Nigeria

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Former Senator Shehu Sani has criticized Nigeria’s military for allegedly diverting defence funds into non-essential projects like shopping malls, hotels, and universities instead of combat operations.

Speaking on Channels Television’s Politics Today Sani argued that such misuse weakens Nigeria’s fight against terrorism and banditry.

He stressed that defence budgets should strictly support troops on the battlefield, not commercial ventures.

“Money meant for the military should not build plazas or hotels for military associations and wives,” Sani said.

“It should go to those risking their lives against terrorists.”

He expressed concern over security agencies investing in markets and universities while frontline soldiers face shortages.

Sani urged the government to prioritize battlefield needs over luxury projects, warning that misallocated funds undermine national security.

“We’ve talked enough about insecurity—now we need action,” he said. “You can’t defeat terrorism overnight, but misusing resources makes it harder.”

By Nasiru Ibrahim

In Nigeria, government policies to improve the economy often fail to serve the broader population. Instead of addressing systemic issues, these policies often become tools for political favouritism, corruption, and inefficiency, benefiting only a few. This results in greater inequality, inefficiency, and social unrest, leaving millions of Nigerians struggling.

The critical question is: Are these economic problems not necessarily created by private organisations enough to justify applying the Keynesian model in developing countries like Nigeria?

We need to examine Nigeria’s economic realities in light of Keynesian theory to answer this. While the theory suggests that government intervention can correct market failures and stimulate growth, such interventions often exacerbate the problems they aim to solve in Nigeria. By comparing Nigeria’s situation to Keynes’s assumptions, we can determine whether government intervention is more of a curse than a blessing.

Keynesian Economics and Nigeria’s Reality

Keynesian economics is based on several assumptions: income, employment, output, money supply, and investment. Let’s break down how these assumptions fare in Nigeria’s context:

Money Supply and Interest Rates: Keynes argued that an increase in the money supply reduces interest rates, which should increase investment, income, output, and employment. In theory, this should stimulate economic growth. However, in Nigeria, despite the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) increasing the money supply, interest rates remain high, and inflation continues to rise. This inflationary pressure discourages investment and undermines businesses, many of which struggle to survive.

Effective Demand and Unemployment: Keynes suggested that unemployment is caused by a deficiency in effective demand, which typically occurs during the downward phase of the business cycle. However, Nigeria’s unemployment crisis is not cyclical but structural, stemming from insufficient capital formation and inadequate resources. Even during periods of economic growth, unemployment remains high, revealing deeper systemic issues than those addressed by Keynes’s theory.

Investment and Marginal Efficiency of Capital (MEC): According to Keynes, investment depends on the MEC, which is determined by the expected return on investment. In Nigeria, the MEC and actual investment remain low, primarily due to instability, poor infrastructure, and weak institutions. The lack of investor confidence further hampers growth.

Saving and Consumption: Keynes viewed saving as detrimental to economic growth, as it reduces consumption, which affects income and employment. In advanced economies, excessive saving may reduce demand, but the opposite is true in Nigeria. Saving is necessary for capital formation, yet savings rates are already low. Nigerians spend more than 80% of their income on consumption, limiting capital available for productive investment.

The Role of Foreign Trade: Keynes’s model was based on a three-sector economy (households, firms, and government), while Nigeria operates a four-sector economy, with foreign trade playing a significant role. Imports and exports, especially of crude oil, heavily influence national income and economic performance. However, Nigeria’s dependence on imports and volatile oil prices highlights the vulnerability of its economic structure.

Government Intervention: A Curse or a Blessing?

Government intervention can either benefit or harm an economy. However, history suggests that government intervention has primarily been a curse in Nigeria. The country’s interventionist policies have been marred by chronic corruption, policy inconsistency, weak institutions, and political patronage, leading to inefficiency and social harm.

Several examples illustrate the disastrous impact of government policies:

The Anchor Borrowers Programme: In 2023, the CBN admitted that over 76% of the loans disbursed under the Anchor Borrowers Programme had not been repaid. The scheme, designed to support farmers, became riddled with corruption. Many recipients were political loyalists without agricultural expertise, undermining the program’s effectiveness and inflating public debt.

Misuse of Public Funds: In 2020, a leaked memo revealed that over ₦81 billion was paid out through fake contracts to party loyalists, with no actual work being done. This wasted public funds that could have been invested in schools, hospitals, or infrastructure, further deepening the nation’s economic woes.

Ghost Workers in Kogi State: Over 3,000 ghost workers linked to political patronage were discovered on Kogi State’s payroll. These fictitious workers were paid salaries meant for public service, siphoning funds away from essential government services.

Political Patronage in Government Programs: Programs like TraderMoni and SURE-P, initially aimed at alleviating poverty, were instead used to reward political supporters during election periods. In 2019, around ₦10 billion was distributed under TraderMoni, with no clear records of repayment or follow-up, reducing the program’s ability to address real economic problems.

The Power Sector Crisis: Nigeria’s power sector remains in shambles despite spending ₦2 trillion in bailout funds since 2015. Many areas receive less than 8 hours of electricity daily, forcing businesses to rely on expensive generators, which increases their operational costs and deters potential investors.

The 2019–2021 Border Closure: The government closed borders to combat smuggling and encourage local farming. However, this policy led to soaring food prices—rice, for instance, increased from ₦15,000 to over ₦27,000 per 50kg bag. The policy also harmed small traders and businesses, exposing the fragility of Nigeria’s local production capabilities.

The Mismanagement of COVID-19 Funds: During the COVID-19 pandemic, the government allocated over ₦500 billion for palliatives, but many Nigerians, especially in rural areas, saw no relief. In some cases, food items meant for distribution were found rotting in warehouses, while the funds disappeared without adequate documentation.

The Ajaokuta Steel Company: Over $8 billion (approximately ₦12 trillion) has been spent on the Ajaokuta Steel Company since the 1970s, yet the facility remains non-operational. Despite its potential to transform Nigeria’s industrial landscape, it has become a symbol of inefficiency and political exploitation.

Foreign Exchange Crisis: The mismanagement of Nigeria’s foreign exchange policy has led to multiple exchange rates, fueling corruption and economic instability. The naira now trades at over ₦1,600 to the dollar, creating further challenges for businesses and pushing more Nigerians into poverty.

NNPC Report (2022): The Nigerian government spends ₦6 trillion annually on fuel subsidies, which mainly benefit the wealthy and fuel importers. This massive amount could have been used to improve critical sectors like healthcare, education, or infrastructure. Instead, it adds to Nigeria’s debt and fuels inflation, making life harder for ordinary Nigerians and slowing economic growth.

National Social Investment Programme (2021): Programs like the N-Power initiative, which aimed to tackle unemployment, have been poorly managed. Despite billions allocated, only about 5 million people benefited by 2021, and many faced delays in receiving payments. The program failed to meet its objectives, wasting public funds and doing little to address Nigeria’s unemployment crisis.

EFCC Report (2020): Corruption remains rampant. The government loses ₦500 billion annually due to corrupt procurement deals. These misappropriated funds could have been used to improve infrastructure, healthcare, and education, yet they enrich a few, further deepening inequality.

World Health Organisation Report (2021): Despite allocating ₦100 billion annually for healthcare, only 30%  is used for healthcare services. Much of it is lost to corruption or mismanagement, leaving Nigeria’s healthcare system underfunded and unable to meet the population’s needs, which worsens the economy’s overall productivity.

Federal Ministry of Agriculture Report (2021): Over ₦50 billion was meant to support farmers, but due to corruption, most of this money never reached those who needed it. As a result, agricultural productivity remains low, food prices rise, and the country struggles with food insecurity, exacerbating inflation.

Petroleum Industry Bill (2021): Delays in implementing the Petroleum Industry Bill have cost Nigeria ₦2 trillion in potential revenue. Failing to reform the oil sector has discouraged foreign investment, leaving Nigeria more dependent on oil exports and vulnerable to fluctuating global oil prices.

PIB Implementation Report (2021): The government has repeatedly delayed reforms to the petroleum sector, costing Nigeria about ₦2 trillion in lost revenue. This delay has hurt the oil industry and discouraged foreign investment, contributing to economic instability.

The Path Forward: Making Government Intervention Effective

For government intervention to be a true blessing, it must be transparent, effective, and focused on the long-term interests of the nation. Here’s how Nigeria can reverse the curse of misguided interventions:

Tackle Corruption: Hold government officials accountable for misused funds. Ensure that contracts are transparent and traceable.

Boost Local Production: Support farmers, manufacturers, and small businesses with affordable credit, reliable power supply, and the necessary tools to succeed.

Fix the Forex Crisis: Diversify exports, improve domestic production, and establish a unified exchange rate to stabilize the currency.

Create Sustainable Jobs: Focus on creating employment in agriculture, technology, and manufacturing—sectors that offer long-term growth, not temporary handouts during election periods.

Reduce Wasteful Spending: Cut unnecessary expenditures and focus on essential sectors such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure.

Stabilize Policies: Implement long-term economic policies that provide certainty and build trust among businesses and investors.

Strengthen Institutions: Ensure that institutions like the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) function efficiently, regardless of political changes.

Invest in Power: Improve the power sector to reduce costs for businesses and encourage investment.

Promote Value-Added Exports: Move beyond raw material exports and focus on producing finished goods that earn Nigeria more revenue on the global market.

Involve the People: Engage citizens in decision-making processes and use data-driven approaches to inform policy.

Conclusion

For Nigeria to thrive, its government must rethink its approach to intervention. Instead of using economic policies as tools of patronage, it should focus on policies that genuinely stimulate growth, reduce inequality, and improve the lives of Nigerians. Only then can government intervention become a true blessing, rather than a curse.

Ibrahim is a graduate of the Department of Economics from Bayero University, Kano, and writes from Jigawa.

By Uzair Adam

The Kano State Police Command has arrested a suspected drug trafficker and seized large quantities of illicit drugs, including Tramadol tablets valued at over N25 million, during an intelligence-led operation in the state capital.

This was contained in a press statement issued by the Police Public Relations Officer, SP Abdullahi Haruna Kiyawa, on behalf of the Deputy Commissioner of Police in charge of Finance and Administration.

The operation was in line with the directive of DCP Abubakar Zubairu and the Inspector-General of Police, IGP Alkali Baba Usman, to intensify visibility patrols and clamp down on drug-related crimes across the state.

According to the statement, on July 31, 2022, at about 10:30 p.m., a team of officers from Badawa Division led by CSP Mohammed Yakubu intercepted an unregistered white Honda Accord along Ahmadu Bello Way.

The vehicle, driven by one Abba Musa, 30, of Rijiyar Zaki Quarters, was found to contain 500 packets of suspected Tramadol tablets concealed in the car boot.

Upon interrogation, the suspect claimed he was directed by his friend, Sulaiman Danwawu, 29, also of Rijiyar Zaki, to deliver the vehicle to someone in Yan Kaba Quarters.

Police later arrested Danwawu, who confessed that he owned the car and had transported the drugs from Onitsha, Anambra State, intending to distribute them in Kano.

In a separate operation on May 7, 2025, operatives from the Anti-Kidnapping Unit raided the residence of one Suleiman Aminu Danwawo at Casablanca Close, Tudun Yola Quarters, following credible intelligence.

A search warrant was executed, and the following items were recovered: four cartons and four packets of pregabalin tablets, 14 Tramadol tablets, 25 bottles of codeine syrup, three units of Raphanol, an undisclosed quantity of D5 tablets, and two motor vehicles.

The police have since transferred the cases to the Command’s Criminal Investigation Department, Narcotics Section, for further investigation.

DCP Abubakar Zubairu warned that there would be no safe haven for criminals in Kano, urging residents to remain vigilant and report any suspicious activity to security agencies.

He also advised the public not to take the law into their own hands but to continue praying for the peace and safety of the state and the country at large.

The command provided emergency contact numbers, including 08032419754, 08123821575, 08076091271, and 09029292926.

Residents were also encouraged to download and use the “NPF Rescue Me” mobile application for emergencies.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Six soldiers and two civilians have been taken into custody by the Nigerian Police over the alleged torture and death of a 65-year-old man named Surajo, affectionately known as “Alhaji M.”

This tragic event unfolded in Millennium City, Kaduna State.On May 3, 2025, two residents from Unguwan Rimi—Alhaji Adamu Jinjiri and Ibrahim Yakubu—accused Surajo of being involved in the theft of a cow and an electrical distribution box.

They alleged that he was assisting a suspect, Yahaya Aleiru, who is still on the run.Surajo was reportedly handed over to the Millennium City Strike Force, a local military security unit.

Sources indicate that he endured severe torture at a military checkpoint, allegedly at the hands of Lieutenant Alhassan Musa and five other soldiers, which ultimately led to his collapse.

He was rushed to Barau Dikko Teaching Hospital but was sadly pronounced dead upon arrival.

The Kaduna State Police Command has confirmed the arrest of all eight individuals involved, including the two civilians who initiated the complaint.

A police source mentioned that the case has now been handed over to the State Criminal Investigation and Intelligence Department (SCIID) for a thorough investigation.

Authorities are committed to ensuring that justice is served as the investigation unfolds.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was conferred with the chieftaincy title “Dikesimba of Anambra State” during his visit to Awka on Thursday.

The honor, bestowed by the state’s traditional rulers, recognized his contributions to national development and unity.

Igwe Chidubem Iweka, the traditional ruler of Obosi and Chairman of the Anambra State Traditional Rulers Council, presented the title.

The President also commissioned projects and enjoyed a warm reception from the people.

Governor Chukwuma Soludo pledged support for Tinubu’s 2027 reelection bid, making the visit a memorable one for the President.

By Emeka Blaise Okpera

What is today known as the “Arab Spring” started with the singular action of one man, Mohammed Bouzizi, the young Tunisian fruit seller who set himself ablaze as a result of constant harassment from the authorities. If anyone had told Mohammed Bouazizi that morning, before leaving his house for his daily activities, that his impulsive action would ignite a revolution that would sweep away long-term regimes not just in Tunisia, but also in Libya, Egypt, Algeria, and some other countries in the Middle East, perhaps he would have dismissed it with a smirk or snigger. 

Fortunately and unfortunately, it happened, and no one saw it coming. Such is the nature of revolutions all over the world;they are not planned, but when they happen, no force can stop them until they achieve their desired results. Revolutions are offshoots of long-suppressed or bottled-up anger accumulated over time. It gets to a point where people can no longer take it.

For context, it is instructive to point out that Bouzizi’s self-immolation could not have ignited a revolution. His actions sparked widespread public anger because a vast majority of Tunisians were sick and tired of the regime of the then-ruling family, Ben Ali, who had been in power for over two decades. 

When the people rose in unison, not even Tunisia’s entire military apparatus could stop them. This reminds me of an Igbo adage that says, ” When one man cooks for the public, the public will consume it, but when the public cooks for one man, he cannot consume it.” Would Mohammed Bouzizi’s singular action have ignited the same form of public outrage it did in Tunisia if it had happened in Nigeria?

The answer is no! Many factors can be attributed to this. Firstly, Nigerians are largely divided along ethno-religious lines. This is one of the greatest advantages that political office holders enjoy in Nigeria, and they have learnt to put it to good effect. There is often a sense of communal ownership that compels particular sections of the country to protect their own. 

To the average Nigerian, political leadership is seen from the perspective of turn-by-turn. More often than not, a typical Nigerian has the notion that occupants of political office are in a position to serve the turn of their people. Therefore, they often form a mob to defend him to the last! To such people, it doesn’t matter if a political office holder is living up to the demands of his office. There is a school of thought that believes Nigerians love their oppressors as long as he is one of them! 

What this means is that Nigerians would first have considered the religious or ethnic background of a Mohammed Bouazizi to determine their reaction. Politicians would have reacted swiftly by giving it an ethnic or religious coloration. Tunisians were able to unite against the despotic regime of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali because every Tunisian sees himself as a Tunisian. 

None cared about the ethnicity or religion of Mohammed Bouazizi. In contrast, Nigerians prioritise their ethnic nationality above all else.  Instead of public outrage, Nigerians would have analyzed the situation that led to his actions while exonerating the government. In fact, any protest would have faced a counter-protest against it. This illustrates how unusually complex Nigerians are. A nation where the  people are divided against themselves cannot stand up to any form of oppression. 

Secondly, Nigerians are malleable. The average Nigerian can easily adapt to any situation, no matter how difficult. To say that Nigerians are resilient to the point of docility would be putting it mildly.  When pushed to the wall, a Nigerian doesn’t fight back but easily finds a way to break the wall to negotiate an exit. 

In the past and even recently, we have seen cases of Nigerians jumping into the Lagos lagoon due to economic hardships,yet this has never sparked any public outrage. Not many have fully recovered from the tragic incident of the shootings at the tollgate during the #EndSARS protest. We have experienced many Mohammed Bouazizis whose deaths have merely become fodder for content creators. 

Naturally, Nigerians often don’t take matters of value seriously. It’s typical for the average Nigerian to dwell on issues that have no meaningful impact on their lives while neglecting real-life challenges. Essentially, in Nigeria, it would be unthinkable for an individual’s act of self-immolation to provoke national outrage because such an act would be seen as extraordinary rather than mundane. The outcome of the #EndSARS protest still comes to mind.

Another factor that can be alluded to is ignorance. Nigerians are mostly unaware of their rights as citizens. There is a willful ignorance among Nigerians that enables those in government to get away with anything. This ignorance is present not only among those without formal education but also among highly educated individuals! This lack of awareness is another political capital that political office holders exploit to the disadvantage of citizens. In Nigeria, there is a prevailing belief that the people cannot fight the government and win. This belief is purely borne out of ignorance because the reverse is true – no government can fight the people and win! 

Those who don’t learn from history always repeat it. While it is true that a revolution cannot happen in Nigeria due to some of the factors mentioned above, it is important to note that political office holders should learn from history. Nicolae Ceausescu was the strongman of Romania. He had a monstrous reign from 1967 to 1989, and he thought he had it all covered until there was a spark and the people spoke. His story is a clear testament to the fact that the power in the people is far greater than the people in power. 

What is most important is that Nigeria doesn’t reach the point where violent change becomes justifiable. After all, Tunisians were docile and malleable for 23 years before a Mohammed Bouazizi happened. Political office holders must tread with caution and realize that power is transient. 

Political leadership should be for the common good, not for personal gain. No individual should be carried away by the complacency of office. The people should remain the central focus of governance. As such, leaders must act responsibly at all times. It serves everyone’s interest for both the government and the governed to be on the same path. This is because the task of building a nation is a collective responsibility. 

Blaise Emeka Okpara, a Student of International Institute of Journalism writes from Abuja and can be contacted on: emyokparaoo1@gmail.com.

By Maryam Ahmad

Nigerian musicians earned over ₦58 billion from Spotify in 2024, more than double the amount paid in 2023. This marks a significant rise in global interest in Nigerian music, particularly Afrobeats.

According to Spotify, over 1,900 Nigerian artists were added to editorial playlists in 2024, and Nigerian music was streamed globally for more than 1.1 million hours. Listeners also created around 250 million playlists featuring Nigerian artists.

Spotify’s Sub-Saharan Africa director, Jocelyne Muhutu-Remy, said the platform remains committed to helping Nigerian artists grow and earn from their work.

By Oladoja M.O

In recent years, the word “Japa” has become an emblem of escape, a chant of hope, and sadly, a whistle of despair. Particularly in Nigeria’s healthcare sector, the mass exodus of young, vibrant medical professionals has left our system gasping for air. What we face is not just a brain drain—it’s a heart drain. And in the middle of this haemorrhage lies a controversial bill, once proposed by Honourable Ganiyu Abiodun Johnson, now buried under the backlash of public outrage.

But was the bill completely out of line, or was it simply unfinished thinking?

It is no longer news that Nigeria’s doctor-to-patient ratio falls miserably short of the World Health Organisation’s recommendation. Yet what may not be so widely understood is that the stressful, overburdening conditions often cited as a reason to “Japa” are partly the consequences of those who have already left. One person’s departure makes another’s stay unbearable. The domino effect deepens.

While the most effective and lasting solutions lie in long-term efforts—revamping the economy, tackling insecurity, and fixing systemic rot—we must also admit that time is of the essence. The house is on fire, and we need water now, even if the fire truck is on its way.

There’s this question of “can patriotism be stirred in a broken system?”

Critics often point to a profound lack of patriotism among the youth, and it’s not unfounded. But when young Nigerians have watched corruption erode public trust, when they are owed salaries, and when survival is a struggle, can we honestly ask for blind loyalty? Still, the bitter truth remains: if patriotism isn’t growing naturally in this climate, maybe it needs to be carefully engineered, not through coercion, but through incentivised responsibility. 

The original bill proposed tying Nigerian-trained doctors and dentists to a mandatory five-year practice before granting full licensure. It sparked nationwide uproar, accused of being coercive, discriminatory, and even unconstitutional. The medical council body argued that such a condition could only apply to those whose education was publicly funded. And frankly, they had a point.

However, what if the bill didn’t force, but inspired commitment instead? Clearly, the strategy to curb this heartbreaking issue lies between the government and the various governing councils of these professions. After an extensive and wide brainstorming, it is my opinion that the following recommendations should be weighed and given consideration;

Let the Medical and Dental Council adopt a digital licensing model that is highly secure and tamper-proof, implement a differential licensing fee, where those practising within Nigeria pay subsidised rates (e.g., ₦50,000).

In contrast, those seeking international practice pay a premium (e.g., ₦250,000). Substantial penalties for forgeries should be introduced, ranging from travel bans to long-term suspension from practice. Also, full international licensing should probably be accessible only after 5 – 8 years of verified practice in Nigeria, but with allowances for truly and genuinely exceptional circumstances.

Each Local Government Area (LGA) can be mandated to sponsor at least two candidates annually for critical medical professions, especially medicine and nursing. This would ensure that the selection is need-based and done after national admission lists are released to prevent misuse by those already financially capable. Aside from other ongoing state or philanthropic sponsorships, this alone could inject an extra 1,500–2,000 health professionals yearly into the system.

Beyond the Medical Residency Training Fund (MRTF), the government can introduce provisions for payment of residency program fees, subsidies for first and second fellowship exams, partner with international and local equipment companies to provide cutting-edge residency exposure, and full sponsorship for mandatory travel during training with conditions of local practice attached. More importantly, it should be to the core interest of the government to streamline the bureaucracy around MRTF disbursements to reduce frustration and improve compliance.

For these health professionals committed to staying, the government can introduce affordable credit schemes for cars and home ownership. This strategy speaks not just of comfort but dignity and hope, ensuring these professionals see a future here. A doctor with a home loan and a dependable car is more likely to stay and build a life.

Relatively, in a bid to arrest some unnecessary uproar from various other professions, the government can broaden the application of similar strategies to other key professions facing mass emigration, like pharmacy, engineering, and IT. Let emphasis be on this is a quick-response initiative and not a substitute for long-term development, and also communicate clearly that staying doesn’t mean stagnation but service with reward.

No one can deny that Nigeria’s system is in a broken state, and no young professionals should be intentionally shackled to that broken system. It is also true that patriotism cannot be forced, but it can be nurtured. These professionals can, however, be valued, supported, and invited into a new contract of service, not as slaves to a nation, but as partners in rebuilding her.

Therefore, before we completely dismiss the Hon. Ganiyu Johnson Bill as modern slavery, perhaps we should ask: did it simply lack the right lens? With the right blend of compassion, policy, and investment, could it become a promise and not a prison?

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached at mayokunmark@gmail.com

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) has criticized the Presidency for dismissing concerns raised by the President of the African Development Bank (AfDB), Dr. Akinwunmi Adesina, about Nigeria’s worsening poverty levels.

In a statement on Monday, HURIWA’s National Coordinator, Emmanuel Onwubiko, described the Presidency’s response as “childish” and “politically twisted,” accusing it of deflecting from the harsh realities faced by Nigerians.

Adesina, during a recent event in Lagos, stated that Nigeria’s per capita income had dropped from $1,847 in 1960 to $824 today, indicating that Nigerians were poorer now than at independence.

However, the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, disputed the figures, claiming Nigeria’s GDP per capita in 1960 was $93 and only improved in the 1970s due to oil revenue.

HURIWA urged President Bola Tinubu to acknowledge the alarming poverty rates instead of denying them.

The group cited a World Bank report revealing that over 75% of rural Nigerians live below the poverty line, with urban poverty at 41.3%.

Onwubiko argued that Nigeria in the 1960s had better infrastructure, education, and job opportunities compared to today’s economic struggles, worsened by corruption and poor governance.

He questioned why the Presidency was disputing Adesina’s assessment instead of addressing the crisis.

HURIWA called for urgent action to tackle poverty, inflation, and insecurity, warning that continued denial would only deepen the suffering of Nigerians.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

The Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) has revealed that more than 75% of candidates who sat for the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) scored below 200 out of the total 400 marks.

The Registrar of JAMB, Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, made this known while presenting the 2025 UTME analysis during a briefing in Abuja. According to him, the performance trend highlights the urgent need for improved learning outcomes and a reassessment of educational standards across the country.

“The results indicate a worrying decline in overall performance, with only a quarter of candidates scoring 200 and above,” Oloyede stated. He attributed the low scores to poor preparation, over-reliance on malpractice, and inadequate teaching methods in some schools.

Education stakeholders have been urged to address the root causes of the poor results, with JAMB reiterating its commitment to upholding examination integrity and improving access to higher education based on merit.