Nigeria

By Isyaka Laminu Badamasi

As the wave of politicians leaving various political parties, especially the ruling party, to join the SDP gains momentum, remember that not everything that glitters is gold.

During the buildup to the 2015 general elections, some politicians capitalized on the failures of the PDP administration at that time. They formed what is now known as the All Progressives Congress (APC), a decision we all regret in unison. 

As observers, and considering the caliber and number of individuals joining the Social Democratic Party (SDP), I must confess that the county’s political landscape leading up to 2027 will be fascinating in the days, months, and years ahead. 

Before then, we should not fold our arms while watching the gullibility of our people and how it has led us to where theAPC administration has brought us today. It is crucial that we examine the actors involved in this process of decamping, reminding ourselves not to be swept away by the razzmatazz of this drama and to avoid making another unforgivable mistake, as not all that glitters is gold. 

We should be very observant of who joined SDP from our states and from which political party. What are their contributions to the development of the state? Are they relevant to the party they left? Are they capable of changing the narratives in the scheme of things, or is it just to make headlines? 

While they have the right to make whatever political decisions regarding 2027, we shouldn’t be naive enough to believe that the ongoing alignments and realignments are unrelated to us. Remember the pervasive nature of politics.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi wrote from Bauchi State via makwalla82@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Angry youths in Gombe State have looted Ramadan palliative supplies reportedly meant for distribution by Seyi Tinubu, son of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

The incident occurred as part of a Ramadan feeding program launched by Seyi Tinubu during his visits to northern states for Iftar celebrations with residents and political leaders.

Seyi’s initiative, aimed at assisting the less privileged during the holy month, has sparked a wave of mixed reactions on social media.

While some welcomed the gesture, others criticized it, arguing that the north deserved more sustainable support than temporary palliative aid.Shamsuddeen Bala Mohammed, son of Bauchi State Governor, voiced his displeasure on Facebook, urging Seyi to implement long-term empowerment programs.

He suggested that the youths in Bauchi needed job opportunities, business startups, and digital skills training rather than food parcels.

“Teach our youths how to fish rather than feed them for one day,” he said.

In Gombe, the distribution of palliative items, including rice, sugar, oil, salt, and pasta, quickly turned chaotic.

Video footage showed youths unloading and carting away cartons of food from a truck, with some throwing the items to others on the ground.

Two trucks containing 3,500 cartons of food had been allocated to the state, but while one was reportedly distributed, the other was intercepted by the angry youths.

Observers have suggested that the distribution might have been sabotaged by those left out of the initial handout event, which took place at the state’s APC Secretariat.

Seyi’s outreach initiative, while framed as part of the Renewed Hope Youth Engagement program, is also seen by some as a strategic political move to strengthen his father’s political foothold in the northern region, where there is still some resistance to his re-election.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

A postgraduate class at Bayero University faced an unexpected turnout issue during a recent lecture on social media’s role in popular culture. 

Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu, from the Faculty of Communication, scheduled his M.Sc. Popular Culture lecture for 2:00 p.m. on Monday, March 24, 2025. However, when he arrived, he was met with an empty classroom.

In a candid post on his Facebook page, Professor Adamu described the situation, expressing disappointment at the absence of his students, many of whom are mature individuals committed to their education. 

“I will wait one more hour, all by myself,” he wrote, revealing the gravity of the situation as he sat alone in the lecture hall.

The incident raises concerns about student engagement and commitment in higher education, particularly among postgraduate students who are expected to take their studies seriously. 

Professor Adamu’s experience reflects a growing trend of attendance issues in classrooms, prompting discussions among his social media followers about students’ attitudes to learning in Nigerian universities.

As the academic community reacts to this situation, it remains to be seen how institutions will address these challenges in the future.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

In a move that has sent shockwaves through Nigeria’s political landscape, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai has officially parted ways with the All Progressives Congress (APC) and pitched his tent with the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

While party defections are common in Nigerian politics, El-Rufai’s departure from the ruling party carries significant political implications that could alter the dynamics leading up to the 2027 elections.

For a man instrumental in the formation of the APC and a staunch ally of former President Muhammadu Buhari, El-Rufai’s departure raises critical questions. Is this a strategic move to remain politically relevant? A protest against President Bola Tinubu’s leadership? Or does it signal widening cracks within the APC that could deepen in the coming years?

El-Rufai’s political journey within the APC has been marked by loyalty, controversy, and influence. As a key figure in the party’s 2015 victory over the PDP, he was regarded as one of the strongest voices in Buhari’s inner circle.

His tenure as Kaduna governor further solidified his image as a reformist, albeit one who often courted controversy. From restructuring Kaduna’s civil service to his hardline stance on security issues, El-Rufai commanded attention. Under Buhari, he wielded significant influence, not just within Kaduna but on the national stage.

Many expected him to secure a prominent role in Tinubu’s government. However, cracks began to show when he was dropped from the ministerial list, allegedly over security concerns flagged by the National Security Adviser.

El-Rufai’s departure from the APC is not a hasty decision; it represents the culmination of increasing frustration. His rejection as a minister was perceived by many as a calculated marginalization, signaling the start of his estrangement from the ruling party’s core decision-making processes. 

Reports suggest he became increasingly disillusioned with Tinubu’s governance style, particularly in handling economic and security challenges. The former governor is known for his bluntness, and sources indicate that his inability to influence policies within the APC played a significant role in his decision.

While his supporters argue that his move to the SDP is based on principle, critics suggest it is driven by personal ambition—positioning himself for a possible political comeback in 2027.

El-Rufai’s choice of the SDP, rather than the PDP or a new political movement, is intriguing. The SDP remains a relatively small force compared to the APC and PDP, raising questions about whether he genuinely believes in the party’s ideology or sees it as a convenient platform to negotiate his future.

Some analysts believe El-Rufai is playing the long game—joining a smaller party now to avoid confrontations with APC heavyweights while testing the waters for potential alliances with other opposition figures ahead of 2027. Others argue that he has limited options, given his strained relationship with Tinubu’s camp and his unlikelihood of returning to the PDP, a party he once fiercely opposed.

Expectedly, the APC has brushed off El-Rufai’s departure, with the Presidency dismissing it as driven by “inordinate ambition.” Kaduna’s APC leadership has also claimed they are unbothered, arguing that his influence has waned significantly since leaving office. 

However, political observers note that El-Rufai’s defection could have ripple effects. While he may not command a nationwide political structure, his ability to shape narratives, especially in northern politics, should not be underestimated. Some opposition figures, including former Senator Shehu Sani, have downplayed his move, arguing that El-Rufai’s political relevance has diminished.

El-Rufai’s defection is not just about one man leaving a party—it reflects deeper tensions within the APC. Since taking power in 2023, Tinubu has had to balance competing interests within the ruling party, from former Buhari loyalists to his own political allies. The cracks within the party are becoming more visible, and if not managed properly, they could deepen before 2027.

For El-Rufai, the road ahead is uncertain. Aligning with the SDP may be a strategic step, but it remains to be seen whether it will translate into real political leverage. Is this the beginning of a broader coalition to challenge APC dominance, or will it end up as another failed defection story in Nigeria’s political history?

One thing is clear—El-Rufai’s move has reignited conversations about Nigeria’s shifting political landscape. Whether it leads to a major realignment or fizzles out as an individual protest remains to be seen.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu, an NYSC serving corps member, writes from the Center for Crisis Communication (CCC) in Abuja.

By Uzair Adam

The Presidency has refuted allegations that the suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara and other political figures in Rivers State was a power grab, asserting that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took action to prevent the state from plunging into chaos.

In a statement on Sunday, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, explained that the intervention was necessary to restore stability, arguing that waiting for a complete breakdown of governance would have been reckless.

The political turmoil in Rivers State, fueled by a power struggle between Governor Fubara and State House of Assembly members loyal to FCT Minister Nyesom Wike, had paralyzed governance.

Despite Supreme Court rulings affirming constitutional authority, tensions persisted. Intelligence reports, according to the Presidency, indicated that militants in the creeks were prepared to attack critical oil infrastructure, threatening national economic security.

“Had President Tinubu failed to act, Rivers State could have descended into violence, with lawmakers and vital oil facilities at risk. Schools and hospitals would have shut down, investors would have fled, and the economic consequences would have been severe,” the statement read.

By March 18, the Presidency said, the crisis had escalated beyond political negotiations, making intervention unavoidable. Critics have described the suspension of Governor Fubara and others as undemocratic, but the Presidency insists it was a temporary measure to reset governance, not an attempt to seize power.

“This is not a power grab,” the statement noted.

“The intervention is temporary, aimed at stabilizing governance. The six-month suspension is designed to de-escalate tensions and restore order.”

The Presidency also accused some critics of hypocrisy, noting that many who condemned the President’s decision remained silent on Fubara’s alleged refusal to cooperate with the legislature.

“Democracy cannot function in lawlessness—anarchy is its enemy,” Onanuga stated.

Citing Section 305 of the Nigerian Constitution, which grants the President the power to act in times of crisis, the statement referenced past emergency rule measures in Plateau and Borno States as precedents for Tinubu’s decision.

“The President swore an oath to safeguard national stability. Rivers State is a vital economic hub, and any political disruption in its oil sector has nationwide consequences,” it added.

With the appointment of Vice Admiral Ibok Ibas (Rtd.) as the Administrator of Rivers State, efforts are already underway to restore peace and governance. One of his first steps was engaging traditional leaders to find lasting solutions.

The Presidency assured Nigerians that the emergency measures would be lifted once normalcy returns, allowing elected officials to resume their duties.

Defending Tinubu’s decision, the statement quoted philosopher Edmund Burke: “The only thing necessary for evil to triumph is for good men to do nothing.”

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

A recent analysis of how medical professionals are spread across Nigeria’s 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) has uncovered some striking differences in the number of doctors available to meet the needs of the country’s growing population.

Leading the pack is Lagos, the nation’s bustling commercial center, boasting an impressive 7,385 doctors. Following closely is the FCT with 4,453 doctors, and then Rivers, which has 2,194 doctors.

Other notable states include Enugu with 2,070 doctors, Oyo with 1,996, and Edo with 1,777, all of which highlight the correlation between urbanization and the demand for healthcare services.

These areas tend to attract more healthcare workers, drawn by the opportunities in metropolitan settings.

However, the report also sheds light on a troubling disparity in healthcare professional availability across different states.

While southern and southwestern states generally enjoy a better doctor-to-population ratio, the northern and northeastern regions are facing a significant shortage of medical personnel.

Taraba, situated in northeastern Nigeria, has the fewest doctors, with only 201, which raises serious concerns about the challenges of providing adequate healthcare in that area.

Other states like Yobe (275 doctors), Adamawa (280 doctors), and Kebbi (273 doctors) further illustrate how the distribution of medical staff is heavily tilted towards more urbanized and economically prosperous regions.

Among the states with lower doctor counts, Zamfara (267 doctors), Jigawa (255 doctors), and Gombe (485 doctors) also highlight a significant gap in healthcare access.

This uneven distribution means that many areas in Nigeria, especially in the north and rural regions, are struggling to deliver quality healthcare services to their communities.

In contrast, southern states like Akwa Ibom (888 doctors) and Abia (829 doctors) show a more favorable situation, underscoring the ongoing challenges in achieving equitable healthcare access across the country.

By Ibrahim Sulaiman (Jama’are)

In circa 1993, my late maternal grandfather, Malam Musa Nagari (d. circa 2017), took me to Malam Idi Nakamaku’s Makarantar allo (a traditional Quranic school) in the Gandun Sarki quarters of Jama’are town, where I was enrolled as a Titibiri (an elementary student). He purchased a new allo (a wooden slate used as a hand-held writing board by students) for me, which I guessed he bought from the Jama’are weekly market. 

Even though they weren’t the same age, I realized that Allaramma Malam Idi and my Malam Musa Nagari were good friends. 

I was already enrolled in Abdulkadir Ahmed Primary School (formerly known as Zango Kanti Primary School). I usually attend the afternoon session at Malam Idi’s school alone with his regular Almajirai (students), most of whom come from nearby and distant towns and villages around Jama’are. 

That was a foundational journey I first had in Islamic studies. 

Sometimes, my maternal grandfather, Malam Musa Nagari, would lead me to school, hand me over to Allaramma, and jokingly say, ‘Ga dalibinka, Dan Izala’ (here is your student, member of Izala). This is because my father had already been a member of Izala (JIBWIS) since the early 1980s. (For an exploration of this statement and the struggle for religious space between Izala and other Sufi groups in Jama’are, see my MA thesis, ‘A History of JIBWIS/Izala in Jama’are, 1986-2015,’ submitted to the Department of History at Bayero University Kano in 2022.)

That was the start of it. Since then, whenever Malam sees me or I pass by him, he calls out, ‘babban dalibi’ (a senior student), even though I stopped attending his school when I was at the Titibiri level. True to form, he asks, ‘ya karatu’ (how’s studies), now referring to conventional education, and concludes with, ‘Allah ya yi albarka’ (may God bless).

As Malam is no longer with us, I will miss his prayers. Whenever I’m in Jama’are, I can hardly pass by Malam without stopping to greet him, and he has always been generous with his usual prayers.

Malam Musa Nagari and Malam Nakamaku have been a school for me. They have been a veritable source of inspiration. 

Malam Nagari, though a grandfather, was a no-nonsense type. We rarely exchanged banter, unlike typical grandparents in a Hausa/Fulani setting like Jama’are. He was a disciplinarian in the real sense of the word. Although we spent a lot of time together at home, on the farm, and in his vocation of building houses, that familiarity did not breach any contempt, as they say. Malam Musa Nagari once told me something I knew was intended to inspire me. ‘Ibrahim, let me tell you. Do you see my farms in their numbers? I only inherited one from my parents…’. This is a way of telling a teenager to ‘be hardworking’!

From Malam Idi Nakamaku, I learned the principle of goodwill. Even though I left his school to probably join Izala Islamiyya, Malam Idi has never stopped considering me his student, referring to me with the term baban dalibi. This has never been a source of concern for him; he simply wants to know how I’m progressing, even at the conventional school level. Malam never ceases to ask such questions; the last time we met was last year during Eid el-Kabir. 

To me, Malam Idi Nakamaku’s life epitomized an enduring commitment to promoting Quranic studies (what a blessed life!). It symbolizes selflessness and service to humanity, along with complete submission to the will of God. I believe Malam Idi Nakamaku embodies the traditional classical eclectic ascetic lifestyle characterized by Zuhd (asceticism or self-denial to achieve Ridhal Allah, meaning God’s pleasure) of early Sufi scholars, which continues to endure into this century.

The demise of Allaramma Malam Idi Nakamaku on March 4, 2025, was a great loss and, indeed, irreparable to the entire Jama’are Emirate. May his soul, along with that of his good friend Malam Musa Nagari, continue to rest in Janna til Firdaus.

Ibrahim Sulaiman (Jama’are) wrote from Abuja via ibrahimsulaiman193@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam

The Director General of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), Brigadier General Olakunle Nafiu, has assured corps members that the new monthly allowance of N77,000 will take effect starting in March 2025.

He gave the assurance during an interactive session with corps members at the Wuse and Garki NYSC Zonal Offices in Abuja, reaffirming the commitment of both the NYSC and the Federal Government to their welfare.

The development follows months of anticipation after the NYSC announced an increase in the allowance from N33,000 to N77,000, in line with the new minimum wage of N70,000 approved by President Bola Tinubu in July 2024.

The last increment was in 2019 when the allowance was raised to N33,000 after a review of the minimum wage to N30,000.

According to a statement signed by the Acting Director of Information and Public Relations, Caroline Embu, the approval for the new allowance was conveyed in a letter from the National Salaries, Incomes and Wages Commission, dated September 25, 2024, and signed by its Chairman, Mr. Ekpo Nta.

Brigadier General Nafiu emphasized that the well-being of corps members remains a priority, urging them to remain calm, dedicated, and disciplined in their service to the nation.

“With effect from March, you are going to receive the sum of Seventy-Seven Thousand Naira as your monthly allowance. NYSC is good at record-keeping, and I can assure you that your money will be paid. The nation and the Scheme appreciate you,” he stated.

He also praised the vision of NYSC’s founding fathers, describing the scheme as a vital institution fostering national unity by exposing graduates to diverse cultures across Nigeria.

He assured corps members that NYSC management would continue to instill values such as patriotism, discipline, leadership, and teamwork.

Speaking on behalf of her colleagues at the Garki Zone, Corps Member Zaka Deborah Alheri (FC/24A/5831) expressed gratitude to the Director General for his commitment to ensuring the timely payment of their increased allowance.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

A wave of emotions swept through the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Lagos, on Tuesday, March 4, as 144 stranded Nigerians returned home from Libya. Some wept as they stepped onto Nigerian soil, clutching their few belongings, while others sighed in relief after months of hardship in the North African country.

The returnees—mostly women and children—arrived aboard a chartered Boeing aircraft at exactly 4:45 p.m. The National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) facilitated their homecoming in collaboration with the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and other key stakeholders. Officials swiftly processed them, ensuring they underwent the necessary procedures for reintegration into society.

Among the returnees were 100 women, 8 men, 26 children, and 10 infants—individuals who had left Nigeria seeking a better future, only to find themselves ensnared in a nightmare. Libya, once viewed as a gateway to Europe, has become a dangerous trap for migrants. Many face forced labor, sexual exploitation, kidnappings, and inhumane detentions, with little hope of escape.

NEMA and its partners have worked tirelessly for years to bring stranded Nigerians home. At the airport, officials from the Nigeria Immigration Service, the National Commission for Refugees, Migrants, and Internally Displaced Persons (NCFRMI), the Department of State Services (DSS), Port Health Services, and the Nigeria Police Force were on the ground to facilitate their return. The returnees underwent biometric registration, medical screening, and psychological counseling before being transported to the Igando IDPs Resettlement Center for reintegration programs.

Yet, for many, homecoming is bittersweet. Aisha, 27, left Nigeria two years ago with dreams of a better life. Instead, she found herself trapped in Libya, forced to work under exploitative conditions just to survive. Holding her two-year-old son close, she said, “I don’t know where to start. I sold everything to travel. Now, I’m back with nothing.”

To help returnees like Aisha, the IOM, in partnership with NEMA and other agencies, provides reintegration support, including vocational training, business grants, and psychosocial counseling. These programs are essential in helping them rebuild their lives and find new opportunities at home.

This latest evacuation is part of an ongoing effort to rescue Nigerians from Libya’s brutal realities. Over the years, thousands have been repatriated, yet the cycle of irregular migration persists. Despite continuous awareness campaigns, human traffickers still lure young Nigerians with false promises of a better life abroad.

Experts argue that while evacuation efforts are commendable, the real solution lies in addressing the root causes of migration—unemployment, poverty, and lack of opportunities. Without viable alternatives at home, many will continue to take desperate risks.

Relief and uncertainty filled the air as the returnees settled into the temporary resettlement center. Some saw their return not as a failure but as a second chance. “I just want to find a way to care for my son,” Aisha said. “I don’t regret coming back. At least I am alive.”

The mission of NEMA and its partners is clear: to help returnees rebuild their lives. But for Nigeria, the bigger challenge remains—creating a future where its youth no longer feel compelled to risk everything for an uncertain journey abroad.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu—an NYSC serving corps member, writes from the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) in Abuja.

By Shamsi Ubale Jibril

State of emergency mainly entails the suspension of normal law and order procedures and the introduction of strict controls of the population, usually involving armed forces, so that a crisis or some other factors out of the ordinary can be contained.

Ignoring variations in nomenclature, nations are empowered either by their constitutions or some other national legislations to declare state of emergency when the country or any part thereof is at war, there is breakdown of public order, imminent fear of breakdown of law and order, occurrence or imminent danger of natural disaster or some other danger which clearly constitute a threat to the existence of the Federation.

The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), as well as its predecessors have clearly laid down the conditions under which state of emergency can be declared, as well as the detailed procedure of the declaration.

By Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, the President may by instrument published in the official Gazette of the Government of the Federation issue a proclamation of a state of emergency in the Federation or any part thereof, subject to 2/3 majority resolution of the senate and House of Representatives approving such measures.

The President is empowered to make such declaration where:

a.the Federation is at war;

b.the Federation is in imminent danger of invasion or involvement in a state of war;

c.there is actual breakdown of public order and public safety in the Federation or any part thereof to such extent as to require extraordinary measures to restore peace and security;

d. there is a clear and present danger of an actual breakdown of public order and public safety in the Federation or any part thereof requiring extraordinary measures to avert such danger;

e.there is an occurrence or imminent danger, or the occurrence of any disaster or natural calamity, affecting the community or a section of the community in the Federation;

f. there is any other public danger which clearly constitutes a threat to the existence of the Federation; or

g.the President receives a request to do so in accordance with the provisions of subsection (4) of this section.

The determination of the existence of any of the above circumstances is left to the President to decide, and he may not face any form of restriction in making the declaration. The only possible limitation is where the National Assembly refuses to approve of the declaration, which is quite inlikely under the current settings.

However, none of the Nigerian Constitutions state the extent of the powers of the Federal Government in administering the affected constituent part (State or Region).

Prior to 2011, the Federal Government after declaring state of emergency, went ahead to displace state government institutions/functionaries of the affected state/region. In 1962, Dr Majekudomi was appointed administrator in the Western Region, while during the President Obasanjo era, General Chris Ali and Tunji Olurin were appointed administrators of Plateau and Ekiti States respectively.

However, in 2011 and 2014 when President Goodluck Jonathan declared state of emergency in some parts of the federation, he departed from this precedent and retained the State Governors and Houses of Assembly. This was criticized as not being far reaching enough.

An opportunity to resolve the dispute as to whether the President could replace state functionaries during state of emergency arose in the Supreme Court in the case of Plateau State of Nigeria & Ano v Attorney General of the Federation (2006) NWLR pt 968 p. 346, but the court avoided pronouncement on this live issue on technical g round.

There is therefore a huge gap on the extent of the powers of the President during period of state of emergency. With its chequared history on state of emergency implementation, the USA passed the National Emergency Act 1976, which clearly provide in detail, how the President could implement State of Emergency.

Nobody is in doubt as to the extent of the President’s power during state of emergency in USA.On the 18th March, 2025, the President of the federal Republic of Nigeria declared a state of emergency in Rivers State suspending the Governor of the State, the Deputy Governor and the State House of Assembly for an initial period of 6 months.

There is no doubt that the President has the power to declare a state of emergency in Rivers state if any of the conditions highlighted above exists. However, in the exercise of this declaration, does the President have the power to suspend a democratically elected governor, deputy governor and a whole house od assembly of a state and replace them with a sole administrator appointed by the President?

It should not be forgotten that section 1 (2) of the Constitution provides:The Federal Republic of Nigeria shall not be governed, nor shall any persons or group of persons take control of the Government of Nigeria or any part thereof, except in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution.In the absence of clear provisions of the Constitution validating the suspensions and how the state can be democratically governed within this period, I am of the firm view that this declaration can challenged in court, and be set aside.

This will put to rest the profound uncertainty in the import and effects of declaration of state of emergency under Nigerian law, and to obviate the tendency using such declaration to score a political goal, no matter how obscure.

Shamsi Ubale Jibril can be reached via danjaji2020@yahoo.com.