Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has issued a strong charge to the Nigerian military, urging them to intensify efforts in ending terrorism and banditry while promising improved welfare for troops.  

Speaking to soldiers of the 17 Brigade in Katsina on Friday, Tinubu described the security crisis as a pivotal moment in Nigeria’s history. He called for unwavering resolve in defending the nation’s sovereignty and restoring peace.  

“This is a defining moment,” Tinubu declared. “Nigerians are counting on you to reclaim every inch of our territory. Let the enemies of Nigeria know—their time is up.”  

The President assured troops of better housing, healthcare, timely allowances, and family support. He praised their bravery in combating banditry in Katsina and beyond, stating, “You are the shields of Nigeria, standing between our people and terror.”  

Tinubu’s visit included inaugurating a 24km dual-carriage road and an agricultural mechanisation centre. His message was clear: Nigeria will not surrender to terrorists, and the military will receive full backing to end insecurity.  

“To those who seek to destabilise us,” he warned, “Nigeria will not bow.”

By Uzair Adam 

At this year’s Workers’ Day celebration in Abuja, organised labour unions issued a strong 20-point demand to the Federal Government, calling for urgent measures to address Nigeria’s deepening socio-economic crisis, including rising insecurity and wage stagnation.

In a joint address, leaders of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress (TUC) urged the government to end the widespread killings across the country and implement economic reforms that prioritise the well-being of citizens. 

They also advocated for justice, respect for democratic principles, and transparency in governance.

Themed “Reclaiming the Civic Space in the Midst of Economic Hardship,” the event saw the labour centres decry what they described as unconstitutional actions, particularly the suspension of the elected government of Rivers State through a declaration of emergency, which they argued lacked a legal basis.

Other demands included an immediate salary review aligned with the economic situation, clarity on the Pay-As-You-Earn (PAYE) taxation system, and the withdrawal of controversial tax bills before the National Assembly. 

Labour also called for more inclusive policymaking, emphasising that workers must have a seat at the table when critical decisions affecting their welfare are being made.

Details to follow…

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

In the early hours of Friday, April 12, 2025, Zike village in Bassa Local Government Area of Plateau State was reduced to a theatre of blood. At least 40 people, including women and children, were brutally killed by armed assailants who invaded the community under the cover of darkness.

Homes were set ablaze, farmlands destroyed, and hundreds displaced — once again. This is not an isolated tragedy. In less than four months, Plateau State has lost over 400 lives to mindless violence across Mangu, Bokkos, Riyom, Barkin Ladi, and Bassa LGAs.

According to data from local community leaders and humanitarian groups, more than 150 villages have been attacked since January 2024, with thousands displaced and properties worth billions destroyed.

Yet, the response from government authorities has been chillingly muted. Standard condolence statements have followed each carnage, but little in the way of justice or proactive security. For many in Plateau, it feels like being condemned to die in silence.

The question is painfully simple: for how long will this continue? The victims of these attacks are not armed militias or combatants. They are primarily farmers, traders, women, and children — people asleep in their homes, utterly unprepared for war but caught in its crosshairs.

The attackers, on the other hand, are described as well-coordinated, heavily armed, and operating with an eerie sense of impunity. The carnage in Plateau should not be seen as just a “communal crisis.” It is terrorism — plain and simple.

Any act that involves the targeted killing of innocent civilians on such a consistent and organised scale deserves to be treated as a national security emergency. The lack of urgency from both the federal and Plateau State governments is not just disappointing — it is dangerous.

The time has come for both levels of government to stop playing to the gallery and act. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Caleb Mutfwang must rise above politics and confront this crisis with the seriousness it demands.

Enough of the empty press statements. The people of Plateau need protection, justice, and healing, not promises. There must be an immediate and thorough investigation into the Zike killings and all previous attacks across Plateau State.

The security agencies must identify and arrest the perpetrators. Communities cannot continue to bury their dead while those responsible roam free. Beyond this, a special joint military-police operation should be launched in Plateau — not as a temporary show of force, but as a sustained mission to flush out criminal elements and restore peace across all hotspots.

Such an operation should be intelligence-led, with active engagement from community leaders, local vigilantes, and civil society actors. Security operatives must also be adequately funded, equipped, and monitored to ensure professionalism and accountability in the course of duty.

Furthermore, there should be a comprehensive resettlement plan for displaced persons. The IDP camps in Plateau are filled with women and children who have been forgotten by a country that swore to protect them.

The government must support rebuilding destroyed homes, schools, and clinics in the affected communities. Most importantly, the culture of impunity must end. When killers are not punished, others are emboldened.

When justice is denied, peace remains a fantasy. Nigeria cannot claim to be fighting insecurity on one hand and tolerating unaddressed massacres on the other. This country must no longer treat the deaths of rural Nigerians as a footnote in national discourse.

The tears in Plateau are real. The graves are real. The trauma is real. And so must be our response. Plateau State is bleeding. Its people are tired. And the time to act is now — not with words, but with swift, firm, and visible action.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu writes from the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) in Abuja.

By Isyaka Laminu Badamasi

In the move to ouster Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration and the All Progressive Congress (APC) from the mantle of leadership in 2027, the need for unity among our political leaders can not be overemphasised.

The recent visit by Atiku Abubakar and other top politicians to former president Muhammadu Buhari for the post-Sallah, cast serious doubts in the minds of Nigerians who are yet to recover from the shocks of the former president’s betrayal of 2015 – 2023. The Wazirin Adamawa clearly stated that the visit has nothing to do with the proposed merger.

Be that as it may, Atiku as the prominent opposition leader should also be very careful with the crop of politicians is aligning with to achieve this objective, as some of those seen in his entourage during the visit are people with questionable backgrounds, whose their reigns in power left an indelible mark of anger and uncertainty in the minds of their people, they are heartless with no sense of sympathy to the people, they are not different with Tinubu.

As the Hausa saying goes, one need not select water in an attempt to squelch a fire, but in some situations, there is a need for that, as some waters may be more harmful than the fire. The selection of who to join hands with towards emancipating this country from the hands of incessant geezers is of the utmost importance. Sending President Tinubu out of the villa in 2027 is non-negotiable and shouldn’t be handled with kid gloves.

As it stands today, Nigerians yearn for someone who is ready to implement policies and programs that will make their lives very easy and promising, someone who will bring an end to the wanton killings all over the country caused by one insecurity or another, someone who is ready to ensure that Nigeria remains one and united. 

For this, the need for the political leaders to unite and make necessary adjustments to face the heartless APC administration head om is very paramount,  any move that can not guarantee the aspirations of common man in the streets can not move to an inch, and, it will be for the advantage of Bola Tinubu and his APC to remain in power beyond 2027.

To those power drunk, who are making a mockery of the movement, should be reminded that the pre-2015 merger that brought APC to power is still workable. APC and Tinubu should get prepared.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi,  a public affairs commentator and advocate for sustainable development,  writes from Bauchi. 

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman

In countries where governance works in favour of the people, citizens always look forward to progress and innovation. In contrast, Nigeria often clings to nostalgia, with many, including those who never lived through certain eras, romanticising what they fondly call the “good old days.”

Believing that the past was always better than the present, some advocate for a return to free education and overseas scholarships. Others yearn for the days of kobo coins, arguing that Nigeria’s economy thrived when they were in circulation and the naira held strong against the almighty dollar.

The era of Native Authorities, which largely financed itself through poll taxes and prioritised education, is also missed. Back then, local administrators ensured students were transported to and from school dormitories at the beginning and end of each term, reinforcing a system that valued structured governance and community welfare.

These administrative units, established under British colonial rule, eventually led to local governments (LGs). Initially, the LGs performed well, maintaining orderly markets, paying teachers’ salaries, and addressing essential grassroots needs.

However, over time, they lost autonomy and are now seen as mere appendages of state governments. Recognised as the most crucial level of governance due to their proximity to the people, successive administrations have made efforts to grant LGs full autonomy.

Yet, these efforts have consistently faced resistance. In 2012, former President Goodluck Jonathan declared his commitment to local government autonomy, emphasising that meaningful national development was impossible without functional local councils.

He argued that empowering LGs would have mitigated the rising insecurity. Jonathan also opposed the state-local government joint account, insisting that councils had a pivotal role in his administration’s “Transformation Agenda.”

At one point, he took legal steps to actualise this vision, but the dream of LG autonomy remained unrealised. Former President Muhammadu Buhari also pursued this goal. In May 2020, he signed an Executive Order granting financial autonomy to the judiciary, legislature, and local government councils.

Experts hailed this as a landmark move toward a more people-centred governance structure. Buhari’s rationale was grounded in Section 7 of the 1999 Constitution, which mandates LGs to oversee primary, adult, and vocational education, develop agriculture and natural resources (excluding mineral exploitation), and maintain key public services.

Their responsibilities also include street naming, house numbering, waste disposal, public convenience maintenance, and the registration of births, deaths, and marriages—basic yet crucial civic functions that remain poorly executed in today’s Nigeria.

Additionally, LGs are tasked with assessing and collecting tenement rates, regulating outdoor advertising, and overseeing public health and alcohol control. However, despite Buhari’s efforts, his administration’s push for LG autonomy, much like Jonathan’s, ultimately failed.

Now, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu finds himself at the center of this enduring struggle. He successfully secured a Supreme Court victory affirming LGs’ constitutional rights and their role in advancing grassroots governance.

He hailed the judgment as a win for democracy. However, what initially appeared to be an achievement began to feel like a setback. Many believe that state governors, who have long controlled local government resources, are deliberately frustrating the implementation of this autonomy for personal gain.

The requirement that LGs must conduct elections to receive direct allocations has further complicated the issue, as state governments continue to manipulate the process to maintain dominance.

By its very nature, local government should be the most accessible level of governance, open to all—from the ordinary citizen who walks barefoot to the community leader who mobilises residents for communal projects.

Yet, it has become a political chessboard where governors install their loyalists as council chairmen or caretakers, reducing them to mere appendages rather than independent administrators. Governors have historically played a decisive role in shaping Nigeria’s presidential politics.

With the 2027 elections casting a long shadow, party defections and quiet coalition-building are underway. This leaves Tinubu in a precarious position: will he stand firm on his commitment to full LG autonomy for sustainable economic development, or will he yield to political pressures and look the other way as 2027 approaches?

The battle for local government autonomy remains unfinished. The question now is whether Tinubu will see it through or let history repeat itself.

Lawal Dahiru Mamman writes from Abuja and can be reached via dahirulawal90@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

The Federal Government has released ₦50 billion to academic and non-academic staff unions of federal universities, fulfilling a promise made by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as part of efforts to enhance the welfare of university personnel and strengthen Nigeria’s education sector.

Announcing the development, the Honourable Minister of Education, Dr. Maruf Olatunji Alausa, described the disbursement as a strategic move to reaffirm the President’s commitment to transitioning Nigeria into a knowledge-driven economy. He emphasised that the release goes beyond a financial transaction, calling it a bold investment in human capital and youth development.

“This intervention is a reaffirmation of our President’s belief in the capacity of Nigerian youth and the invaluable role played by academic and non-academic staff in nurturing them,” Alausa stated.

In a message conveyed through the ministry, President Tinubu reiterated that ensuring uninterrupted academic activity in Nigerian universities is a core priority of his administration. “Keeping our children in school is not negotiable,” he declared, expressing optimism that strikes in higher institutions would soon be permanently resolved.

The Education Minister also acknowledged the cooperation of university unions, noting that Nigeria is currently experiencing one of the longest periods of academic stability in recent years.

The release of the funds is seen as a significant milestone in the President’s Renewed Hope Agenda and a step toward positioning Nigeria’s education system as a benchmark for excellence on the continent.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana 

From the ashes of battle-weary Borno to the powerful corridors of Aso Rock, Vice President Kashim Shettima has consistently defied the odds. His journey has never been one of privilege but of perseverance, grit, and unswerving faith in destiny.

As governor, he governed Borno State at a time when Boko Haram unleashed one of the worst humanitarian crises in Nigeria’s history. While others fled, Shettima stayed. He took bold, calculated risks to keep his people safe, rebuild destroyed communities, and stabilise a state under siege. Many thought Borno would collapse—yet under Shettima’s leadership, it stood.

Transitioning to the Senate, Shettima faced different types of warfare—political manoeuvring, underestimation, and party intrigues. Yet again, he rose above, earning his place as a voice of reason and strength within the APC, known for his eloquence, intellect, and firm grasp of national issues.

Today, as Nigeria’s Vice President, Shettima faces yet another challenge—this time from within. A coordinated campaign has emerged, allegedly pushed by political actors with ambitions for 2027, aiming to sow discord between him and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Fake news merchants have been deployed to twist narratives and fabricate rifts. But the facts remain stronger than fiction.

President Tinubu’s trust in Shettima runs deeper than many understand. Tinubu chose Shettima as his running mate—without pressure, without external consultation, and certainly without seeking endorsement from even the most powerful figures like former President Muhammadu Buhari. His decision was based on conviction, not compromise.

Each time the media speculates on a rift, President Tinubu swiftly dispels it, reiterating his confidence and respect for Shettima. This alliance is built on shared vision and mutual respect, not convenience.

Kashim Shettima has emerged stronger, wiser, and more determined through every fire he has walked. History shows us that adversity sharpens his focus. This latest round of animosity, though loud, is fleeting. Just like before, he will rise—not only to prove his critics wrong, but to reaffirm the values of loyalty, resilience, and visionary leadership.

The noise will fade in the end, but Shettima’s legacy—like his rise—will endure.

Lawan Bukar Maigana is an award-winning journalist and humanitarian who can be reached at: lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

By Blaise Emeka Okpara

If recent events in Nigeria’s body politic are anything to go by, then one would be right to conclude that our democracy is headed for the rocks. At no time in our nation’s history has such a calamity of monumental proportions befallen us! What is worse, we are witnessing for the first time an unholy alliance between the three arms of government. What this portends is that the people, who should be the primary concern of governance, are now being relegated to the background.

There is great danger, and from the look of things, it might not get better anytime soon. The current reality in Nigeria, where both the legislature and judiciary have collapsed their structures into that of the executive, has created an atmosphere of distrust and hopelessness among Nigerians. There is a disconnect between the government and the people. This dichotomy exists due to the nonchalance associated with the current crop of political leaders.

Of great concern is the recent declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State, which saw the suspension of a duly elected governor and the appointment of a sole administrator. While it is undeniable that the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, in Section 305, bestows upon the President the power to declare a state of emergency, it does not grant him the power to remove an elected governor. 

More disheartening was the speedy ratification by the Senate through a voice vote. How, on earth, did the Senate determine a two-thirds majority through a voice vote? These and many other questions continue to bug the discerning.

As if that were not enough, the Attorney General of the federation and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi SAN, was vociferous  in his outburst, threatening that the President would not hesitate to declare more states of emergency in any state if it becomes necessary. In a democracy! Such unguarded utterances should not be encouraged because they go against the principles of democracy. 

Moreover, from all indications,it seems that the days of healthy debates in the national assembly are gone. Today, Nigeria has a  national assembly that functions as an extension of the executive. One wonders what might become of our democracy if President Ahmed Tinubu decides  to prolong his stay in office beyond the constitutionally required terms. With the antecedents of this current national assembly, one might conclude that it is a done deal. 

Sadly, the judiciary is not exempt. At a time when Nigerians look to the judiciary as the bastion of democracy, the institution has been so undermined that it no longer inspires confidence among the populace. Brazen disregard for justice, driven by monetary inducement, has become the norm. This is even more evident in the audacity with which Nigerian politicians now instruct aggrieved individuals to go to court. 

Outcomes of judicial processes can easily be predicted by simply observing those involved. When a nation has a judiciary that takes orders from the executives, where then lies the hope for the common man? One can only find judges hobnobbing with politicians in a compromised judiciary.  

The return to constitutional democracy was met with great expectations and optimism from Nigerians after years of military rule. However, more than two decades later, it seems Nigeria is gradually drifting towards a darker era where only a privileged few individuals manage the affairs with little or no regard for the people.

There is a pervasive feeling of helplessness among Nigerians that those in positions of authority can do and get away with anything. As scary and unsavory as this may sound, it is the truth, given recent occurrences. It reeks of a lack of empathy for a President to declare the removal of the subsidy on the day of his inauguration without considering the impact on the people. To this day, Nigerians are still reeling from the effects of that hasty decision. Needless to say,millions of Nigerians were plunged into poverty as a result. 

Unlike in 2013, when the then-President removed the fuel subsidy and Nigerians had the freedom and courage to take to the streets, the reverse is now true. In fact, during the last “Hunger protest,” most protesters were teargassed by the police, and some were arrested. The criminalization of protests in Nigeria by the current administration has instilled fear among citizens. When citizens are frightened by the government of the day, it’s not a democracy.

The usual refrain by the police that protests would be hijacked is purely a calculated attempt to suppress dissenting voices. This confrontational approach to peaceful protesters is undemocratic because it contradicts citizens’ rights to freedom of expression as enshrined in section 39 of the 1999 constitution (as amended). If citizens’ rights to protest are being trampled upon, then it is correct to conclude that we are gradually sliding back to the despotic years of the military, where speaking truth to power was considered an act of bravery. 

Conclusively, most of those in positions of authority today, like the sitting President, often wax lyrical about their heroics during the NADECO days of the military. President Tinubu was among the major organizers of the “occupy Nigeria” protests, which saw his party, the All Progressive Congress(APC), come to power. If protest was fashionable then,why is it not now? 

Democracy thrives on fundamental principles such as the separation of powers among the three branches of government to ensure checks and balances, fundamental human rights, the rule of law, popular participation, and, most importantly, legitimacy. 

Only the people can bestow this legitimacy through periodic elections. When these core principles are abused,democracy is in danger. Political office holders need to engage in introspection to curtail their high-handedness and save our democracy from imminent collapse. To be forewarned is to be forearmed.

Blaise Emeka Okpara writes from Abuja and can be reached at: emyokparaoo1@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

As politicking for the 2027 elections gradually gains momentum, both new and familiar scenarios will inevitably emerge. Nigeria’s political landscape is dynamic and often shaped by geopolitical factors, and 2027 will be no exception.

The truth is, despite its internal wranglings and historical baggage, any coalition that does not have the PDP as its central pillar is unlikely to achieve the kind of national spread required to win a presidential election in Nigeria. The PDP, with its extensive grassroots network and long-standing presence across all six geopolitical zones, remains the only opposition party with a truly nationwide structure, even if its influence has somewhat waned in recent years.

Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, notable third-force figures from the 2023 elections, lack enthusiasm for any clearly defined coalition. Obi appears ready to pursue the presidency again, but the conditions that fueled his surprising 2023 performance- particularly the support from urban youth and disenchanted Christian voters— have significantly waned. This support was initially driven by fear over Tinubu’s Muslim-Muslim ticket, which caused concerns among Christians. Today, that fear has faded, and ironically, the Muslim-Muslim arrangement includes more Christian participation in government than anticipated.

Kwankwaso, on the other hand, appears to have adopted a more pragmatic, localised approach- ‘ state capture. Kwankwaso’s posture suggests a strategy of quiet autonomy: “I have Kano; let me control it. I won’t interfere with you, and don’t interfere with me.” This ‘state capture’ mentality may give him relevance at the regional level but severely limits his national appeal.

President Tinubu, meanwhile, has carelessly  or perhaps inadvertently squandered the political capital that the APC enjoyed in the North from 2015 to 2023. During that period, the APC could count on overwhelming support from northern voters , often to the extent that votes from a single state could nearly cancel out those from entire geopolitical zones elsewhere. That dominance was largely tied to a geopolitical strongholds strategy . Tinubu’s failure to maintain and galvanize this strategy will eat up the APC’s traditional votes in the North, which are very key for the APC’s return to a second term.

Furthermore, Tinubu has, whether knowingly or not, revitalised the dormant CPC bloc — a faction of the APC that once represented the ideological and political base of Buhari’s loyalists. Now, with the central leadership perceived as disconnected from northern interests, the CPC bloc sees an opportunity to reassert itself. In regions like the Northwest, particularly, this could lead to a realignment of loyalties, with Tinubu’s influence weakening in favor of those viewed as more authentically representing northern interests. 

Nepotism is nepotism. While Buhari’s nepotism was largely regional and driven by northern priorities, Tinubu’s appears more ethnic and focused on Lagos, which could prove politically costly if not urgently recalibrated. That said, Tinubu still has time and political tools to course-correct before 2027, if he chooses to use them wisely.

The current coalition promoters, however, appear to be relying on an outdated strategy. The 2015-style bandwagon movement, built around the idea of ‘change,’ is unlikely to resonate with voters in 2027. Buhari’s eight-year presidency has left a mixed legacy, with many citizens feeling disillusioned by the unmet expectations. The old formula simply won’t work again.

In 2027, two key elements will determine electoral success, not only at the center but also in the states: substantial resources, both financial and structural , and science. The days when charisma and rhetoric alone could deliver victory are over. Any political group serious about winning must adopt a data-driven strategy. This entails conducting thorough research into voter behavior, turnout patterns, demographic shifts, and regional voting strengths. 

It also requires understanding the psychology of the electorate, particularly among young voters, who now constitute a decisive segment. Apolitical political scientists, data analysts, and behavioural experts will play a more vital role than ever before. Without this approach, even the best-funded campaign could fall flat.

Finally, it is important to accept that the coalition model of 2015 and the voting behavior of 2023 are not likely to repeat themselves. Nigeria’s political terrain has evolved, so to speak . As of today , although tomorrow is uncertain, the three major blocs heading into the 2027 elections appear to be Tinubu’s APC, the PDP, and the rest . It is shaping up to be a near-zero-sum game. 

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

The Federal and Edo State Governments have established a fact-finding committee to investigate the recent killings of 16 travellers in Uromi. 

Governor Senator Monday Okpebholo announced this during a meeting with a delegation from Kano State, led by Deputy Governor Comrade Aminu Abdulsalam Gwarzo.

Okpebholo expressed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s discontent with the incident and emphasised the government’s commitment to ensuring the safety of all Nigerians. He also mentioned the need to address the underlying issues contributing to such violence.

Gwarzo thanked the governor for his response to the incident and shared that Kano has formed its own committee to verify the victims’ identities and next of kin. The governor assured that justice would be pursued transparently.

The meeting included various officials and culminated in a visit to Uromi, where they engaged with the local Hausa community.