.  He can be reached via basree177@gmail.com.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

Nigeria’s former President, Olusegun Obasanjo, said his choice of Atiku as a running mate during the 1999 general election was a mistake. 

Obasanjo disclosed this on Saturday, June 25, while addressing students in Abeokuta at a leadership and entrepreneurship mentoring session. 

The former president admitted to having made many mistakes in his life. He also disclosed that one of such mistakes was his choice of running mate in the 1999 presidential election.

“I don’t say I don’t make mistakes – I made many of them,” Obasanjo said.

“But one thing that has happened to me is that God has never disappointed me. And that is very important.

“For instance, one of the mistakes I made was picking a number two when I was going to become President.

“But because it is a genuine mistake, God saved me out of it.”

The presidential candidate of the People’s Democratic Party, Atiku Abubakar, contested alongside Obasanjo in the said election.

By Muhammadu Sabiu

Three All Progressives Congress (APC) senators have resigned from the ruling party.

Senators Ahmad Babba Kaita (Katsina North), Lawal Yahaya Gumau (Bauchi South), and Francis Alimikhena (Edo North) are the defecting lawmakers.

Gumau defected to the New Nigeria Peoples Party, while Babba Kaita and Alimikhena joined the opposition Peoples Democratic Party.

The Senate President, Ahmad Lawan, read three different letters in Tuesday’s plenary in which they announced their defections.

Senator Alimikhena’s decision to leave the APC was motivated by the “ongoing and complex crises that have plagued the APC,” particularly in his Senatorial District, “that has formed parallel executives that have weakened internal discipline, coherence, and commitment.”

Explaining the reason for his detection, Babba Kaita was quoted as saying, “As Senator representing Katsina North Senatorial District, I write to formally notify you of my resignation from the All Progressives Congress (APC), and registration declaration for the Peoples Democratic Party.

“My resignation from the APC was born out of the marginalisation of critical stakeholders by the State Government and Leadership of the Party in Katsina State, where small people like me do not have a chance.

“I have since been joyful and graciously accepted into the fold of the Peoples Democratic Party in Katsina State.”

B Muhammad Sabiu

In the early hours of today (Sunday), the All Progressives Congress in Ekiti State emerged triumphant after the results of Saturday’s governorship election indicated that the party’s candidate, Mr Biodun Oyebanji, defeated the 15 other contestants that took part in the race.

Oyebanji, the state’s immediate past Secretary to the Government, won in 15 of the state’s 16 Local Government Areas after receiving 187,057 votes in the election.

His nearest rival, Mr Segun Oni of the Social Democratic Party, polled 82,211 votes, while Bisi Kolawole of the Peoples Democratic Party received 67,457 votes.

Kolawole won his LGA, Efon, with a total of 6,303 votes, beating the APC’s 4,012 votes and the SDP’s 339 votes.

However, Chief Segun Oni, the Social Democratic Party’s candidate, who voted in his home town of Ifaki-Ward Ekiti’s 2, Unit 6, accused the other parties of vote-buying in Ado Ekiti and Oye Ekiti.

He was reported to have said, “I have been told that selling and buying of votes are going on in Ado and Oye. This is not allowed by the law. I want security agents to move in and stop those doing that.”

Vote buying isn’t an unusual practice in the Nigerian political space since the rebirth of democracy in 1999 when former President Olusegun Obasanjo took over power.

By Muhammad Sabiu

Raliya Kashim, a senior staff member of the Bauchi State-owned Abubakar Tatari Ali Polytechnic, has been suspended by the institution’s management for supporting All Progressive Congress (APC) presidential candidate Asiwaju Bola Tinubu.

Maimako Baraya, a spokesman for the polytechnic, signed the letter announcing the suspension.

The main opposition, the Peoples’s Democratic Party (PDP), is in charge of Bauchi State.

Kashim works as the polytechnic’s deputy general manager of consulting services.

She was aware of the state’s public service law prohibiting civil servants from participating in party politics, according to Mr Baraya’s letter.

Baraya was quoted to have said in the letter, “The employee recently posted videos containing campaign materials of the presidential and the governorship candidates of the All Progressives Congress (APC), which is a clear violation of the code of ethics for public servants.”

“We wish to assure the general public that there would be no sacred cow, and it will never be intimidated by the activities of political jobbers, fifth columnists and enemies of the state.”

By Amir Abdulazeez

When President Obasanjo carelessly picked Goodluck Jonathan to serve as Umaru ‘Yaradua’s potential Vice President in 2007, little did we know that the politics of choosing running mates would later become complex and problematic. The death of Umaru, the ascension of Jonathan, the surprising emergence of Namadi Sambo and Patrick Yakowa becoming the first Christian Civilian Governor of Kaduna State would all combine to later add more relevance to the politics of running mate selection. In 2014, APC had more headaches picking a presidential running mate than the presidential candidate himself. It took them so much time and effort that one thought they would organize a new convention for that purpose.

Today, the Muslim-Muslim ticket debacle is the bane of Nigerian political discourse. While clamouring for fairness and balance, which are needed for a fragile system like Nigeria’s, we should also remember that from 1999 to date, no religion can claim any net gain from this Nigerian version of democracy. Ordinary followers of all faiths have been victims of bad governance, even pagans. We have suffered so much that if a pagan/pagan ticket will eradicate insecurity, fix the economy and bring development while being fair to all interests and affiliations, we should allow it. Therefore, the choice is between searching for solutions and satisfying sentiments; we seem to favour the latter.

A section of public commentators and spectators are already suggesting a walkover for Atiku Abubakar in the 2023 polls. That is the biggest complacency I have ever seen in contemporary Nigerian politics. How can you be facing a ruling party with almost 65% of political stakeholdership in the country and be expecting to have a walkover? Atiku is an institution, but his successes in the last two PDP primaries are more financial supremacy than political dominance. That aside, barring a Buhari-like scenario, Atiku will make a good president. He is perhaps the only fully independent candidate with a clear and accessible blueprint since 2007. In 2011, he had a better manifesto and approach than President Goodluck Jonathan; he only lost the PDP primaries to the power of incumbency. By the way, what happened to the Jonathan 2023 candidacy?

From 1992, this is Atiku’s 7^th attempt at the Presidency, with 2019 being his closest to success. Many believe 2023 is his year, and so many apparent factors call for optimism in his camp. However, two fundamental things may haunt Waziri; (in)consistency and (un)popularity. Buhari and Tinubu are successfully reaping the harvests of consistency and perseverance; they stuck to opposition politics all their lives. Atiku should’ve remained in opposition when he decamped to Action Congress in 2007 or should’ve stayed in the ruling PDP when he decamped back in 2011. Ambition had kept him running from one place to another, making him neither establishment nor anti-establishment. The second question is whether there is a single state in Nigeria in which Atiku can secure one million votes or more in 2023? I hope we all remember Dr Rabi’u Kwankwaso’s 3-K States theory?

Tinubu’s boast in Ogun State over his role in the emergence of Buhari as President needs some revisiting and clarification. To avoid doubt, Muhammadu Buhari did not lose the 2003 presidential elections; it was brutally rigged to return Obasanjo for a second term. 2003 will easily enter the list of the worst elections in modern world history. In 2007, the results of the presidential election were simply written, so we can’t even call that election not to talk of who won or lost. I have never relied on 2003 and 2007 election figures for research or serious analysis because they are primarily fabricated. The 2011 elections were relatively fair, but at least 40% of the vote was rigged, written, or inflated, especially in the South-South and South-East.

In the circumstances like these, we cannot comfortably declare Buhari a loser of all the previous elections he contested and only became a winner when he met Tinubu. Although 2015 was indeed the weakest version of political Buhari, it was confirmed that he had lost hope and that the APC merger spearheaded by Tinubu was what brought him back to life. But it is also true that so many other factors other than Tinubu contributed crucially to Buhari’s victory. One major one was the abysmal performance of Goodluck Jonathan. One, however, is that, without Tinubu’s support, it would’ve been near impossible for Buhari to emerge APC flagbearer against the financial powerhouses in Kwankwaso and Atiku.

This brings us to the argument that access to public funds is why some candidates (not aspirants) are stronger than others. Supporters of a particular presidential candidate even claimed that if their man had equal access to public funds, he would be better than certain candidates. This is laughable; a debate like this will take us nowhere. Just campaign for your candidate and persuade people to vote for him. If we are talking about the abuse of people’s trust and the utilization of our commonwealth for personal political development, none of the prominent politicians in Nigeria will come out clean. So, let us not deceive ourselves and others.

Where are our smaller political parties who had spent most of their last four years fighting INEC over deregistration? This is a reasonable amount of time they would’ve spent coming together to form a strong bloc. In case we don’t know, 74 of them were deregistered for failing to meet the requirements to continue to exist as political parties. About 10 to 15 of the currently existing will be due for deregistration by this time next year. Instead of them to consider merging to form a decent alternative, they’ll rather hang on only to be fighting a legal survival battle with INEC next year. As the strongest and largest intellectual organization in West Africa, I don’t even know why ASUU is yet to form a political party or adopt any of the smaller parties to set up a path towards satisfying their own demands all by themselves instead of waiting and hoping for a hopeless Federal Government.

Why is nobody talking about the enormous task ahead of the next president, whom credible international reports suggest will have to use 100% of his revenue in servicing (not repaying) debts by 2024? To execute projects or even pay salaries, the next government may have to borrow further. Nigeria is in trouble. We are drowning in the ocean of foreign debts. Meanwhile, we are concerned over a presidential candidate’s religion more than his ability to bring us out of this mess. Buhari has failed because Jonathan had built a solid foundation for that failure. Now he has built a worse foundation for his successor. The possibility and danger of the next president, irrespective of his affiliation and preparedness to economically be worse than Buhari, is imminent. May God help us.

All of the political dynamics of today are closely related to 1999, some a bit earlier. Suppose you have not directly experienced Nigerian political development from 1999 with a mix of some pre-1999 historical knowledge. In that case, you will find it difficult, if not impossible, to connect specific dots that you see today. Extensive and intensive reading may help, but politely interacting with veterans will do better. Unfortunately, social media, where most of the political debates occur, is dominated by youths who knew little or nothing pre-2011 and don’t invest significant time in reading but trying to engage or even confront the same veterans that would’ve been their best opportunity at understanding the genesis of the current situation.

There are some visible changes in Nigeria’s socio-political spaces, although not new but have taken a different twist from the previous. The renewed order is the attempt to criminalize certain political choices against others. Between 2014 to 2018, discourses were dominated by hate, campaigns of calumny, fabrications and outright abuse. Today, political promoters are trying hard to make it appear that only their candidates are good enough, and any other choice is treason. This is extremism. Let’s be careful, everything is a matter of opinion, and everyone is entitled to his.

Twitter: @AmirAbdulazeez

By Sumayyah Auwal Usman

The Governor of Delta State, Ifeanyi Arthur Okowa, has been named as the vice presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party for the 2023 presidential election.

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar who emerged the presidential flag-bearer of the main opposition party made the announcement on Thursday at the party’s national secretariat.

Born 8th July, 1959, Okowa attended Edo College, Benin City (1970–1976), and later proceeded to the University of Ibadan where he studied Medicine and Surgery, graduating in 1981 with an MBBS degree. 

He served as a Commissioner in the Delta State government for Agriculture and Natural Resources (July 1999 – April 2001), Water Resources Development (April 2001 – May 2003) and Health (September 2003 – October 2006).

He resigned to contest in the 2007 Delta State PDP governorship primaries, but did not win the governorship primaries. In June 2007, Ifeanyi was appointed Secretary to the Delta state Government.

He was elected Delta North Senatorial candidate in the January 2011 PDP primaries and won the election. He clinched the ticket for the gubernatorial election in 2015, and won the Delta State Gubernatorial elections.