NNPP

By Dr Aminu Tukur Adam

The recent political drama in Kano State, which began as a rumour before metamorphosing into a full-blown political battle, is interesting: how loyalty is being reinterpreted, how personal interest is being transformed into the people’s mandate, and how politics gradually takes over governance. 

It’s now becoming crystal clear to everyone that the Kano State government is not only static but also backtracking. At a critical point of state emergency and national concern, our dear state is being placed on hold. 

To begin with, APC was initially viewed as a disaster by Engr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, Kano State governor and all their supporters; many of the supporters sacrificed their lives to rescue the state from the APC, a party that was hated for its immense corruption, extortion and oppression. 

As big as Kano State is, with its about 20 million population and an over 1 trillion naira budget, it will surprise you to know that the state’s executive council members are currently redundant; the council held only one executive session in the span of 90 days! The previous buzzworthy council is now scheduled for the end of recess. 

That probably explains why the only visible function of this government, road construction, is also neglected; no one is there to approve new projects or supervise the ongoing ones. 

The most unfortunate event was the visit of the Turkish ambassador to Nigeria to the Kano State government house, with the aim of consolidating multimillion-dollar projects, but astonishingly, only the Chief of Staff and two commissioners received a figure like this! For anyone familiar with the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA), it must have been a nightmare. 

TIKA isn’t like the usual agencies you see; it’s an international technical assistance agency. This same agency renovated the Kano capital school without a penny from the state government. 

We’re also talking about the Turkish Trading Firm, Direkçi, which has invested over $22 million in Nigerian states, with Kano as a major beneficiary.

The visit was intended to create an opportunity to secure scholarships for Kano state indigenes, to bring the Turkish humanitarian foundation IDDEF to boost humanitarian services in the state, and to commence visa services at the Turkish consulate in the state.

Yet, when that esteemed Ambassador walked into the Government House, he was neither received by the Governor, nor his deputy, nor the SSG.

While the governor plays an absentee landlordism, some villages in the state were burning and many lives were also lost; the recent unfortunate incident in the Katai and Fauda communities in Wudil local government generated widespread reactions, a police officer lost his life and villages were set ablaze; however, no formal press release, no condemnation and no any form of assurance from the state government. 

Astoundingly, when the governor was too busy to hold a council meeting, overwhelmed to meet the Turkish ambassador to Nigeria and also overloaded with responsibilities to comment on the Wudil incident, we saw his face in the convoy of Yilwatda, the APC national chairman, courting the governor of Bauchi state, Bala Muhammad, into APC. 

To add more salt to the injury, when the governor was returning to Kano, the local government chairmen and some of the governor’s aides orchestrated a drama, where a rented crowd were paid to welcome the governor from his political excursion. You may be surprised as to why the welcoming? Was he not just coming back from Abuja? Was the journey not a political journey for the APC’s convention? Is there any significance to this journey in the life of the innocent Kano people? 

This is the Kano first agenda they’re selling. It’s not about you or the state; it’s simply an idea to sell Bola Tinubu and his party.

By Anas Abbas

The Deputy Senate President, Barau I. Jibrin, has welcomed the defection of eight members of the House of Representatives from the New Nigeria Peoples Party to the All Progressives Congress, describing the move as strategic and significant for the party’s growth.

The lawmakers were formally received during a gathering attended by prominent political figures, including the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Abbas Tajudeen; the Governor of Kano State, Abba Kabir Yusuf; and the immediate past National Chairman of the APC, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, among others.

The Speaker announced the defections during plenary, listing the lawmakers as: Aliyu Sani Madaki (Dala), Ghali Mustapha (Ajingi/Albasu/Gaya), Shehu Muhammad Bello (Fagge), Dankawu Idris (Kumbotso), Hussain Hassan Shehu (Nassarawa), Rabiu Yusuf (Sumaila/Takai), Muhammad Garba Chiroma (Gezawa/Gabasawa), Ibrahim Mohammed (Gwale), and Tijjani Abdulkadir Jobe (Tofa/Dawakin-Tofa/Rimingado).

In a statement, Jibrin congratulated the defecting lawmakers, describing their decision as “bold and strategic.” He noted that their move would further strengthen the APC’s influence in Kano State and enhance the party’s commitment to good governance and effective representation.

According to him, the inclusion of the lawmakers whom he described as grassroots-oriented, experienced, and dedicated positions the APC to consolidate its leadership in the state ahead of future elections.

He expressed optimism that the party would achieve greater electoral success, emphasizing unity and collective efforts toward delivering dividends of democracy to the people.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

A former Governor of Kano State, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, has stepped down from the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), pointing to the need for a shift in political direction.

Kwankwaso, who flew the party’s flag in the 2023 presidential election, made his decision public in a statement released on Sunday. He confirmed that his resignation takes immediate effect.

“I wish to formally announce my resignation from the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) with immediate effect.”

He described the move as difficult, given his history with the party, but said current political realities influenced his choice.

“As a committed and bonafide member of the party, this was not an easy decision to make. However, considering the current trajectory of the nation’s political landscape, which calls for strategic realignment, I have found it necessary to identify with another political platform that offers the best opportunity to effectively change the nation,” he said.

Kwankwaso expressed gratitude to the leadership of the NNPP, including the National Chairman, Ajuji Ahmed, as well as other party organs, for their support during his time in the party.

“I extend my deepest appreciation to the National Chairman, Ajuji Ahmed and the entire National Working Committee for their steadfast support throughout my time. I also thank the Board of Trustees, the National Executive Committee, and all levels of leadership across the party — from the ward to the state level,” he stated.

He also acknowledged the backing of members of the Kwankwasiyya Movement and party supporters across the country.

“We shall continue to collaborate and work together towards charting a better and more prosperous future for our dear nation,” he added.

The former governor did not reveal his next political destination. However, sources within both the NNPP and the African Democratic Congress indicated that he may formally join the party on Monday in Kano.

Party insiders disclosed that top figures, including David Mark and Rauf Aregbesola, are expected to receive him into the ADC.

There are also indications that Kwankwaso may move alongside former Kano State Deputy Governor, Aminu Abdussalam Gwarzo.

In a related development, former presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party and a key figure in the ADC, Atiku Abubakar, recently hosted Kwankwaso in Abuja. According to Atiku, the visit was a courtesy call during which both leaders discussed national issues at length.

By Uzair Adam

The Deputy Governor of Kano State, Comrade Aminu Abdussalam, has resigned from office following recent political developments in the state.

His resignation was announced on Friday in a statement issued by the spokesperson of the Kwankwasiyya Movement, Dr. Habibu Sale Mohammed.

The development comes after the Kano State House of Assembly initiated impeachment proceedings against Abdussalam earlier in the week.

In a related development, a Federal High Court sitting in Kano on Wednesday dismissed an application filed by the deputy governor seeking to stop the impeachment process.

According to the statement, the Kwankwasiyya Movement formally informed the public, the people of Kano State, and the nation about Abdussalam’s decision to step down from his position.

It explained that the resignation, although difficult, was taken in the interest of the people and to ensure stability in the governance of the state.

The statement noted that recent circumstances had limited the deputy governor’s ability to fully discharge the duties and responsibilities attached to his office, making it necessary to allow the position to function effectively for the benefit of the public.

It, however, stressed that the decision to resign should not be interpreted as an admission of the allegations levelled against him by the Kano State House of Assembly.

According to the movement, Abdussalam maintains his innocence and believes that his record in office and public service reflects his integrity and commitment to the people.

The statement further described the resignation as an act of statesmanship intended to preserve peace and prevent political tension that could affect governance and development in the state.

It added that Abdussalam would now focus on strengthening the Kwankwasiyya Movement, particularly by consolidating its structures and strategies ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The movement also urged its supporters and residents of Kano State to remain calm, law-abiding, and committed to democratic values while assuring that further details would be communicated in due course.

By Uzair Adam

Prominent opposition figures in Nigeria have paid a visit to the residence of Kwankwasiyya leader, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.

Those present at the visit included former Labour Party presidential candidate Peter Obi, Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde, and Senator Seriake Dickson, among other political stakeholders.

In a post shared on his Facebook page, Kwankwaso stated that the politicians were at his residence on a Sallah homage.

Kwankwaso, a leading figure in the opposition New Nigeria Peoples Party, is widely speculated to be considering a move to another political party.

This follows the recent defection of Kano State Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, from the NNPP to the ruling All Progressives Congress.

Meanwhile, Peter Obi recently confirmed his official move to the African Democratic Congress, while Governor Makinde remains one of the few governors still in the Peoples Democratic Party, alongside his Bauchi State counterpart.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

In Kano today, politics is no longer whispered in corridors; it is argued loudly in markets, mosques and on social media timelines. Since Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s reported decision to part ways with the NNPP, the city has become a theatre of competing loyalties, sharp sarcasm and deeper constitutional questions. Supporters have reduced complex political choices into street labels—Abba’s camp being teased as ’yan a ci dadi lafiya, while the Kwankwasiyya faithful wear wuya ba ta kisa as a badge of honour. Beneath the banter, however, lies a serious national issue: who truly owns a political mandate?

Governor Abba Yusuf did not emerge from a vacuum. His ascent to the Kano Government House was inseparable from the Kwankwasiyya political machinery, a movement painstakingly built by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso over two decades. From red caps to ideological messaging, the movement transcended party platforms and became a political identity. In the 2023 elections, many voters did not merely vote for a party; they voted for Kwankwasiyya as a symbol of continuity, defiance and populist appeal.

Yet, Abba Yusuf is no ceremonial beneficiary. He contested, won, survived legal battles and now governs with all the constitutional powers vested in an elected governor. His mandate, in law, is personal. Once sworn in, no political godfather—however influential—can legally issue directives from outside the Government House. This is where the tension lies: the clash between moral ownership of political capital and constitutional authority of office.

Those derisively tagged ’yan aci dadi lafiya by opponents argue that governance is about pragmatism, access to power and delivering dividends to the people. From their perspective, a sitting governor must build alliances beyond sentiment, protect his administration and ensure stability. Politics, they insist, is not a monastic vow of hardship but a strategic exercise in survival and results.

On the other side stand the wuya bata ƙi sa faithful—Kwankwasiyya loyalists who believe political struggle must be endured to preserve ideology. To them, Abba Yusuf’s move is not strategy but betrayal. They see it as an attempt to reap the fruits of a movement while discarding its architect. In their view, suffering with the movement, even outside power, is preferable to comfort without loyalty.

This divide exposes a recurring Nigerian dilemma: the uneasy relationship between political movements and the individuals they propel into office. From Awolowo’s disciples to Aregbesola’s rupture with Tinubu, Nigerian politics is littered with fallouts between founders and beneficiaries. Kano’s current drama is simply the latest chapter.

Kwankwaso’s influence in Kano politics is undeniable. Beyond elections, he represents a moral compass for millions who see him as a symbol of resistance against elite dominance. His supporters’ anger is therefore not merely partisan; it is emotional and ideological. To them, Abba Yusuf’s political identity was inseparable from Kwankwaso’s shadow.

However, governance demands autonomy. A governor who appears perpetually tethered to an external authority risks administrative paralysis and legitimacy questions. Abba Yusuf’s defenders argue that Kano cannot be governed from outside its constitutional structures. They insist that the electorate voted not just for Kwankwaso’s endorsement but for Abba Yusuf’s promise to lead.

The real casualty in this contest, unfortunately, risks being governance itself. When political energy is consumed by loyalty tests and factional supremacy, policy focus suffers. Kano’s challenges—urban congestion, youth unemployment, educational deficits, and security concerns—require a governor fully immersed in administration, not in constant political firefighting.

There is also the electoral implication. While Kwankwasiyya remains a formidable grassroots force, incumbency is a powerful weapon. State resources, visibility, and administrative control can quickly reshape political narratives. The assumption that loyalty automatically translates into electoral dominance may underestimate the pragmatism of Nigerian voters, especially when power dynamics shift.

Yet, Abba Yusuf’s path is equally fraught. Detaching from a movement that delivered his victory carries political costs. Kano’s electorate is emotionally invested, and symbols matter. If his administration fails to convincingly outperform expectations, the narrative of ingratitude could harden into electoral punishment.

Ultimately, this is not just a Kano story; it is a Nigerian one. It forces a national reflection on whether mandates belong to parties, movements, godfathers or the individuals elected by the people. The Constitution is clear, but politics rarely is.

Perhaps the wisest outcome lies not in triumph or humiliation but in recalibration. Political movements must learn to institutionalise beyond personalities, while elected officials must acknowledge the moral debts that brought them to power. Neither absolute loyalty nor total independence offers a sustainable path.

As the dust settles, the sarcasm of ’yan a ci dadi lafiya and wuya ba ta kisa may fade, but the questions will linger. In Nigeria’s democracy, mandate is both a legal instrument and a moral contract. Kano’s unfolding drama reminds us that ignoring either side of that equation comes at a cost—sometimes higher than any political suffering.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicate writer based in Abuja

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, which commenced in 1999, introduced a distinctive political culture that has since become entrenched in the nation’s democratic practice. Governors automatically emerge as leaders of their political parties in their respective states.

Although this arrangement is not expressly written into the 1999 Constitution or party constitutions as a rigid rule, it has evolved into an accepted political convention. In practical terms, once a governor belongs to a political party, he becomes the undisputed leader of that party in the state.

This “default” leadership status flows from the enormous constitutional powers, financial control, and political influence vested in state governors. Under the 1999 Constitution, governors are the chief executives of their states, control significant public resources, influence appointments, and play central roles in policy direction. These powers naturally position them as dominant actors within the political structure of their states. Political parties, being vehicles for acquiring and exercising power, inevitably gravitate toward the governor as their rallying point.

Critics often argue that this arrangement departs from earlier republican experiences. During Nigeria’s First, Second, and even Third Republics, governors and presidents were not automatically regarded as the formal leaders of their parties at the state or national levels. Party structures were often more independent, with clearer institutional separation between party leadership and executive office holders. However, Nigeria’s political system has evolved significantly since then. The current democratic framework places far greater burden, administrative authority, fiscal control, and political leverage in the hands of governors than was previously the case. It’s about the position!

The emergence of governors as de facto party leaders is not accidental but a result of political evolution shaped by key realities. The 1999 Constitution centralises executive authority in governors, making them the most powerful figures in their states. They also control critical political resources, finances, networks, appointments, and patronage, which are essential for party survival and electoral success. In a competitive electoral environment, incumbency provides structure, visibility, and mobilisation strength that few others can match.

Above all, political parties require unified command; without clear leadership at the state level, factionalism and instability can easily arise.

Imagine the chaos and unhealthy rivalry that could engulf a political party if a sitting governor chose to remain indifferent to party affairs. Competing factions would struggle for supremacy. Conflicting directives could weaken party cohesion. Such fragmentation could easily cost the party elections and governance effectiveness.

Furthermore, when it comes to interfacing between the executive arm at the federal level and party structures within the states, particularly in matters relating to appointments, political negotiations, federal-state collaboration, and reward systems, the governor’s role becomes indispensable. Governors serve as the bridge between national party leadership and grassroots political actors. In fact, Presidents often rely on Governors to win a state 

Just as the President functions as the leader of his party at the national level, governors serving as party leaders in their states create symmetry within the political order. This structure promotes stability, clarity of authority, strategic coordination, and internal discipline.

It is therefore not surprising that across Nigeria’s 21 registered political parties, this practice is widely accepted. Once a governor joins a party, he naturally assumes leadership of that party in the state, not necessarily by proclamation, but by political reality.

While debates may continue about whether this system strengthens internal party democracy or concentrates excessive influence in one individual, its practical utility in maintaining order, direction, and electoral viability cannot be ignored.

The emergence of governors as party leaders in their states reflects the reality on the ground, political necessity, and democratic evolution in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) in Kano State has criticised the arrest of one of its members, Aiha K. Nass, by security operatives in the state.

The party made its position known through its State Publicity Secretary, Ibrahim Karaye, who spoke at the party’s headquarters. He described the arrest as unacceptable and warned against actions that could undermine democratic principles.

In a statement, the party urged security agencies to remain neutral and avoid actions that may suggest bias in a democratic system.

Karaye called for the immediate release of the detained member. He stressed that every citizen is entitled to freedom of speech and association under the law.

He also appealed to the Kano State Government to uphold democratic values. According to him, democracy forms the basis of the government’s legitimacy.

The party further advised its supporters to remain peaceful as efforts continue to address the issue.

“Finally, the party calls on all to remain calm, law-abiding, and adhere to the rules of the game,” the statement added.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

The Abba Kabir Yusuf has relieved Engr. Buba Galadima of his position as Chairman of the Governing Council of Kano State Polytechnic.

The decision was announced in a statement issued on Saturday by the Governor’s spokesperson, Sunusi Bature Dawakin Tofa.

In his place, the Governor approved the appointment of the Aliyu Ibrahim Abdulkadir, Emir of Gaya, as the new Chairman of the institution’s Governing Council.

According to the statement, the removal followed a restructuring process aimed at aligning the Polytechnic with the administration’s Kano First Agenda and ongoing reforms to enhance institutional performance. Although members of the Governing Council are expected to serve a three-year tenure, Galadima’s appointment was terminated before its expiration as part of the reform measures.

Governor Yusuf expressed appreciation to Galadima for his contributions during his tenure and urged the new Chairman to deploy his experience and leadership in repositioning the Polytechnic for improved academic and administrative excellence.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Kano State chapter of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) has asked President Bola Tinubu to remove the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) over the date fixed for the 2027 presidential election.

The party made its position known on Saturday through a statement issued by its Kano State Publicity Secretary, Ibrahim Karaye.

In the statement, the party said the presidential poll has been scheduled for 20 February 2027. It noted that the date falls within the Ramadan fasting period observed by Muslims.

The NNPP described the timing as unacceptable. It argued that the development could affect the turnout of Muslim voters across the country.

“This is a deliberate attempt to disenfranchise the majority Muslim population in the country,” the party stated.

The party also accused the INEC Chairman of displaying what it termed religious bias in the choice of the election date.

It therefore urged the President to take immediate action by removing the electoral body’s chairman. The party said such a step would promote fairness and rebuild trust in the electoral system.

“For any election to be accepted by the Muslim majority in the country, the President must replace him with a more credible Christian who will ensure justice and fairness for all,” the statement added.