NNPP

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

In Kano today, politics is no longer whispered in corridors; it is argued loudly in markets, mosques and on social media timelines. Since Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s reported decision to part ways with the NNPP, the city has become a theatre of competing loyalties, sharp sarcasm and deeper constitutional questions. Supporters have reduced complex political choices into street labels—Abba’s camp being teased as ’yan a ci dadi lafiya, while the Kwankwasiyya faithful wear wuya ba ta kisa as a badge of honour. Beneath the banter, however, lies a serious national issue: who truly owns a political mandate?

Governor Abba Yusuf did not emerge from a vacuum. His ascent to the Kano Government House was inseparable from the Kwankwasiyya political machinery, a movement painstakingly built by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso over two decades. From red caps to ideological messaging, the movement transcended party platforms and became a political identity. In the 2023 elections, many voters did not merely vote for a party; they voted for Kwankwasiyya as a symbol of continuity, defiance and populist appeal.

Yet, Abba Yusuf is no ceremonial beneficiary. He contested, won, survived legal battles and now governs with all the constitutional powers vested in an elected governor. His mandate, in law, is personal. Once sworn in, no political godfather—however influential—can legally issue directives from outside the Government House. This is where the tension lies: the clash between moral ownership of political capital and constitutional authority of office.

Those derisively tagged ’yan aci dadi lafiya by opponents argue that governance is about pragmatism, access to power and delivering dividends to the people. From their perspective, a sitting governor must build alliances beyond sentiment, protect his administration and ensure stability. Politics, they insist, is not a monastic vow of hardship but a strategic exercise in survival and results.

On the other side stand the wuya bata ƙi sa faithful—Kwankwasiyya loyalists who believe political struggle must be endured to preserve ideology. To them, Abba Yusuf’s move is not strategy but betrayal. They see it as an attempt to reap the fruits of a movement while discarding its architect. In their view, suffering with the movement, even outside power, is preferable to comfort without loyalty.

This divide exposes a recurring Nigerian dilemma: the uneasy relationship between political movements and the individuals they propel into office. From Awolowo’s disciples to Aregbesola’s rupture with Tinubu, Nigerian politics is littered with fallouts between founders and beneficiaries. Kano’s current drama is simply the latest chapter.

Kwankwaso’s influence in Kano politics is undeniable. Beyond elections, he represents a moral compass for millions who see him as a symbol of resistance against elite dominance. His supporters’ anger is therefore not merely partisan; it is emotional and ideological. To them, Abba Yusuf’s political identity was inseparable from Kwankwaso’s shadow.

However, governance demands autonomy. A governor who appears perpetually tethered to an external authority risks administrative paralysis and legitimacy questions. Abba Yusuf’s defenders argue that Kano cannot be governed from outside its constitutional structures. They insist that the electorate voted not just for Kwankwaso’s endorsement but for Abba Yusuf’s promise to lead.

The real casualty in this contest, unfortunately, risks being governance itself. When political energy is consumed by loyalty tests and factional supremacy, policy focus suffers. Kano’s challenges—urban congestion, youth unemployment, educational deficits, and security concerns—require a governor fully immersed in administration, not in constant political firefighting.

There is also the electoral implication. While Kwankwasiyya remains a formidable grassroots force, incumbency is a powerful weapon. State resources, visibility, and administrative control can quickly reshape political narratives. The assumption that loyalty automatically translates into electoral dominance may underestimate the pragmatism of Nigerian voters, especially when power dynamics shift.

Yet, Abba Yusuf’s path is equally fraught. Detaching from a movement that delivered his victory carries political costs. Kano’s electorate is emotionally invested, and symbols matter. If his administration fails to convincingly outperform expectations, the narrative of ingratitude could harden into electoral punishment.

Ultimately, this is not just a Kano story; it is a Nigerian one. It forces a national reflection on whether mandates belong to parties, movements, godfathers or the individuals elected by the people. The Constitution is clear, but politics rarely is.

Perhaps the wisest outcome lies not in triumph or humiliation but in recalibration. Political movements must learn to institutionalise beyond personalities, while elected officials must acknowledge the moral debts that brought them to power. Neither absolute loyalty nor total independence offers a sustainable path.

As the dust settles, the sarcasm of ’yan a ci dadi lafiya and wuya ba ta kisa may fade, but the questions will linger. In Nigeria’s democracy, mandate is both a legal instrument and a moral contract. Kano’s unfolding drama reminds us that ignoring either side of that equation comes at a cost—sometimes higher than any political suffering.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicate writer based in Abuja

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, which commenced in 1999, introduced a distinctive political culture that has since become entrenched in the nation’s democratic practice. Governors automatically emerge as leaders of their political parties in their respective states.

Although this arrangement is not expressly written into the 1999 Constitution or party constitutions as a rigid rule, it has evolved into an accepted political convention. In practical terms, once a governor belongs to a political party, he becomes the undisputed leader of that party in the state.

This “default” leadership status flows from the enormous constitutional powers, financial control, and political influence vested in state governors. Under the 1999 Constitution, governors are the chief executives of their states, control significant public resources, influence appointments, and play central roles in policy direction. These powers naturally position them as dominant actors within the political structure of their states. Political parties, being vehicles for acquiring and exercising power, inevitably gravitate toward the governor as their rallying point.

Critics often argue that this arrangement departs from earlier republican experiences. During Nigeria’s First, Second, and even Third Republics, governors and presidents were not automatically regarded as the formal leaders of their parties at the state or national levels. Party structures were often more independent, with clearer institutional separation between party leadership and executive office holders. However, Nigeria’s political system has evolved significantly since then. The current democratic framework places far greater burden, administrative authority, fiscal control, and political leverage in the hands of governors than was previously the case. It’s about the position!

The emergence of governors as de facto party leaders is not accidental but a result of political evolution shaped by key realities. The 1999 Constitution centralises executive authority in governors, making them the most powerful figures in their states. They also control critical political resources, finances, networks, appointments, and patronage, which are essential for party survival and electoral success. In a competitive electoral environment, incumbency provides structure, visibility, and mobilisation strength that few others can match.

Above all, political parties require unified command; without clear leadership at the state level, factionalism and instability can easily arise.

Imagine the chaos and unhealthy rivalry that could engulf a political party if a sitting governor chose to remain indifferent to party affairs. Competing factions would struggle for supremacy. Conflicting directives could weaken party cohesion. Such fragmentation could easily cost the party elections and governance effectiveness.

Furthermore, when it comes to interfacing between the executive arm at the federal level and party structures within the states, particularly in matters relating to appointments, political negotiations, federal-state collaboration, and reward systems, the governor’s role becomes indispensable. Governors serve as the bridge between national party leadership and grassroots political actors. In fact, Presidents often rely on Governors to win a state 

Just as the President functions as the leader of his party at the national level, governors serving as party leaders in their states create symmetry within the political order. This structure promotes stability, clarity of authority, strategic coordination, and internal discipline.

It is therefore not surprising that across Nigeria’s 21 registered political parties, this practice is widely accepted. Once a governor joins a party, he naturally assumes leadership of that party in the state, not necessarily by proclamation, but by political reality.

While debates may continue about whether this system strengthens internal party democracy or concentrates excessive influence in one individual, its practical utility in maintaining order, direction, and electoral viability cannot be ignored.

The emergence of governors as party leaders in their states reflects the reality on the ground, political necessity, and democratic evolution in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) in Kano State has criticised the arrest of one of its members, Aiha K. Nass, by security operatives in the state.

The party made its position known through its State Publicity Secretary, Ibrahim Karaye, who spoke at the party’s headquarters. He described the arrest as unacceptable and warned against actions that could undermine democratic principles.

In a statement, the party urged security agencies to remain neutral and avoid actions that may suggest bias in a democratic system.

Karaye called for the immediate release of the detained member. He stressed that every citizen is entitled to freedom of speech and association under the law.

He also appealed to the Kano State Government to uphold democratic values. According to him, democracy forms the basis of the government’s legitimacy.

The party further advised its supporters to remain peaceful as efforts continue to address the issue.

“Finally, the party calls on all to remain calm, law-abiding, and adhere to the rules of the game,” the statement added.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

The Abba Kabir Yusuf has relieved Engr. Buba Galadima of his position as Chairman of the Governing Council of Kano State Polytechnic.

The decision was announced in a statement issued on Saturday by the Governor’s spokesperson, Sunusi Bature Dawakin Tofa.

In his place, the Governor approved the appointment of the Aliyu Ibrahim Abdulkadir, Emir of Gaya, as the new Chairman of the institution’s Governing Council.

According to the statement, the removal followed a restructuring process aimed at aligning the Polytechnic with the administration’s Kano First Agenda and ongoing reforms to enhance institutional performance. Although members of the Governing Council are expected to serve a three-year tenure, Galadima’s appointment was terminated before its expiration as part of the reform measures.

Governor Yusuf expressed appreciation to Galadima for his contributions during his tenure and urged the new Chairman to deploy his experience and leadership in repositioning the Polytechnic for improved academic and administrative excellence.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Kano State chapter of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) has asked President Bola Tinubu to remove the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) over the date fixed for the 2027 presidential election.

The party made its position known on Saturday through a statement issued by its Kano State Publicity Secretary, Ibrahim Karaye.

In the statement, the party said the presidential poll has been scheduled for 20 February 2027. It noted that the date falls within the Ramadan fasting period observed by Muslims.

The NNPP described the timing as unacceptable. It argued that the development could affect the turnout of Muslim voters across the country.

“This is a deliberate attempt to disenfranchise the majority Muslim population in the country,” the party stated.

The party also accused the INEC Chairman of displaying what it termed religious bias in the choice of the election date.

It therefore urged the President to take immediate action by removing the electoral body’s chairman. The party said such a step would promote fairness and rebuild trust in the electoral system.

“For any election to be accepted by the Muslim majority in the country, the President must replace him with a more credible Christian who will ensure justice and fairness for all,” the statement added.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) has faulted a proposed bill before the United States Congress that seeks to impose sanctions on its national leader, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, over alleged religious freedom abuses.

The legislation, introduced by five US lawmakers in the House of Representatives, is titled to address concerns about religious persecution and mass atrocities in Nigeria. The bill seeks to compel the US Secretary of State to present a detailed report on efforts to tackle the situation.

If passed into law, the proposal would mandate the Departments of State and Treasury to apply sanctions such as visa restrictions and asset freezes on individuals or organisations accused of “severe religious freedom violations” in Nigeria.

Among those listed in the bill are Kwankwaso, a former governor of Kano State, alongside Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN), Miyetti Allah Kautal Hore, and groups described as Fulani ethnic nomad militias.

Reacting in a statement issued on Wednesday, NNPP National Publicity Secretary, Ladipo Johnson, dismissed the allegation. He described the move as politically motivated and unfair to the party’s leader.

“We see this development as a contrived action against an innocent man who clearly has no relationship with religious fundamentalism in Nigeria,” the statement reads.

“His record is there in the public domain, either in public office or in private life, and it is advisable for people to investigate such things properly before reaching such conclusions.”

Johnson linked the development to Kwankwaso’s earlier reaction to the redesignation of Nigeria as a “country of particular concern” by former US President Donald Trump over claims of religious persecution.

Kwankwaso had cautioned against what he termed oversimplified portrayals of Nigeria’s security challenges. He stressed the country’s sovereignty and noted that violence in Nigeria involves criminal elements across regions.

Riley Moore, one of the sponsors of the bill, had questioned Kwankwaso’s role in religious matters. He cited the full implementation of Sharia law in Kano State during Kwankwaso’s tenure as governor.

The NNPP spokesperson, however, criticised the US lawmaker’s position. He argued that the party leader has consistently spoken about insecurity in Nigeria.

“Is Rep Moore being fair or selective? Isn’t the US in a good relationship with Qatar and Saudi (both Sharia countries)?”

“Isn’t it strange that it is Kwankwaso, an opposition leader that has spoken out so many times about the insecurity under this administration, that the United States now seems to be turning on?”

Johnson added that Kwankwaso made significant security gains during his time as governor. He said Boko Haram activities were eliminated in Kano under his watch and noted that the former governor maintained cordial relations with Christian leaders.

“These are the facts, which we think should guide the Congress and its leaders, particularly Reps Riley Moore and Chris Smith, to do a thorough investigation on the credibility of our leader, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, so that justice is done to his noble name and cleared of such undue embarrassment,” Johnson added.

By  Ibrahiym A. El-Caleel

Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso should be competing on the national stage with contemporaries such as Senator Bola Tinubu, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, and other Class of 1999 political actors. By pedigree, experience, and longevity, Kwankwaso has clearly outgrown Kano politics, and he does not need to prove it again in 2027. However, he appears stuck in state-level politics. 

Kwankwaso is at odds with the two successive Kano governors after him, both of whom are his protégés: Dr Abdullahi Ganduje and the incumbent, Engr Abba Kabir Yusuf. He says they have “betrayed” him. There was a show of electoral force at his residence in Kano this afternoon. A large number of people trooped into his Miller Road residence in what he later called a “solidarity visit”.  

These developments indicate that Senator Kwankwaso is once again positioning himself for state-level dominance rather than advancing a national ambition in 2027. Ideally, Kwankwaso should defeat Governor Abba through a candidate he anoints for #KanoDecides2027. But a deeper question remains: should the 2027 ambition of a politician of Kwankwaso’s stature be focused on unseating a “betraying” godson at the state level, when Kwankwaso’s contemporaries have either honourably retired from politics or are positioning themselves for the presidency? 

Who exactly would Kwankwaso replace Abba with, and what assurance does he have that a newly installed godson would not eventually “betray” him, just as Ganduje and Abba did? At this point, there is little reason to believe the outcome would be different. The current godsons around him are likely to use his influence to rise and then assert their independence once in office. There is no clear indication that they would be more submissive than their two elder political siblings, Ganduje and Abba. How do you keep doing the same thing repeatedly while expecting a different result? 

There is also a genuine political risk. What if Abba Yusuf, like Ganduje before him, survives the onslaught and secures a second term? This is not an endorsement of electoral malpractice, but a recognition of Nigeria’s political realities. Kano’s 2019 gubernatorial election demonstrated how powerful interests can intervene decisively; Dr Ganduje ultimately retained office despite glaring indications that he lost at the polls.

If a similar outcome were to occur in 2027 and Governor Yusuf were to proceed to a second tenure, would that not constitute a second public humiliation for the godfather? What explanation would suffice then? That yet another protégé has matured enough to build political alliances strong enough to neutralise Kwankwaso’s influence? At that point, the narrative shifts decisively: from betrayed mentor to diminishing power broker.

On the other hand, if Senator Kwankwaso succeeds in unseating Governor Yusuf and installing another loyalist, what exactly would he be celebrating at the end of the day? That Kwankwasiyya has simply replaced Kwankwasiyya? That a godfather has prevailed over his own godson? Such victories may satisfy the logic of control, but they do little to expand political influence, strengthen institutions, or advance democratic culture. At best, they amount to an internal power rotation within the same political family, offering no clear gain to the broader society.

Ultimately, this debate goes beyond personalities. Do we really need a political model anchored on godfathers, covenants, and lifelong loyalty to patrons? Has Buhari’s repeated endorsement of anointed candidates meaningfully improved governance or political culture in the North? Has Tinubu’s entrenched godfatherism in the South West translated into measurable social or institutional progress? Until we seriously examine the long-term costs of political baptism, loyalty tests, and patronage politics, it remains difficult to argue that godfatherism is the most viable model for a modern democratic society.

 Ibrahiym A. El-Caleel wrote via caleel2009@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam

The leadership crisis rocking the Kano State chapter of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) has intensified following the appointment of Abdullahi Zubairu Abiya as Acting State Chairman after the removal of the former chairman, Hashimu Dungurawa.

The Daily Reality reports that the decision was announced after an emergency meeting of the NNPP State Executive Committee held at the party’s secretariat in Kano, where members endorsed Abiya’s appointment in line with the party’s constitution.

Speaking on the development, the party’s Assistant Legal Adviser, Barrister Yusuf Mukhtar, said the emergence of Abiya followed due process and was consistent with the provisions of the NNPP constitution.

He explained that the move came after Dungurawa was rejected and removed at the ward level.

Party sources disclosed that the action was based on a formal resolution submitted by the Dawakin Tofa Local Government Executive Committee, which recommended the sack and expulsion of Dungurawa over alleged anti-party activities.

It was gathered that the resolution originated from the Gargari Ward Executive Committee in Dawakin Tofa Local Government Area and was forwarded to the state leadership by the local government executive, led by Hon. Abdullahi Ali Uban Iya Dawanau.

The ward-level decision was reportedly adopted at the second executive meeting of the Gargari Ward, held about two weeks after the general election, where Dungurawa was accused of actions deemed inimical to the party’s interests.

After reviewing the report, the State Executive Committee ratified the resolution and approved Abiya’s emergence as Acting State Chairman, party officials said.

NNPP officials described the move as part of efforts to restore internal discipline, strengthen party unity and reposition the party for future political engagements in Kano State.

Reacting to his appointment, the Acting Chairman, Hon. Abdullahi Zubairu Abiya, said the party would ensure fairness and justice for all members.

He added that the Kano NNPP would remain loyal to the party’s national leader, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, as well as the Kano State Governor, Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf.

By Uzair Adam

Hon. Abdulmumin Jibrin Kofa, the House of Representatives member for Kiru/Bebeji Federal Constituency in Kano State, has officially returned to the All Progressives Congress (APC), pledging his support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s 2027 re-election bid.

Kofa disclosed this in a statement he personally signed on Monday, noting that he received a warm reception from thousands of his supporters in his hometown of Kofa, Bebeji Local Government Area.

The gathering reportedly resolved to leave the NNPP/Kwankwasiyya movement and join the APC in solidarity with the president’s agenda.

According to him, the event was attended by approximately 2,000 Islamic clerics who offered special prayers for the president, as well as for peace, development, and progress in Kiru/Bebeji, Kano State, and Nigeria at large.

Kofa’s defection comes two months after his expulsion from the NNPP, which sources say was due to alleged anti-party activities and unpaid membership dues.

His departure underscores the ongoing internal challenges within the NNPP in Kano and marks a significant political realignment in the state.

A former APC member and ex-Director-General of the Tinubu Support Group, Kofa’s return to the ruling party strengthens the APC’s foothold in Kano ahead of the 2027 elections.

By Uzair Adam

Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) presidential candidate in the 2023 elections, has stated that his party is open to forming alliances with other political parties, including the All Progressives Congress (APC), ahead of the 2027 general elections.

In an interview with BBC Hausa, the former Kano State governor emphasised that the NNPP is willing to collaborate with any party that shares its commitment to improving the welfare of ordinary Nigerians.

Kwankwaso clarified that any potential alliance with the APC or other parties must come with clear, tangible benefits for the NNPP, highlighting the party’s nationwide structures and gubernatorial candidates in all states.

He said, “If you are asking us to join APC, you must tell us what NNPP will gain. We have gubernatorial candidates in all the states and full structures nationwide. What will you offer them if we join?”

The senator reiterated that alliances will be based on shared ideals that guarantee a better quality of life for Nigerians.

He described the 2027 elections as likely to be fiercely contested, noting that citizens are now more informed, concerned, and engaged than ever before.

“We’re ready for anyone, whether it is the APC, PDP, ADC, Jonathan, or Peter Obi. If we are satisfied with their competence, we will join forces to achieve success.

“The key thing is that whoever we ally with must be committed to the needs of Nigerians,” Kwankwaso said.

He also condemned the state of insecurity in parts of the country, including Sokoto, Kebbi, Zamfara, and Kaduna, noting that ordinary citizens are the main victims while political elites live in luxury in Abuja.

On the recent proposal by the National Assembly to amend the 2022 Electoral Act, which would schedule presidential and governorship elections six months before the expiration of incumbents’ tenures, Kwankwaso said he is ready for elections to be held at any time, provided there is adequate notice for mobilisation.

Addressing claims of undue influence over the Kano State government, Kwankwaso dismissed the allegations as baseless, insisting that the current administration is acting independently and that time will reveal who is truly in charge.

“Our position is simple: if he seeks our counsel, we will gladly offer it. But if we notice anything wrong or harmful, we will call his attention to it. “That is why people claim they will defeat us, but the truth is, the youths are more aware now,” he clarified.