Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Ajuri Ngelale, President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s special adviser on media and publicity, has announced that he will be taking an indefinite leave of absence to focus on medical issues concerning his immediate family. Ngelale hoped to return to national service when circumstances, recovery, and fate allow.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has accepted the decision and wishes Ngalele well.

Ngalele’s leave of absence has sparked numerous reactions from many Nigerians. This comes as no surprise; anyone taking an ‘indefinite’ leave or resigning from President Tinubu’s administration is likely to be viewed negatively due to the country’s current economic challenges and some of the administration’s unpopular decisions and policies. 

Additionally, there is a public perception that those not in the Tinubu administration’s ‘inner circle’ may encounter difficulties or hiccups—though such assumptions have always been Nigerian. However, the Daily Nigerian reported that Ngalele was forced out. The paper said that Mr Ngele was only given a soft landing to quit as presidential spokesman, but he chose to quit all his positions.

Since Mr Ngelale’s appointment, which was influenced by the first family, campaign spokespersons have been under internal pressure to replace him with “someone with better media relations” or “someone the president is more pleased with.”

DAILY NIGERIAN also gathered that Mr Ngelale was also on a collision course with other media aides working for the president for allegedly sidelining them in the running of the affairs of the office. According to sources, Mr Ngelale had also chewed more than he could bite, taking several roles that affected his primary media relations role. The sources said the tasks of being a Special Presidential Envoy on Climate Action and chairman of the Presidential Steering Committee on Project Evergreen have created a role strain and given the cabal a reason to convince the president to replace him.

Given his skills, experience, and expertise, Ngalele has done an outstanding job as a spokesperson. While the Tinubu administration must find a capable replacement for him, they must focus on more than just appointing another Senior Special Adviser on Public Affairs. The administration requires a dynamic and versatile media and PR team that can shift from a reactive to a proactive approach, as Nigerians will not now listen to just standard good English.

President Tinubu needs a PR team that can effectively reinvent Nigerians’ familiar image of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The focus should not be on finding a replacement for Ngalele but on assembling a dynamic and strategic team capable of rebranding and promoting Tinubu. This team should highlight his accomplishments and present them in a way that can restore public confidence. 

For instance, Tinubu’s PR should focus on the North, where the president’s rating decreases daily. Moreover, it’s essential to showcase the value and contributions of each cabinet member, emphasising what they bring to the administration’s overall agenda. The greatest mistake Tinubu will make is to bring on board politicians; most Nigerians will not listen to them.

President Tinubu should Rejig his media and PR team, and they must communicate in a way that resonates with Nigerians and actively engage with them. They must speak to Nigerians in the ‘language’ they understand, but the bottleneck is that the only language Nigerians understand is what will bring ‘rice and beans’ to their tables.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Haroon Aremu Abiodun

As they say, “Uneasy lies the head that wears the crown,” but Bello Matawalle, appointed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as Minister for State Defence in 2023, has risen to the challenge. His tenure in office so far is marked by a blend of persistent controversies and significant achievements, with the latter shining a bright light on his leadership and the impact of his decisions.

As Governor of Zamfara state, Matawalle was reported to have taken stringent measures against banditry and insurgency, which led to some success in the fight against terrorism in the Northwestern region.

As such, it is not surprising that he and Mohammed Badaru Abubakar, another former governor of Jigawa State, were appointed Ministers to supervise the defence sector.

This feat was accomplished through military precision and a strategic, forward-thinking focus on infrastructure revitalisation. Their joint efforts led to the rehabilitation of military barracks nationwide, improving the living conditions for soldiers and their families—a clear demonstration of their commitment to the military’s welfare and the future of Nigeria’s defence sector.

A recent major highlight of Matawalle’s leadership was his role in revitalising Nigeria’s defence infrastructure. He worked closely with the Defence Industries Corporation of Nigeria (DICON) and the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI) to establish a domestic arms and ammunition production facility.

This initiative is projected to save Nigeria $60 million annually by reducing the need to import military hardware, marking a significant step towards self-reliance in defence production.

Matawalle’s focus on defence sector reforms to improve efficiency has also caught attention. His reforms are designed to build a more resilient military by streamlining procedures and holding the system accountable.

One of Matawalle’s standout initiatives was his hands-on approach to addressing the grievances of military personnel. His open engagement with soldiers about delayed allowances and welfare issues demonstrated a rare willingness to tackle the heart of the defence system’s morale, evoking empathy for the soldiers and their struggles.

Despite these accomplishments, Matawalle’s tenure has not been without its controversies. Allegations of corruption and mismanagement, along with disputes over his qualification to run the defence ministry, continue to cloud his leadership. Critics question whether these shadows will define his legacy or if his achievements will ultimately shine through.

Born on February 12, 1969, in Maradun, Zamfara State, Matawalle’s educational background includes studies at Yaba College of Technology and the University of West London. His journey from a teacher to a politician has been marked by resilience and a steadfast commitment to public service.

After a successful stint in the Zamfara State House of Assembly during the Abacha regime, he served as a state commissioner before being elected to the House of Representatives in 2003. His political career reached new heights in 2019 when he became the Governor of Zamfara State following a Supreme Court ruling that disqualified the supposed winner.

During his tenure as governor, Matawalle made efforts to address the rampant insecurity in Zamfara State, a region plagued by banditry and violence. He initiated dialogue with various armed groups and made efforts to implement infrastructural projects across the state, including constructing governor’s lodges in all 14 Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Zamfara.

Matawalle’s career reflects a blend of determined public service and significant scrutiny, particularly regarding his financial decisions as governor.

A fanatical loyalist of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Matawalle’s leadership in various capacities during this period laid the groundwork for his current role in national defence, where he continues to confront external threats and internal controversies.

Matawalle must prioritise transparency and communication to secure his legacy, ensuring the public understands his decisions and reforms. His continued focus on the welfare of soldiers and veterans, alongside his strategic defence initiatives, will be crucial in determining whether his story will be one of triumph or a missed opportunity.

The final chapter of Bello Matawalle’s legacy is still being written. The world watches as he walks the fine line between triumph and turmoil. Will he be remembered as a transformative leader, or will the crown’s weight prove too much?

His legacy teeters on the edge, and only time will reveal whether his story is one of greatness or missed opportunity.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is a Mass Communication graduate and a corps member with PRNigeria Center, Abuja. He can be reached at exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Tinubu congratulates Senator Monday Okpebholo, the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate in Saturday’s Edo State governorship election, on his victory at the polls. 

On Sunday, Senator Okpebholo was declared the winner by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), having defeated other contenders for the position.

President Tinubu commends APC national leaders, Edo State leaders, and party governors for working hard to achieve victory. He says the victory testified to the people’s support for the ruling party, its progressive ideals, its economic reengineering programme and its commitment to improving the lives of Nigerians. 

He urges Senator Okpebholo not to gloat over his victory but to see it as a challenging call to service. He encourages him to demonstrate magnanimity by reaching out to his political rivals and uniting the people of Edo State to ensure its development. 

President Tinubu also praises other candidates who participated in the election for their contributions to advancing Nigeria’s democracy, saying peaceful political contests, such as the one on Saturday, portray Nigeria as a stable democracy. 

The President urges all those aggrieved by the election outcome to seek redress through the legal channels.  

In addition, the president commends the people of Edo State for their orderly and peaceful conduct during the election, underscoring the maturing of Nigeria’s democracy after 25 years. 

“I commend the INEC and our security agencies for working round the clock to conduct a successful, peaceful and largely hitch-free exercise. 

“INEC has once again demonstrated that it is committed to organising a free and fair election in our country”, President Tinubu says.

By Kabir Fagge Ali

Nigeria’s oil industry was recently thrown into chaos following disputes that erupted between Farouk Ahmed, the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), and Aliko Dangote, President of the Dangote Group when the former accused the Dangote Refinery of producing substandard diesel and operating without proper licensing.

As stated by the NMDPRA, the diesel from Dangote’s refinery contained unsafe levels of sulfur, suggesting it was inferior to imported products. In response, Dangote countered these claims by presenting laboratory tests proving his diesel’s superior quality and compliance with international standards.

Dangote emphasised that the NMDPRA had previously accredited his refinery’s in-house laboratory, which added credibility to his defence—going ahead to criticise the reliability of the NMDPRA’s testing methods and called for an investigation into the standards of fuel testing laboratories in Nigeria.

During a visit by leaders from the House of Representatives, Dangote demonstrated the refinery’s production capacities and dismissed allegations of receiving special incentives. Industry analysts confirmed that although the refinery is in the pre-commissioning stage, it is already producing fuel.

This controversy brings to light critical issues surrounding energy security, monopoly, and the potential benefits to Nigeria’s economy as we understand the importance of energy security to national economic stability and development.

For Nigeria, the most populous country in Africa, ensuring energy security is essential for economic growth, industrialisation, and the overall well-being of its citizens. Recent changes, such as removing fuel subsidies, have underlined the importance of a robust and reliable energy sector.

Energy security can be viewed through both long-term and short-term lenses. Long-term energy security involves investments that support sustainable economic development and environmental needs. Short-term energy security focuses on the immediate availability and affordability of energy.

It is often noted that energy security encompasses availability (geological), accessibility (geopolitical), affordability (economic), and acceptability (environmental and social) considerations. These address concerns related to the depletion of fossil fuel reserves and environmental impacts.

The Dangote Refinery represents a significant step towards improving Nigeria’s energy security. By reducing the country’s reliance on imported refined products, the refinery aims to enhance energy independence and stability. This shift is expected to alleviate some economic burdens, particularly in light of recent subsidy removals, as I mentioned before, that have led to increased fuel prices and higher costs of goods.

However, there are concerns about monopoly and regulatory oversight. Under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the Nigerian government deserves a commendation for collaborating with the Dangote Refinery to address these challenges. Nevertheless, the government and the Dangote Group must work together to ensure that the benefits of this refinery extend to Nigerian citizens.

The Government should ensure that this collaboration includes fair pricing agreements and transparent operations, ensuring that the refinery’s products are affordable and accessible to the populace. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, the removal of the subsidy has led to a decline in economic growth, with the country’s GDP contracting by 1.92% in the first quarter of 2023.

The Dangote refinery is a welcome development for Nigeria’s energy security. The refinery, which is expected to be one of the largest in Africa, will have the capacity to produce 650,000 barrels of refined petroleum products per day. This will significantly reduce Nigeria’s dependence on imported petroleum products, thereby reducing the country’s energy costs and increasing its energy security.

Energy security is a critical component of Nigeria’s economy, and the Dangote refinery is a step in the right direction. By reducing the country’s dependence on imported petroleum products, the refinery will help to conserve foreign exchange, reduce the pressure on the naira, and increase the country’s GDP.

Furthermore, the refinery will create jobs, stimulate economic growth, and increase government revenue. However, the Dangote refinery’s dominance in the Nigerian energy market has raised concerns about an energy monopoly.

The NMDPRA has expressed concerns about the refinery’s potential to dominate the market, leading to a lack of competition and high consumer prices. Aliko Dangote has countered that the refinery will increase competition and reduce prices, as it will provide an alternative to imported petroleum products.

Despite the concerns about energy monopoly, the Nigerian government and Aliko Dangote have agreed to collaborate to ensure that the refinery benefits the Nigerian economy. The government has provided incentives and support for the project, while Dangote has committed to ensuring that the refinery operates transparently and competitively.

While the Dangote refinery is a significant development for Nigeria’s energy security, the country still relies heavily on fossil fuels. Nigeria needs to diversify its energy sources to include renewable sources such as solar, wind, and hydropower.

This will reduce the country’s dependence on fossil fuels, reduce its carbon footprint, and mitigate the impact of climate change.

Although concerns about energy monopoly need to be addressed, the collaboration between the government and Dangote is a positive development. However, Nigeria must diversify its energy sources to include renewable ones to ensure a sustainable energy future.

Kabir Fagge Ali, a youth corps member with PRNigeria Centre, wrote via faggekabir29@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The aftermath of the ten-day “End Bad Governance” protests has conveyed three clear messages: two to President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and one to the senior members of his administration from the North—notably Vice President Kashim Shettima, National Security Adviser Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, Secretary to the Government of the Federation George Akume, Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin, Speaker of the House of Representatives Tajudden Abbas, and others.

Firstly, despite the protests in the North escalating into widespread looting, arson, underage participation, and political exploitation and hijacking, they have sent a clear message to President Tinubu. His two key policies—the removal of fuel subsidies and the floating of the naira—are deeply unpopular and have sent many people into prison poverty.

Secondly, the Tinubu administration has squandered crucial political goodwill in the North. Beyond the economic hardships, this loss of political support in the region is significant, as it could impact Tinubu’s prospects for a second term. The Tinubu/Shettima ticket was built on this very foundation. Furthermore, the protests took place nationwide on three unique political faces: they were a form of revolt in the upper North, and the Southeast remained silent. At the same time, the Southwest found itself in a catch-22 situation.

The third message from the aftermath of the protests is directed at the senior members of the Tinubu administration who hail from the North. They now face the Herculean task of restoring the Tinubu government’s lost goodwill in the North. To do so, they must address two critical issues. A deep and unbiased look at the “End Bad Governance” protests in the North reveals not only a message to Abuja but a kind of internal revolt—an uprising against ‘oneself,’ so to speak. 

Furthermore, Yobe, Bauchi, Borno, Jigawa, Katsina, Kano, and Kaduna states experienced the worst violence during the protests. Interestingly, a 2024 report shows that these states are among the top northern states with the highest rates of out-of-school children: Yobe (62.9%), Bauchi (55.7%), Borno (54.2%), Jigawa (51.1%), Katsina (45.9%), Kano (41.6%), and Kaduna (40.6%).

Northerners who are senior members of the Tinubu government must find a way, before 2027, to not only convince but also help Tinubu implement policies that will lift people out of poverty. A quick approach is to leverage the Dangote Refinery and other private and state-owned refineries. Given that Nigeria’s daily fuel consumption hovers around 45–50 million litres, the government should step up its programme to boost crude production specifically for local refineries, allocating it to them in naira and at a lower cost. This would lead to more affordable fuel prices, eliminate the need for imports, and save foreign exchange. 

Furthermore, to be fair to the Tinubu government, it inherited Nigeria’s finances in the ‘red’. Tinubu has two options to get the books into the blue—the hard and the simple options. Tinubu chose the simple option: remove the fuel subsidy and float the naira. The hard way, which is the more sustainable one, involves fixing all the state-owned refineries, increasing crude production to at least 2 million litres per day, supplying local refineries with cheap crude to translate to affordable pump prices, and boosting food production by helping genuine farmers with farm implements, soft financing, and extension services.

The northern elites, both in government and outside, must read between the lines and comprehend them well. For example, the northern members of Tinubu’s government must understand that the government’s public relations (PR) efforts for Northern consumption are currently communicated in a ‘language’ that the masses do not understand. This approach requires not just a revitalisation of strategies but a complete overhaul of its managers and a redesign of its medium.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

Nigerians appeared to have tried several options without a glimmer, so the option to try the youth is now gathering momentum. This call comes at the heels of the ten days of the recent controversial protest. Two other options were weighed during this protest: military takeover and alliance with Russia.

 Nigeria’s (or even African) history didn’t support the clamour for a military takeover. In the 64 years since Nigerian independence, military rule (according to my arithmetic) lasted 31 years, but at best, the military—once seeming the panacea—didn’t proffer any solution.

In another desperation to find the nexus, some protesters fly Russian flags. One interpretation of this antics is that they want Nigeria to cut any ties with the U.S. and most of Europe by proposing a shift of alliance to Russia. According to this argument, Western economic policies haven’t benefited Nigeria, so perhaps a different geopolitical alignment will.

However, aligning with Russia, an equally extreme approach, is not guaranteed to yield better outcomes. Has this group of protesters heard about the Scandinavian Economic Model? This model seeks to strike a balance between the capitalist extremes of the U.S. and the state-centred economies of Russia, offering a suitable middle ground for us. Instead of Russian flags, these protestants might have flown those of Sweden, Finland, or Denmark.

The search for a better headway began in 2015 when Nigerians, for the first time, voted for a leader based on integrity and record antecedent, putting aside money, politics, and tribal loyalties to some extent. However, by the end of President Buhari’s first term, the public began to have second thoughts. After his two terms, something unthinkable happened: many staunch supporters turned critics, and now, a year into Tinubu’s presidency, the failure of seasonal veterans is sealed, hence fueling the growing clamour for young leaders.

This urge for youth takeover is a more realistic option. The youths have become tired of being used and “dumped.” given that most of those who vote are youths, they now want to take a leading role by floating a political party exclusive to the youth.

The youth proponents argue that the youth have energy, time, and health. To boot, youth leadership is characterized by pressing the button; their hands are always close to the button, just waiting for a slight opportunity to press it.

This argument came to the forefront during f-PMB leadership, when he appeared to be going too slow, hence nicknamed Baba go slow; one of my friends opined that Nigeria then was in dear need of young leaders’ vitality, speed, and urge to get us out of the mud. According to my friends, a young leader would have made several decisions faster in tune with the situation and public yearning.

However, there is a crack in the foundation; one problem with youth is unity and cooperation; we always find that we want to help fellow youths whenever the need arises. Several youths aspire to different positions in this country, but the first people to boycott them are fellow youths; it will be their fellow youths who begin to mock them. This is a similar dilemma the women face. Women worldwide decry exclusion, but when a fellow woman tries to compete with men, it would be the fellow women that bring them down. This internal counterproductivity must be addressed for the current movement to get hold.

In addition, those who side with veterans criticize youth leadership with haste, which often leads to regret; this category argues that sound decision-making comes from experience—something older leaders have in abundance. They believe leadership is a process, not an event, and that wisdom is forged through trial and error.

 By and large, if the current movement sees the light of day, to slow down the haste and reduce mistakes, please let the old guards deputize the new crops.

By Tajuddeen Ahmad Tijjani

On Tuesday, August 13, 2024, President Bola Ahmad Tinubu presided over a significant Council of State meeting. Former Presidents, Vice Presidents, a former Chief Justice of the Federation, and several key ministers were in attendance. The highlight of the meeting was the President’s stance that Nigeria’s democracy must not be undermined. “Any change of government must be through the ballot box, not through violence, insurrection, or any other unconstitutional means,” he asserted. This is a position I, along with all patriots, fully support.

However, while the President’s commitment to democracy is commendable, his economic policies must reflect the urgency and needs of the people. The excuse of “fixing the economy” cannot be used to justify slow progress. Nigerians expect the leadership to hit the ground running from day one. The Council of State must convey the truth to the President: the nation is in a precarious state, and decisive, people-centred action is required.

Today, wealth in Nigeria is increasingly concentrated in the hands of a select few. At the same time, the majority struggle without access to necessities like quality education, healthcare, housing, and employment. It’s not that Nigerians envy the success of the rich; instead, they want access to the essentials for a decent life.

Unfortunately, greedy leaders deliberately subject many ordinary citizens to hardship. Endemic corruption has become the norm, and the promise of equal opportunities seems like a distant dream despite the blessings of natural resources across the six geopolitical zones.

Poverty remains a pervasive issue. Nigeria is rich with potential—oil and gas in the South, commerce in the Southeast, and fertile land in the North. There is no excuse for hunger or deprivation. The government should prioritize modern farming systems, where a single machine can achieve in an hour what once took a thousand hands.

State governors must fully support federal initiatives, but these efforts must go beyond the token gestures like distributing rice, which too often ends up siphoned off by officials or recycled into the market. Nigerians are not beggars; we have the talent and drive to achieve greatness, but we need an enabling environment, affordable fertilizers, and access to reliable electricity.

The time for excuses is over. The government must adjust to the realities on the ground. Removing fuel subsidies and floating the naira has brought unbearable hardship to ordinary people. These policies need to be revisited. We elected this government to make Nigeria work for everyone, not just the privileged few. A stitch in time saves nine: adjust the policies before it’s too late.

Tajuddeen Ahmad Tijjani wrote from Galadima Mahmoud Street, Kasuwar Kaji Azare, Bauchi State.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Tinubu has welcomed the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) ‘s new report on the country’s trade balance.

According to the report, Nigeria recorded another trade surplus in the second quarter of 2024, hitting N6.95 trillion.

The current surplus is 6.60% higher than the N6.52 trillion surplus recorded in the first quarter.

Just days after the country recorded almost 100 percent oversubscription of its first $500 million domestic bond and half-year revenue of N9.1 trillion, the latest report underscores the increasing positive shifts in the economy over the last year.

President Tinubu expresses confidence in the reforms his administration is pursuing and believes they will create a more robust economy that will usher in a new era of prosperity for Nigerians.

The NBS report reflects the country’s strong export performance in the second quarter.

Although total merchandise trade in Q2 2024 stood at N31.89 trillion, a 3.76% decline compared to the preceding quarter (Q1 2024), it marked a 150.39% rise from the corresponding period in 2023.

The NBS reported that the Q2 surplus was essentially driven by exports to Europe, the United States and Asia.

Total exports stood at N19.42 trillion, accounting for 60.89% of the country’s total trade. This represents a 1.31% increase from N19.17 trillion in the first quarter and a 201.76% surge from N6.44 trillion recorded in Q2 2023.

The dominance of crude oil exports remains a key factor in this performance, contributing N14.56 trillion, or 74.98% of total exports.

Non-crude oil exports, valued at N4.86 trillion, comprised 25.02% of the total export value, with non-oil products contributing N1.94 trillion.

The strong export performance, particularly in crude oil, ensured Nigeria maintained a favourable trade balance.

In Q2 2024, European and American countries dominated Nigeria’s top export destinations. Spain emerged as the largest export partner, receiving goods valued at N2.01 trillion, accounting for 10.34% of Nigeria’s total exports.

The United States followed closely with N1.86 trillion (9.56%), while France imported N1.82 trillion of Nigerian goods, representing 9.37% of total exports.Nigeria’s other major export partners include India (N1.65 trillion or 8.50%) and the Netherlands (N1.38 trillion).

Generally, the economic indicators, which were very low when President Tinubu assumed office last year, are turning positive.

The government will continue to consolidate on the gains of the reforms as more fiscal and tax policy reforms already embarked upon by the administration come to fruition.

President Tinubu is determined to confront the inhibitions that have stunted the growth and development necessary to unlock the country’s full potential.

By Uzair Adam

The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar have issued warnings that the recent increase in petrol prices by the Federal Government is pushing many Nigerians to a breaking point.

This comes as prominent human rights lawyer Femi Falana, SAN, calls on the government to complete the rehabilitation of the nation’s refineries by September 2024 or take legal action against contractors for failing to meet project deadlines.

The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) also urged President Bola Tinubu to order the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) to reverse the price hike, labeling it as “illegal and unconstitutional.”

While the NLC advocated for public resistance to the fuel price increase, Atiku highlighted that the government’s plans to raise Value Added Tax (VAT) would further worsen the economic strain on citizens.

NLC President Joel Ajaero, represented by Prince Adewale Adeyanju at a Labour Writers Association of Nigeria workshop, decried the combination of fuel price hikes, naira devaluation, and rising electricity tariffs as policies that have deepened the struggles of ordinary Nigerians.

Atiku also voiced concerns that the VAT increase, following the petrol price surge, would severely impact the country’s already fragile economy and the livelihoods of Nigerians, compounding the existing cost-of-living crisis.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

There is a massive call for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to restore the petroleum subsidy. The ongoing 10-day “End Bad Governance” protest and the high prices of commodities and services are the result of the removal of fuel subsidies.

If President Ahmed Bola Tinubu does not plan to restore petroleum subsidies, the government must find another way to reduce the price of petroleum products, especially premium motor spirit (PMS), popularly called petrol. Petrol is the lifeblood of any nation. The social problems arising from the aftermath of petroleum subsidy removal are purely local issues that require theoretical and practical solutions. 

Sometimes, the government relies solely on experts who understand the problem from a theoretical perspective, forgetting the real players in the petroleum industry who understand the problem from all its angles: importation, depot loading, haulage, retailing, and manpower management.

Apart from the subsidy, there are other ways to drastically reduce the price of petrol. Tinubu should critically consider restoring the Petroleum Equalisation Fund (PEF). Since it is a contributory fund, its source is principally the net surplus revenue recovered from oil marketing companies. The bridging claims paid to petroleum marketers automatically equalise petroleum prices throughout Nigeria while maintaining affordability.

Aquila’s innovative electronic business solution has eliminated any irregular distribution and claims of bridged regulated petroleum products. The Aquila project is an excellent electronic business solution designed to track the movement of petroleum products throughout Nigeria.

Though the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), budgetary provisions, and some economic reasons were the guiding principles that led Tinubu to remove subsidies and float the naira, sometimes national interests—security, economic, and social order—must be paramount. It’s purely a local problem that requires purely home-grown solutions.

Some countries painstakingly control the prices of petrol for national security. These countries often have uniform prices for petrol across the entire country. For example, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, India, Malaysia, Iran, and Venezuela. In most countries, national security overrides other considerations; the government has significant control over fuel pricing and distribution, often through subsidies or state-owned oil companies.

Take India, for instance. India controls petrol prices through market dynamics and government policies, such as daily price adjustments based on the international price of crude oil. The Indian government sometimes provides subsidies to control the prices of petroleum products. This helps keep the prices within a certain range and makes them more affordable for the general public.

The Indian government achieves this through the national oil companies Bharat Petroleum Corporation Limited (BPCL) and Hindustan Petroleum Corporation Limited (HPCL). Another mechanism India uses in the price control measures to address inflation concerns, freight, and logistics is that the government can intervene directly by adjusting excise duties or providing relief to the oil marketers.

The Tinubu government should critically consider reintroducing the Petroleum Equalisation Fund. It would sharply reduce petrol prices, bring uniformity in prices throughout Nigeria, bring the 21 NNPC depots to life, restore many lost jobs, and double-check product quality.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.