Gombe State

Indeed, Pantami — The North Must Tell Its Own Story

By Abubakar Musa Idris

During a recent Ramadhan Tafseer session in Abuja, former minister Isa Ali Pantami made a remark that ought to trouble every Nigerian who cares about media fairness. The North, he argued, needs a strong media presence capable of projecting its narratives to the world. This was not a regional call. It was a practical response to a structural imbalance that leaves Northern perspectives underrepresented both within Nigeria and beyond.

Two concepts explain what Pantami identified. The first is agenda-setting: when news platforms decide what to cover, they are effectively deciding for millions what matters. The second is the battle for narrative control: the competition to shape public conversation. He who wins this battle helps set the agenda. He who has no platform is spoken for by others. This battle plays out globally, where international outlets shape how the world sees Nigeria, and nationally, where the concentration of media houses influences which stories receive prominence.

Consider Nigeria’s media geography. Most major privately owned networks are headquartered in Lagos. This is not a conspiracy; it is a commercial reality. Lagos is the natural home of advertising revenue and media infrastructure. Consequently, perspectives from that region receive sustained national attention not out of malice, but simply because journalists live there. When newsrooms are concentrated in one area, other regions struggle for airtime. The North is reported on rather than reporting. This absence of strong Northern media with national reach is not favourable to accurate national discourse.

The international dimension is equally urgent. Global wire services—Reuters, AP, BBC, CNN, Al Jazeera function as gatekeepers of the world’s agenda. Their choices shape the understanding of billions. Research confirms that coverage of developing nations is almost entirely limited to stories of war and disaster. If a region cannot feed its perspectives into these channels, its stories will be told by others, whether incompletely or inaccurately, sometimes with hostile intent.

Consider what happened on February 19, 2026, when suspected Lakurawa terrorists attacked Kebbi State, killing thirty-four Muslims fasting for Ramadan. The next day, gunmen massacred thirty-eight more in Zamfara. Earlier that week, gunmen in Plateau abducted an imam and seven mosque committee members. Where was the sustained national coverage? Where were the front-page stories? Coverage existed, but it was minimal relative to the horror.

Not because these deaths mattered less. They received less attention because the institutions with the power to amplify them are far from affected communities, and because the North lacks platforms to project these tragedies into national consciousness.

Now contrast this with another narrative that dominated global discourse throughout 2025. Between January and October, a story alleging Christian genocide in Nigeria gained significant traction. Investigators traced this coordinated campaign to networks affiliated with IPOB. The narrative reached 2.83 billion impressions on X alone. It influenced the United States to designate Nigeria a Country of Particular Concern. It shaped discourse around the Sokoto airstrike. It is now cited in discussions about sanctions against Northern figures and proposals to label Fulani groups as terrorist organisations. 

One side had an army of storytellers. The other had none. Agenda-setting power shifted accordingly in Abuja and Washington. The absence of strong Northern media is not favourable in such a landscape.

The proposed sanctions and scrutiny of the Fulani illustrate where this leads. As analyst Yushau Shuaib observed, criminal elements exist across every line. But the Fulani are a diverse population numbering in the millions. Collective blame is profiling. 

Yet profiling becomes easier when only some perspectives dominate discourse. The Fulani have no platform to tell their own story, their history, their contributions, their humanity. They risk being defined solely by what others say. This is about ensuring all Nigerians can represent themselves accurately when the world is watching.

Pantami also pointed inward, critiquing Northern media that prioritize entertainment over substantive reporting. Insecurity, education, industrial revitalisation, issues that shape daily life receive far less attention than partisan conflicts. The stakes are higher for regions with limited platforms. When local media fails to set a serious agenda, it becomes distraction. 

But the problem is also reaching. Numerous Northern stations exist, but many broadcast locally in Hausa, limiting national influence. Reliance on NTA alone is insufficient. The absence of strong, English-language, professionally run Northern media with national ambition is simply not favourable.

Pantami also called for a world-class station broadcasting in English, French, and other global languages. Its purpose: to speak to Nigeria and the world. To feed alternative narratives into national and global ecosystems and claim power to help set the agenda. He pointed to Al Jazeera.

 Before Al Jazeera, the Arab world was narrated by Western outlets. After, Arab perspectives could not be ignored. The channel succeeded not as propaganda, it faced criticism from all sides but because it invested in professional journalism and built credibility. A Nigerian equivalent could do the same.

Consequences extend beyond the North. When any community cannot tell its story, the nation’s image is shaped by whoever has the loudest platforms. International sanctions and diplomatic decisions are increasingly influenced by narrative control. So too are national decisions: budget allocations, security responses. If Northern realities are not part of the national conversation, they will not be part of the national response. Without professional media projecting Nigerian perspectives, the country will be defined by whichever voices dominate existing platforms. This is not favourable to national cohesion.

Pantami spoke during a religious gathering, but his message was strategic. He identified a vulnerability and proposed a solution. The question is whether Northern elites will redirect resources toward building the media infrastructure the region desperately needs. The North must tell its own story. Not because its story matters more, but because every community deserves to represent itself. Nigeria needs multiple voices engaging with the nation and world.

Today, many platforms shaping perceptions of Northern Nigeria are headquartered elsewhere. This is not an accusation. It is media geography. And geography can be changed. The North can build. It can invest. It can tell its own story. Not through propaganda, but through professionalism. Not by silencing others, but by adding its voice.

Abubakar Idris wrote via abkidris99@gmail.com.

Transportation Minister Alkali Resigns, Sets To Join Gombe Governorship Race

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Minister of Transportation, Senator Saidu Alkali, formally resigned from President Bola Tinubu’s cabinet on Tuesday, paving the way for his anticipated entry into the race for the Gombe State governorship.

His exit, announced by the State House media office, came hours ahead of the March 31 deadline set by the President for political appointees nursing elective ambitions to step down.

Alkali, a native of Gombe State, met with President Tinubu at the Presidential Villa on Tuesday evening before finalizing his resignation. He is widely expected to contest for the state’s top seat in the 2027 general elections, aiming to succeed Governor Inuwa Yahaya, whose second term is set to conclude in May 2027.

The former minister’s departure adheres to a directive issued by the President through the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation on March 17, which mandated all appointees seeking public office to vacate their positions by the end of March.

Reflections on Prof. Pate’s Tenure as Third Vice-Chancellor of FUK

By Muhammad Nasiru Yaya

Leadership in academia is often measured not only by policies and projects, but by stability, service, and the enduring footprints left behind. For Prof. Umaru A. Pate, the outgoing 3rd Vice-Chancellor of the Federal University of Kashere (FUK), the end of his tenure marks not just a transition but the close of a chapter defined by commitment, resilience, and purposeful leadership. As he bows out with the words, “I have served, I am happy to leave”, he does so as a fulfilled and happy man—having delivered on the responsibilities entrusted to him.

On the 18th December, 2020, Professor Pate was appointed the 3rd substantive Vice Chancellor of the University of Kashere by the Governing Council of the institution, under the leadership of Barrister Yakubu A.H Buba (SAN), in a seamless and transparent exercise. On Wednesday, 10th February, 2021, he took over the mantle of the Federal University of Kashere as the 3rd Vice Chancellor, with a solemn pledge to transform the University into one of the great fortresses of learning not only in Nigeria but also in Africa. 

In his first impression as VC he fully praises the Almighty Allah for choosing him to occupy the exalted seat- promised to make his dream of transforming the University a reality by adoption of six-points agenda which involves, physical and academic development, maintenance of standards and quality assurance in the system, provision of an excellent town and grown relationship, improved staff and students warfare as well as making investment on Information and Communication Technology. He believed these are essential for any serious institution yearning for academic excellence and development, to ensure global visibility and to reach out within and beyond for resource mobilisation. He promised to work with relevant stakeholders to ensure the institution has sufficient resources to execute and achieve its goals.

On the day of his arrival, he declared that he would do his utmost best to ensure that he didn’t disappoint the confidence reposed in him. He said, and I quote, “Mine will be to consolidate and further build on what the first and second Vice Chancellors were able to lay. This is the system that will outlive us. It never occurred to me that one day, I would also be part of the process. And today I am here, in Sha Allah, we shall do our best to make Federal University of Kashere a great institution.” 

He further added that “what you sow today may germinate in many, many years to come. If you sow evil, you will harvest evil. If you sow good, you will never tell the extent of the fruit you are going to benefit from; therefore, we are going to sow a seed that will be counting in us long after we must have left this place.” However, these are not just statements; they are a declaration of commitment, resilience, and purposeful leadership. 

Within just a year, the institution started to see changes across various faculties and research centres, as well as academic and non-academic standards.  Within a short time, he visually transformed the institution for the better in all aspects. Two years down the line, the Federal University of Kashere had become a hub of academic excellence. He also sponsored more than 45 people for International workshops, and proposal writing on Grand Menard and Management, and promoted multiple stand academic staff to professorial careers. 

In 2024, more than three years into his stewardship, the University had maintained its standards through innovative research and a conducive learning environment, which had garnered national recognition. Under his leadership, in the 2024 National University rankings in Nigeria, the institution secured the 29th spot among the country’s best universities, alongside Covenant University, the University of Ibadan, and the Federal University of Technology, Akure. In 2025, the University was placed as 28th overall in the country.

In the same way, during his tenure, Pate upgraded the SIWES and General Studies Unit to a Directorate and its own, and he also granted approval for the commencement of part-time undergraduate degree programmes at the university. In the same vein, he also established the IJMB programme at the University. He also established a college of Medical Sciences. He is fully accredited for about ten undergraduate programs from the National University Commission (NUC), including Mass Communication. He also established three academic centres of excellence for Sugar Research and Development, Peace and Security Studies, and Environmental and Climate Studies.

In addition, the Federal University of Kashere has consistently recorded commendable achievements and projects under the leadership of Prof. U.A. Pate. The University, in collaboration with the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to promote the study of communication for social and behavioural change. 

However, Under the administration of Prof. Pate, Federal University, Kashere has become a beehive of construction activities, notable among these projects are, completion of Lectures Theater 3, 350 Capacity, completion of 30 number of professorial offices, completion of Lecture Room C, completion of the Other wing of the 250 Twin Lecture Theater, LT2, as well as completion of Prof. Jibrin Aminu College of Medical Sciences, he also secured multi-million FUK Guest house in Asokoro Abuja, the groundbreaking of FUK Christian Chapel, the ongoing new University Senate building and new 500 capacity Lecture Theater. 

On 12 December, 2022, Prof. Pate established the Broadcasting Complex, which contains both TV and Radio Studios, with the aim of supporting student learning. Within the last five years, Prof. Pate has signed a number of MoUs and collaborated with notable organisations and institutions, both locally, nationally, and globally, to reach out to prominent personalities in the state and beyond and attract funds to execute more projects on Campus.

Throughout his tenure as Vice Chancellor, Prof. Pate has maintained a cordial relationship with staff and students of the University; to say that, Prof. Pate has more than justified his appointment as leader of this great fortress of learning. Now that he leaves, FUK has been further repositioned as a great institution for higher learning.

As Prof. Umaru A. Pate steps away from office, he leaves behind more than records and reports—he leaves a university steadier than he met it, a community shaped by service, and a legacy anchored in duty fulfilled. His tenure as the 3rd Vice-Chancellor of the Federal University of Kashere will be remembered not for noise, but for substance; not for length, but for impact. Indeed, he came, he served, he delivered—and he left a happy man.

Muhammad Nasiru Yaya, a graduate of Mass Communication, writes from home.

Mohammadnasiryaya@gmail.com.

Pantami, Power and the Burden of Moral Clarity

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

A Hausa proverb warns that you cannot run at full speed while scratching an itch. The saying captures, with striking simplicity, the dilemma now surrounding Sheikh Isa Ali Pantami as conversations about his political ambitions gain momentum.

Public life demands clarity of role and consistency of purpose. When an individual seeks to occupy two morally and structurally conflicting spaces simultaneously, momentum is lost, and credibility is strained. This is the core tension in Pantami’s current trajectory: the attempt to remain a preacher with clerical authority while simultaneously stepping into partisan politics.

The problem is not ambition itself. It is role conflict. Clerical authority depends on moral certainty and spiritual distance from power, while politics thrives on negotiation, compromise, and moral ambiguity. Attempting to inhabit both worlds simultaneously risks weakening the integrity of each.

This tension becomes even more consequential in a plural society like Nigeria, where religion carries deep emotional authority and political power must remain anchored in constitutional legitimacy. Once religious influence is injected into partisan competition, power risks acquiring a sacred character. Political disagreement can then be reframed, subtly or overtly, as moral failure or spiritual deviation rather than a contest of ideas and interests.

Some have argued, including respected commentators like Jaafar Jaafar, that religious clerics should avoid politics altogether because political space is inherently compromised by bargaining, corruption and ethical trade-offs. Others counter with a seemingly reasonable question: if the aim is to sanitise politics, why not allow upright clerics like Pantami to participate?

That question, however, misunderstands the core concern. The issue is not whether a cleric is personally virtuous. It is about the separation of religion and the state. Democracy relies on pluralism, persuasion and accountability. When religious authority enters partisan politics, votes may be influenced not by policy debate, but by guilt, fear, or claims of divine sanction. That is a dangerous precedent in any diverse society.

The concern deepens when the individual seeking political office has, in the past, described politics itself as immoral or ungodly. Such a record invites legitimate questions of coherence. Has politics suddenly become virtuous, or has it merely become useful? Citizens are entitled to ask not out of prejudice, but out of democratic caution.

More troubling still are historical associations with ideological currents that have openly viewed democratic participation not as a means of strengthening institutions, but as a strategy to hollow them out from within — the well-known shiga daga ciki a gyara argument. In societies that have suffered from extremism and institutional fragility, such histories cannot be brushed aside or dismissed as irrelevant.

None of this is about excluding religion from public life. Faith has always shaped values, ethics and social responsibility in Nigeria. But there is a difference between moral inspiration and political authority. When religion becomes a substitute for constitutional legitimacy, the democratic project itself is weakened.

Politics, by its nature, is a flawed human enterprise. It requires compromise, negotiation and accountability to citizens, not to spiritual hierarchies. Clerical authority, on the other hand, rests on moral clarity and trust. Mixing the two without a clear break risks eroding both.

If Professor Pantami intends to pursue politics, the burden before him is not merely electoral. It is moral and institutional. He must offer clarity, openly reckon with past positions, and demonstrate consistency over time. Nigerians are not asking for perfection. They are asking for coherence.

In the end, democracy survives not on sacred claims, but on transparent choices, accountable leadership and the acceptance that political authority derives from citizens, not sanctity. That distinction must remain clear — for the sake of both faith and the republic.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicate writer based in Abuja.

Gombe governor raises alarm over missing children, orders security action

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya has expressed concern over the safety of children in Gombe State, revealing that no fewer than 48 minors have gone missing under suspected cases of abduction and trafficking.

The governor made this known on Friday during the launch of the state’s Ramadan palliative distribution programme in Gombe.

He described the situation as a serious security and humanitarian issue that demands urgent attention from both authorities and residents.

According to him, official data gathered by the state government shows that the missing children are mostly between the ages of two and five. He added that the victims were allegedly taken to unknown locations, while their parents remain in the state.

“Available information before us shows that 48 children from Gombe State within the age bracket of two to five years have been taken away to unknown destinations,” the governor said.

“Their parents remain here, but we cannot say where the children are or whether they will be found.”

The governor did not give details about when the incidents occurred or the specific communities affected. However, he noted that the pattern of the disappearances points to organised criminal activity.

He also referred to a recent abduction in the Orji Estate area. He linked the incident to emerging security gaps following the partial easing of the state’s motorcycle restriction policy. Although the kidnapped child in that case was later rescued, he said the development highlights the risks children face.

Governor Yahaya called for collective efforts to tackle the threat. He urged residents to stay alert and provide useful information to security agencies.

“We must collectively confront these emerging threats if we want peace restored,” he said.

“There was a time Nigerians lived more peacefully. We must ask ourselves what has changed and take decisive steps, no matter how difficult.”

He further appealed to community leaders, parents, and residents to support ongoing government efforts aimed at safeguarding lives, especially those of vulnerable children.

The disclosure has heightened concerns among residents and civil society groups. Many have called for stronger child protection systems and more effective measures to combat human trafficking across the country.

The Pantami experiment: Morality in the politics of grime

By Ibrahiym A. El-Caleel

Given his profile as an Islamic scholar and public servant, Imam Dr Isa Pantami’s aspiration for the Gombe State governorship continues to attract attention from multiple quarters. What caught my attention yesterday were the closing lines of Jaafar Jaafar, the publisher and editor of Daily Nigerian, in a brief social media post on the candidature. Jaafar remarked:

“Nigerian politics is grimy. You cannot work in a sewer line and expect to come out clean. Mallam (Pantami) should prepare to mudsling, dip his paws in a cookie jar, dance to the tune of Rarara songs, shake hands with female foreign investors and diplomats, visit churches, steal some billions from security vote, divert public funds for political activities, hire thugs during rallies, lie during campaign, rig during election, take kickbacks after contract award, etc.”

Jaafar is clearly not endorsing these practices; he is only highlighting the grime and immorality that dominate Nigerian politics. Yet I disagree with the implicit suggestion that Mallam Pantami must get his hands dirty simply because he is now in frontline politics. No, he does not.

Pantami does not need to embrace corruption to win elections, nor must he compromise his morals to win or govern successfully after victory. These practices do not constitute the winning formula for elections even in Nigeria. Their dominance in our politics are symptoms that our political system has been hijacked by the morally bankrupt over the years.

Unfortunately, many Western philosophers and some Eastern philosophers have theorised a political thought that sidelines morality. They present it as if power must always be ruthless and corrupt. Niccolò Machiavelli, in his famous work The Prince, famously separated politics from conventional morality. He argued that the end justifies the means and that a ruler should be prepared to use deception, force, or cruelty to consolidate power. Better to be feared than loved, he asserted, if both cannot be achieved.

We see the same philosophy from the likes of Friedrich Nietzsche, Max Weber, Henry Kissinger and even the famous Robert Greene of our age. Their common premise is that politics is about power and domination; that stability and the balance of power matter more than moral ideals; that leaders may employ force, deception, and unethical means to maintain authority; and that some, like Nietzsche, even suggest that morality is a human invention of the weak.

The consequences are visible across the globe. Leaders who internalise these philosophies often govern through ruthlessness, corruption, and moral compromise. In so doing, they have soiled their hands in blood, sex scandals, human rights abuses, economic sabotage, and corruption. This is why, for example, several prominent world leaders have skeletons in Jeffrey Epstein’s wardrobe. They have abandoned morality in their pursuit of power. Today, they are prisoners of their actions.

In contrast, Islamic political philosophy teaches that a ruler must be powerful yet morally accountable, serving as a role model for society. Consider Umar ibn al-Khattab (Umar I), the rightly guided caliph, whose governance was a masterclass in combining justice, authority, and compassion. Umar I punished governors publicly, enforced the law even on the elites, maintained military discipline, and ensured state stability. Yet he was profoundly compassionate: during a famine, he refused to eat butter or meat until the people were fed, and he personally delivered food to the hungry. This was not a democracy; it was a caliphate, yet moral leadership reinforced his authority rather than undermined it.

Umar ibn Abdulaziz (Umar II), the Umayyad Caliph, provides another striking example. Before his ascension to power, the Khutbah (Friday sermons) were often laden with political propaganda, and some rulers ordered preachers to insult and curse Caliph Ali bn Abi Talib from the pulpit in political rivalry. They turned the khutbah into a tool for political rivalry rather than moral guidance. Umar II stopped this vile practice immediately he became the Caliph. He banned curses and political abuses from the revered pulpit of sermons and replaced them with Qur’anic verses. This was exemplary moral courage.

However, Umar II returned the stolen wealth of his predecessors and officials to the national treasury. He reformed corrupt systems gradually because he believes moral change is institutional, not emotional. He abolished oppressive taxes and unjust land confiscations, redistributed state wealth to reduce inequality, and institutionalised meritocracy. Under this meritocracy, he appointed governors and officials based on competence rather than family or tribal loyalty. He removed corrupt and incompetent officials even from his own Umayyad family. Therefore, he revived Islamic ethics in governance.

The last example I will cite here is the famous Abbasid Caliph Harun al-Rashid, who was cited by Chinua Achebe in his book, The Trouble with Nigeria. Harun al-Rashid is another classic example of a leader who combined political power with moral conscience. He was known to travel incognito at night among Baghdad’s citizens to hear complaints directly and make amends where needed. Despite his moral inclinations, the Abbasid dynasty reached its political and cultural peak under Harun al-Rashid. His reign kicked off what later became known as the “Islamic Golden Age”, which gave the world an intellectual gift, the Baytul Hikmah (House of Wisdom).

These examples make one point crystal clear: moral corruption is a choice, not a prerequisite for leadership. The more the world internalises Machiavellian philosophies, the more it empowers the ruthless and morally bankrupt. For Imam Dr Isa Pantami, his candidature is a litmus test. Should he compromise his ethical standards, he risks tarnishing decades of personal integrity. Yet he also has the opportunity to carve out a niche in Nigerian politics by leveraging his clean record, focus, and moral credibility. If he can win ethically and govern without succumbing to corrupt pressures, he could make history, embodying the same fusion of power and moral conscience exemplified by Umar ibn al-Khattab, Umar ibn Abdulaziz, and Harun al-Rashid.

I wish him success and look forward to observing whether he can translate his reputation into leadership that blends authority with moral responsibility, setting a new standard for governance in Nigeria. He is a specimen we should observe; let us see how morally upright people swim against the black tides of our politics. If he succeeds, more morally upright people need to enter politics and help us fix this broken country as early as possible, before it’s too late.

Ibrahiym A. El-Caleel wrote from Zaria, Kaduna State, via caleel2009@gmail.com.

Gombe government establishes 13 new LCDAs

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Gombe State Governor, Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya, has signed a bill into law creating 13 new Local Council Development Areas (LCDAs).

Speaking during the signing ceremony at the Government House on Monday, Governor Yahaya explained that the initiative aligns with the 1999 Constitution and was designed to address the growing population while promoting grassroots development.

The new LCDAs and their administrative headquarters are: Akko North (Amada), Akko West (Pindiga), Balanga South (Bambam), Billiri West (Taal), Dukku North (Malala), Funakaye South (Tongo), Gombe South (Bolari), Kaltungo East (Wange), Kwami West (Bojude), Nafada South (Birin-Fulani), Pero-Chonge (Filiya), Yamaltu East (Dadinkowa), and Yamaltu West (Zambuk).

Governor Yahaya stressed that the long-term advantages of creating the new councils outweigh the costs involved.

He said, “Like the creation of Gombe State in 1996, these LCDAs will usher in a new era of progress for our communities and the state at large.”

An interim management committee and a transition technical team led by the deputy governor will oversee the establishment of the councils.

EFCC confiscates luxury items, arrests 21 for cyber crimes in Bauchi

By Anwar Usman

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has arrested 21 suspected internet fraudsters in Bauchi State.

The operation was conducted by the commission’s Gombe Zonal Directorate on Saturday, March 15, 2025, following acredible report on the suspects’ alleged involvement in cybercrime.

According to a statement from the EFCC on its X handle, the suspects were arrested on Monday in the Kaure New Government Reservation Area and Awala, Maiduguri Road, in Bauchi.

During the operation, several luxury vehicles were recovered, including a BMW car and a Toyota Camry, among others.

The EFCC reiterated that the suspects would be prosecuted when investigations are completed. 

“Items recovered from them at the point of arrest include one BMW and Toyota Camry cars, three PlayStation 5, 30 expensive phones, one flat-screen television set, six Point of Sale, POS, machines, four iPads, and five laptops,” the statement further revealed.

Governor Inuwa attends National Cybercrime Summit, stresses synergy for cybersecurity

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Gombe State Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya, CON, participated in the National Cybercrime Summit held at the Presidential Villa in Abuja earlier today. 

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), in collaboration with the Rule of Law and Anti-Corruption Programme (RoLAC) and the European Union, organized the summit, which focused on enhancing digital skills as a strategy to combat cybercrime.

The event’s theme was “Alternative to Cybercrime: Optimizing Cyber Skills for National Development,” a demonstration of commitment to building digital resilience and ensuring a secure online environment for sustainable national development.

 The First Lady of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, officially inaugurated the summit and launched a new Rapid Response Centre to address cybercrime emergencies.

Speaking to journalists after the event, Governor Inuwa Yahaya emphasized the importance of collaboration in combating the growing threat of cybercrime. 

The Governor commended the EFCC for organizing the National Cybercrime Summit, recognizing the event as a timely initiative to address the growing challenge of cybercrime. 

He emphasized the importance of multi-level cooperation, including leveraging technology and youth involvement, to promote positive alternatives to cyber activities.

“We appreciate the EFCC for bringing this important issue to the forefront. My government is ready to partner in this endeavour because we recognize that combating cybercrime requires partnership.

“We need to work together with the federal government, EFCC, and other relevant bodies to address this global challenge. Our youths must also be involved, as they are both the drivers of technology and the leaders of tomorrow.”

The summit brought together prominent figures, including the Chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum, Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq of Kwara State, Governors of Katsina and Zamfara, members of the National Assembly, the Sultan of Sokoto, His Eminence Saad Abubakar III, and other traditional rulers and diplomats.

Gov Inuwa approves new appointments for GSHC, Gombe United FC

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Gombe State Governor, Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya, CON, has approved the appointment of a new Chairman and Board Members for the Gombe State Housing Corporation to strengthen efforts in tackling housing challenges and providing affordable housing solutions for the people of the state.

The Secretary to the State Government, Professor Ibrahim Abubakar Njodi who conveyed the Governor’s approval, indicated that the newly constituted leadership of the Corporation includes representatives from the three senatorial districts of the state and key ministries. Those appointed are as follows:

Arc. Mohammed Habu Shinga – Executive Chairman

Mohammed Gurama Dukku – Representative, Gombe North (Member)

Saleh Ahmed Danmasani – Representative, Gombe Central (Member)

Abubakar Hussaini Cham – Representative, Gombe South (Member)

Representative from the Ministry of Housing – Member

Representative from the Ministry of Finance – Member

Similarly, the Governor has approved the reorganization of Gombe United Football Club with appointment of new leadership to align with the government’s objective of repositioning the football club for better performance and improving the management of sports in the state.

The SSG announced the new appointees as follows:

Mallam Anas Bamusa – General Manager

Mr. Ishaya Usman – Team Manager

Comrade Abubakar M. Maina (Dameji) – Secretary

Governor Inuwa Yahaya expects the new appointees to bring innovative ideas and leadership, as well as work in synergy with stakeholders to support the government’s agenda in housing and sports sectors respectively.

All the appointments are with immediate effect.