Atiku Abubakar

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

As politicking for the 2027 elections gradually gains momentum, both new and familiar scenarios will inevitably emerge. Nigeria’s political landscape is dynamic and often shaped by geopolitical factors, and 2027 will be no exception.

The truth is, despite its internal wranglings and historical baggage, any coalition that does not have the PDP as its central pillar is unlikely to achieve the kind of national spread required to win a presidential election in Nigeria. The PDP, with its extensive grassroots network and long-standing presence across all six geopolitical zones, remains the only opposition party with a truly nationwide structure, even if its influence has somewhat waned in recent years.

Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, notable third-force figures from the 2023 elections, lack enthusiasm for any clearly defined coalition. Obi appears ready to pursue the presidency again, but the conditions that fueled his surprising 2023 performance- particularly the support from urban youth and disenchanted Christian voters— have significantly waned. This support was initially driven by fear over Tinubu’s Muslim-Muslim ticket, which caused concerns among Christians. Today, that fear has faded, and ironically, the Muslim-Muslim arrangement includes more Christian participation in government than anticipated.

Kwankwaso, on the other hand, appears to have adopted a more pragmatic, localised approach- ‘ state capture. Kwankwaso’s posture suggests a strategy of quiet autonomy: “I have Kano; let me control it. I won’t interfere with you, and don’t interfere with me.” This ‘state capture’ mentality may give him relevance at the regional level but severely limits his national appeal.

President Tinubu, meanwhile, has carelessly  or perhaps inadvertently squandered the political capital that the APC enjoyed in the North from 2015 to 2023. During that period, the APC could count on overwhelming support from northern voters , often to the extent that votes from a single state could nearly cancel out those from entire geopolitical zones elsewhere. That dominance was largely tied to a geopolitical strongholds strategy . Tinubu’s failure to maintain and galvanize this strategy will eat up the APC’s traditional votes in the North, which are very key for the APC’s return to a second term.

Furthermore, Tinubu has, whether knowingly or not, revitalised the dormant CPC bloc — a faction of the APC that once represented the ideological and political base of Buhari’s loyalists. Now, with the central leadership perceived as disconnected from northern interests, the CPC bloc sees an opportunity to reassert itself. In regions like the Northwest, particularly, this could lead to a realignment of loyalties, with Tinubu’s influence weakening in favor of those viewed as more authentically representing northern interests. 

Nepotism is nepotism. While Buhari’s nepotism was largely regional and driven by northern priorities, Tinubu’s appears more ethnic and focused on Lagos, which could prove politically costly if not urgently recalibrated. That said, Tinubu still has time and political tools to course-correct before 2027, if he chooses to use them wisely.

The current coalition promoters, however, appear to be relying on an outdated strategy. The 2015-style bandwagon movement, built around the idea of ‘change,’ is unlikely to resonate with voters in 2027. Buhari’s eight-year presidency has left a mixed legacy, with many citizens feeling disillusioned by the unmet expectations. The old formula simply won’t work again.

In 2027, two key elements will determine electoral success, not only at the center but also in the states: substantial resources, both financial and structural , and science. The days when charisma and rhetoric alone could deliver victory are over. Any political group serious about winning must adopt a data-driven strategy. This entails conducting thorough research into voter behavior, turnout patterns, demographic shifts, and regional voting strengths. 

It also requires understanding the psychology of the electorate, particularly among young voters, who now constitute a decisive segment. Apolitical political scientists, data analysts, and behavioural experts will play a more vital role than ever before. Without this approach, even the best-funded campaign could fall flat.

Finally, it is important to accept that the coalition model of 2015 and the voting behavior of 2023 are not likely to repeat themselves. Nigeria’s political terrain has evolved, so to speak . As of today , although tomorrow is uncertain, the three major blocs heading into the 2027 elections appear to be Tinubu’s APC, the PDP, and the rest . It is shaping up to be a near-zero-sum game. 

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

When the PDP began its first tenure in 1999, there was a level of humility and fairness. But it was in their second tenure that their invincibility began to take shape.

As a former military Head of State, Olusegun Obasanjo did not help matters. For the second time in Nigeria’s history, he declared a state of emergency in Ekiti and Plateau and threatened several other states. During this period, the legislature was allegedly weaponized for political control, and allegations extended even to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), a respected anti-graft agency. 

Arguably, the PDP reached its zenith in 2007 and became so confident that it could “do and undo. ” The opposition could no longer hold any chance; instead, they covertly or overtly carried out the bidding of the powerful PDP. This exuberance and excesses of the then-ruling party culminated in a ditch for democracy: reports indicated that the 2007 presidential election results were declared while the collation was still ongoing. 

In 2011, Goodluck Jonathan’s administration continued its escapade. Allegations of corruption and mismanagement ran rampant, and the PDP became a haven for anyone singing its praises. This perception was palpable, and the public echoed that anything labelled ‘dubious’ came from the party. 

Complacency eventually led them to boldly declare that the party would remain in power for sixty years. Instead of sixty, the PDP barely added another six years. Even the former party chairman, who initiated the sixty-year maxim, considered leaving the party in 2015. 

Never mind the masses’ outrage, founding fathers decrying maltreatment, and bigwigs, including governors, decamping to the opposition. PDP could not see the handwriting; they thought it would be normal. 

The death of the PDP would be slow, with several deep cuts. One of them was shunning them by decamping opposition. Shehu Sani, Nasir El-Rufa’i, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, and Peter Obi should all naturally have considered the PDP as an alternative. 

Another blow to the slowly fading party is an internal crisis. One crisis after another continues to shake the once-indomitable party, providing those looking to defect a compelling reason to change sides. 

Perhaps the deepest cut was Nyesom Wike’s presence, who actively undermined the party from within. As Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Wike not only revoked the PDP land title of the new secretariat but allegedly facilitated a Supreme Court victory for his ally, Mr Samuel Anyanwu, against the current party secretary.

History is replete with the downfall of the mighties. Leaders, nations, and brands often reach a status where they seem invincible, only to succumb to the very excesses that caused their rise.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

Nigerians, particularly in the northern region, mourn the tragic killing of several Hausa hunters traveling from Port Harcourt to Kano. The incident sparks an outcry on social media.

Atiku Abubakar, the former vice president and PDP presidential candidate, extended his condolences to the families of the victims and urged a comprehensive and impartial investigation.

“We must protect innocent lives,” he stated, urging authorities to act swiftly to prevent future incidents of jungle justice. 

Abubakar called for public confidence in security institutions, insisting that justice must be done and seen to be done. The community awaits action in the wake of this horrific event.

By Uzair Adam

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has said he is yet to decide whether he will run for president in 2027, emphasizing that a strong and viable platform is crucial before making any commitment.

In an exclusive interview with Daily Trust ahead of the airing of Untold Stories, a television program hosted by Adesuwa Giwa-Osagie, Atiku addressed speculations about his political future but remained noncommittal.

“I don’t know because there has to be, first of all, a viable platform, more than any other time in the political history of this country, particularly since the return of democracy,” he said.

Atiku, who has contested the presidency six times, recently announced a coalition of opposition leaders aiming to challenge President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.

However, questions remain about who will lead the alliance, with Peter Obi, former Labour Party presidential candidate, and Nasir El-Rufai, former Kaduna State governor, among those being considered.

Despite his uncertainty, Atiku stressed that Nigeria is in urgent need of experienced and credible leadership.

“I have not seen Nigeria in such a dire need of strong leadership as we are today,” he said.

Atiku also addressed the controversy surrounding his decision not to select Nyesom Wike, now Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, as his running mate in the 2023 election.

He explained that unlike in 2019, when he picked Peter Obi without broad consultations and faced backlash, he allowed the party to recommend three candidates in 2023, ultimately choosing Ifeanyi Okowa, who was ranked first, over Wike, who was second on the list.

“No, not at all,” Atiku said when asked if he regretted not picking Wike.

Reflecting on the 1993 presidential election, Atiku recounted how his political mentor, the late Shehu Yar’adua, asked him to step down for Chief Moshood Abiola.

He said an initial agreement was for Abiola to select him as his running mate, but governors within the Social Democratic Party (SDP) pressured Abiola into choosing Babagana Kingibe instead.

“They threatened him and said, ‘Look, if you don’t take Kingibe, we are not going to support you.’ Abiola felt it was a risk worth taking,” Atiku said.

While Atiku remains undecided about his 2027 ambition, his recent political moves suggest he continues to play a significant role in Nigeria’s opposition politics.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

Former Vice President and PDP Presidential Candidate, Atiku Abubakar, has voiced serious concerns over allegations of sexual harassment made by Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan against Senate President Godswill Akpabio. 

Atiku emphasised the need for a thorough and transparent investigation into these claims, stating, “The Nigerian Senate represents the voice of the people, and its leadership must uphold the highest standards of integrity and respect.” 

Atiku stressed that as a powerful figure, the Senate President is expected to demonstrate exemplary character.

Highlighting the detrimental impact of sexual harassment on women’s advancement, Atiku called for credible actions from Nigerian leadership to address these allegations and assure safety in governance for female legislators. 

“This matter will send a strong message about Nigeria’s commitment to justice and inclusion,” he remarked, urging for an environment where every citizen can work without fear.

The political landscape now awaits the Senate’s response as the nation watches closely for accountability and integrity in leadership.

By Uzair Adam 

Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, former governor of Kano State and presidential candidate of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), has dismissed rumours suggesting he entered a power-sharing agreement with opposition candidates Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP).  

In an interview with the BBC, Kwankwaso expressed anger over the claims, describing them as baseless fabrications intended to mislead the public. 

He alleged that Atiku’s camp had met with regional leaders, including clerics, to promote the false narrative.  

“This issue deeply angers me—to hear that respected elders are spreading lies about something that never happened. 

“I was told that nearly 45 clerics were gathered and informed about this fabricated story. I did not appreciate this at all,” he said.  

Kwankwaso further clarified the alleged agreement, which claimed Atiku would serve as president for four years, followed by Kwankwaso for another four years, and Peter Obi for eight years, stating categorically, “This is completely false; such an agreement never existed.”  

Reflecting on his departure from the PDP to join the NNPP, Kwankwaso said he left the party to escape the “humiliation” he and his supporters faced. 

He emphasised that such incidents reinforced his decision to forge a new political path.  

“Such lies and deceit are precisely why we left. Myself, Peter Obi, Wike, and others all left. Now they are coming back, asking us to help those who humiliated us to achieve their goals,” he said.

By Muhammad Abdurrahman

Former Vice President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, tackles President Bola Ahmed Tinubu over the hardships caused by the latter’s policies since assuming office as President in May 2023.

In a post on his verified social media handles, Atiku calls out Tinubu, calling the steps taken by his administration to contain the crises of currency fluctuation and poverty many people face in Nigeria “failures.”

The statement reads:

At a meeting called at his instance on Thursday to address the Foreign Exchange crisis and the problem of economic downturn, among others, Bola Tinubu failed, yet again, to showcase any concrete policy steps that his administration is taking to contain the crises of currency fluctuation and poverty that face the country.

Rather, he told the country and experts who have been offering ideas on how to resolve the crisis that he and his team should not be distracted and allowed time to continue cooking their cocktail that has brought untold hardship to the people of Nigeria.

I don’t agree with that.

The wrong policies of the Tinubu administration continue to cause untold pain and distress on the economy and the rest of us cannot keep quiet when, clearly, the government has demonstrated sufficient poverty of ideas to redeem the situation.

If the government will not hold on to their usual hubris, there are ways that the country can walk out of the current crisis.

After a careful assessment of the state of our economy at the twilights of the last administration, I knew full well that the economy of the country was heading for the ditch and came up with a number of policy prescriptions that would rescue the country from getting into the mess that we are currently in.

Those ideas, encapsulated in my policy document titled: My Covenant With Nigerians made the following prescriptions:

1. I had signed on to a commitment to reform the operation of the foreign exchange market. Specifically, there was a commitment to eliminate multiple exchange rate windows. The system only served to enrich opportunists, rent-seekers, middlemen, arbitrageurs, and fraudsters.

2. A fixed exchange rate system would be out of the question. First, it would not be in line with our philosophy of running an open, private sector friendly economy. Secondly, operating a successful fixed-exchange rate system would require sufficient FX reserves to defend the domestic currency at all times. But as is well known, Nigeria’s major challenge is the persistent FX illiquidity occasioned by limited foreign exchange inflows to the country. Without sufficient FX reserves, confidence in the Nigerian economy will remain low, and Naira will remain under pressure. The economy will have no firepower to support its currency. Besides, a fixed-exchange rate system is akin to running a subsidy regime!

3. On the other hand, given Nigeria’s underlying economic conditions, adopting a floating exchange rate system would be an overkill. We would have encouraged the Central Bank of Nigeria to adopt a gradualist approach to FX management. A managed-floating system would have been a preferred option. In simple terms, in such a system, the Naira may fluctuate daily, but the CBN will step in to control and stabilize its value. Such control will be exercised judiciously and responsibly, especially to curve speculative activities.

4. Why control, you may ask.

(i). Nigeria has insufficient, unstable, and precarious foreign reserves to support a free-floating rate regime. Nigeria’s reserves did not have enough foreign exchange that can be sold freely at fair market prices during crises.

(ii). Nigeria is not earning enough US$ from its sales of crude oil because its production of oil has been declining. And,

(iii). Nigeria is not attracting foreign investment in appreciable quantities.

These are enough reasons for Nigeria to seek to have a greater control of the market, at least in the short to medium term when convergence is expected to be achieved.

Tinubu’s new policy FX management policy was hurriedly put together without proper plans and consultations with stakeholders. The government failed to anticipate or downplayed the potential and real negative consequences of its actions.

The Government did not allow the CBN the independence to design and implement a sound FX Management Policy that would have dealt with such issues as increasing liquidity, curtailing/regulating demand, dealing with FX backlogs and rate convergence.

I firmly believe that if and when the Government is ready to open itself to sound counsels, as well as control internal bleedings occasioned by corruption and poorly negotiated foreign loans, the Nigerian economy would begin to find a footing again. – AA

By Kamal Alkasim

Atiku Abubakar, former vice president and perennial presidential candidate, has long styled himself as the “Unifier” of Nigeria. Yet, recent events raise questions about his ability to live up to this label.

Internal Divisions and G5 Exodus:

Atiku’s party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), has been plagued by internal divisions. The G5 group of five aggrieved governors, led by former Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike, have publicly parted ways with Atiku and the party leadership. This exodus has significantly weakened the PDP’s chances in the 2027 presidential election.

Lost Allies and the Rise of New Political Alliances:

Further complicating the picture, two major figures who ran for president in 2023, Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, have left the PDP. These departures have deprived Atiku of potential allies and created a new political landscape with the emergence of a possible merger between the PDP, Labour Party, and New Nigeria People’s Party.

Unifying Action Needed:

While the details of this potential merger remain unclear, it presents a fresh challenge for Atiku. Should the merger materialise, it will demand exceptional unifying skills to navigate the competing ambitions of Obi, Kwankwaso, and other stakeholders within the new entity.

Unification Through Action, Not Words:

The question remains: when will Atiku be a “verified Unifier”? While words are persuasive, concrete action will ultimately determine his ability to bring together disparate political forces and forge a unified front.

Negotiations and the Struggle for Power:

Atiku faces a tough road ahead. He must navigate the complex negotiations with Obi, Kwankwaso, and other influential figures while overcoming internal party divisions. Ultimately, his success in securing the presidential candidacy and uniting the disparate political forces will be the true test of his unifying credentials. 

Kamal Alkasim is a freelance writer. He can be reached via kamalalkasim17@gmail.com.

By Muhammadu Sabiu

Atiku Abubakar, a former vice president of Nigeria, has cautioned the Economic Community of West Africa (ECOWAS) against using military hostilities to resolve the Niger Republic’s leadership obstacle.

Following coups in neighbouring Mali and Burkina Faso, President Mohamed Bazoum of the Niger Republic was deposed on July 26 by his own guard in the third putsch in the region in as many years.

After the coup in Niger, the regional economic bloc threatened military action.

Atiku criticised the strategy in a tweet on Thursday night, stating that deploying military techniques may make the situation worse.

He contends that the situation calls for diplomatic efforts, which implies that open lines of communication are essential.

By Salisu Uba Kofar Wambai

Atiku Abubakar made campaign promises about tackling border closure which seriously ushered hardships, especially in the North. He equally rolled out plans to liberate Nigeria from the shackles of foreign loans President Muhammadu Buhari immersed it into.

PDP is the party that has formidable and unnerving politicians who fought tooth and nail for democracy to thrive in this country. The party people know the long walk to freedom they walked, and their 16-year dispensation spoke for them. 

PDP mastered campaigns for the creditors to give us waivers, which prevented the country from such loan spells. They ensured Nigeria hadn’t been submitted to total external control like we see today with APC’s inexperienced and heartless dispensation.

PDP has think tanks that guide their foreign relations which made sure we did not accept in toto any development strategy which could undermine the welfare of citizens in the long run. Thanks to their inclusion of technocrats both from home and outside in their socioeconomic and political decision makings 

Atiku was an integral part of all these goodies mentioned; that’s why we suggested northern voters vote for him during the 2023 presidential campaigns. As a northerner who willingly gave power to the South from 1999 to 2015, I thought it was economically stagnant due to the selfish allocation of federal government projects under OBJ and GEJ. The North had expected Buhari to compensate the region for even development of the country.

However, Buhari seemed to have failed and was ignorant of why power was being rotated at the centre. He favoured the South in many aspects of development project allocations like railways, good roads, bridges and electricity. 

Most of the projects Northerners have been clamouring for, like Mumbila Power Plants, Baro Port, Ajakuota Steel Company, KKK gas pipeline projects, and roads linking states of the region, have not seen the lights of the day. And how could North continue to support power-sharing and shift these injustices, shabbiness and iniquity?

The southern PDP governors under Nyesom Wike led a mischievous campaign against their party candidate PDP to work for the southern presidency. They were not a bunch of idiots like some undesirable elements of the northern politicians who selfishly sold out the region for their egocentric notions.

Now that Nigerians are paying the price of what they had bought by bringing APC to power again, we must remind our people how to become politically smart next election season. And many folks from this part of the country cannot still see things as they are. Sad.

Salisu Uba Kofar Wambai writes from Kano State and can be reached via salisunews@gmail.com.