APC

By Abdulrazak Iliyasu Sansani

It is harvest time, where farmers all over the country harvest their crops. Some have already harvested the early maturing varieties of crops, while others are counting days to commence harvesting, or at least have started preparations for the harvesting of Agricultural produce after toiling, expending funds, and hoping of getting bumper harvest as a reward for everything.

By Musa Sa’adu

Political parties remain the only vehicle or platforms for candidates/politicians to aspire for political offices. This, however, leads to the emergence of various interest groups within a party. The groups work harmoniously together to pursue their common goals. However, the success or otherwise of a political party depends mainly on how the stakeholders manage these interest groups in the distribution of party positions, party tickets, appointments and the traditional largesse as the case may be. Failure to do these for any reason has, on so many instances, led to the internal party crises.

The 1983 election that produced Senator Sabo Bakinzuwo against a well-performing Governor Abubakar Rimi, seeking reelection resulted fromf party crises. The PRP crises that metamoposed into ‘Tabo‘ and ‘Santsi‘ factions, led by Malam Aminu Kano and Rimi respectively, forced Rimi as a sitting Governor to dump PRP for NPP to seek reelection. However, this was one of the cardinal reasons behind his Waterloo despite his performance in office throughout Kano and Jigawa.

Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau and, of course, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje are no doubt the principal actors of the Fourth Republic Kano politics. The three have benefited and suffered the consequences of internal party crises.

Our memories are still intact on how the political hullabaloo, shenaniganism and internal party wranglings ruined the reelection bid of Governor Kwankwaso during the 2003 Governorship election. The defection of Danhassan, crises between Kwankwaso and some members of the National Assembly, notably the then speaker of the House Of Representatives, Hon. Ghali Na-Abba and perhaps General Buhari factor were among the contributing factors that led to the Kwankwaso/Ganduje downfall and the emergence of Malam Shekarau.

Likewise, Shekarau suffered the repercussions of internal party crises; his anointed candidate Salisu Sagir Takai was defeated by Kwankwaso/Ganduje. The crises between Shekarau and his deputy, Abdullahi Gwarzo, popularly known as Ruwa Baba, the over fifty thousand votes garnered by him during the Governorship election, has smoothly leveraged the second coming of Kwankwaso and Ganduje in the 2011 election.

The current turmoil rocking the Kano APC is a cause of concern to any committed party member. The internal crises that paved the way for two parallel conventions that produced Abdullahi Abbas and Haruna Zago representing Ganduje and Shekarau led factions respectively will create a hole that will gradually sink the Kano APC ship, and neither the Ganduje nor Shekarau will survive the mishaps including their supporters.

In politics, number matters; everyone is important! Don’t tell me someone who’s Governor for eight years and a serving senator doesn’t have political influence, and these G-7 members, as they fondly called themselves, are blessed with sturdy supporters and resources to bankroll political movements that can make or mar an election.

With the Tuesday court verdict favouring the Shekarau-led faction and considering the nature of Nigerian litigation processes, I’m afraid that whichever faction the pendulum swings and even if they won the general polls, the replica of Zamfara 2019 is imminent.

Both Ganduje and Shekarau should tread with caution; there is still time. They shouldn’t listen to the sycophants instigating the crises. Let them sit, discuss and iron out the grey and problematic areas and find out political solutions; otherwise, Kwankwaso will send them to political oblivion.

By Aliyu Ammani Junior

Leadership has been one of the common unbalanced difficulties in Nigeria’s political space since independence: 1964 Federal Election Crisis, January 1966 coup, 1966 counter-coup, Nigeria/Biafra civil war, Gideon Orkar’s failed coup, post-June 12 political crisis, and more. All in one way or another—linkable to one part’s sentiment of being marginalized, omitted, or denied the sense of representation.

Ideally, merit, competency, integrity, and capacity are the benchmarks in selecting a leader, not a power rotation or sharing formula. Nevertheless, the situation in Nigeria, a complex country of multiethnic and multi-religious organizations with uneven federalism that is almost consolidated, is not about competency, merit, integrity, and capacity.

A centralized structure ravaged by agitation, deep suspicion of fear of ethnic and religious hegemony demands a rotating power between north and south to accommodate the emotions and sentiments of these regions and their people. Providing a rotation formula would go a long way in sustaining a united Nigeria considering the existing deep divisions among Nigerians. It will produce fairness, equality, equity, justice, a sense of possession, and identification.

Unless a requisite equate is attained, where every part and tribe has developed a sense of possession, identification, and the federalism is no longer leaning; Nigeria will always require a practical formula for unifying the diverging segments that formed ‘The Federal Republic Of Nigeria.’

The fault of power rotation is theoretical and unrealistic; some argue that it is ‘undemocratic’ because it deprives certain people with competence, capacity, and experience the right to be voted—for when zoning does not favour their locus. There is no universal structure of democracy; what is universal about democracy is the basic principles that guide it. The focus of democratic practical demands remains locally confined. As a substantial social value, democracy has complex and diverse considerations and needs. Therefore, it should be hacked to suit local conditions and circumstances.

It is deceiving and tricky to limit the democratic system to mechanical conditions (popular will) without referring to instrumental conditions like the blanket sense of identity—inclusiveness—possession from every component.

Another narrowed argument against the rotating formula is that it is ineffectual and of no help – since a typical citizen from the leader’s zone is not better comforted ‘materialistically’ than other citizens from distant zones. Realistically, it is restricting, reducing, and neo-Marxist to limit the decisive quest of political aspirations and struggles to ‘distribution of resources’ without appreciating other factors; recognition, possession, and sense of identification. In a heterogeneous populace, it is significant to feel represented and connected by having someone from your spot and its experience, occupying a high post (including the office of the President) at least—in a while.

As earlier acknowledged, in usual events—merit, competency, integrity, and capacity should be ‘benchmarks’ in deciding a leader, not a formula. Undeniably, the merit, competency, integrity, and capacity test is a dubious and probable trial.  With a power rotating procedure, the questionable and possible trial remains untouched. Except that something is going to be fixed, every portion will develop a sense of possession, identification, and responsibility “I played: it’s time for someone.”

Aliyu Ammani Junior

Kaduna, Nigeria.

By Abdulahi Majeli, Esq., AICMC

By Abdulrazak Iliyasu Sansani

By Hussaina Sufyan Ahmad

The embattled Speaker of the Plateau State House of Assembly, Abok Ayuba, and some members of his group have been arrested within the vicinity of the State Assembly in Jos, at about 3:15 pm on November 1, after laying siege in the State Assembly from dawn.

The State Police Commissioner, Edward Egbuka and some key officials of the different security outfits in the State, ushered them into Hilux vans while taking them away.

Abok was whisked away through the back gate of the State Assembly shortly after security agents bombarded the peaceful protesters and journalists with tear gas and sporadic gunshots to disperse them.

Although the House members said they were not told where they were being taken to as Abok kept shouting, “I cannot say if I am under arrest at this moment,” but it was gathered that they were taken to Abuja.

At the time of this report, security agents who had besieged the premises had withdrawn, leaving few personnel loitering around the vicinity while the teary-eyed youths reappear in groups discussing the development.

Dear Buni,

We need to talk; governance is beyond speeches. It requires actions, commitment and foresight. There is no place in history for those that failed to deliver the mandate given to them in any democratic polity. The world’s political leaders continue to champion the ideal democracy, tell voters you know the best, use your voice to bring change and take ownership of your destiny in knowing the details and aspects of governance. This gives prudent leaders the zeal and passion for taking responsibility, for leading by example. To incorporate new ideas and creativities, which provide an avenue for feedback and to believe in criticisms. These are the attributes that make them stand out amidst many challenges.

However, if we are to measure the growth and progress of our society, the indices we can use is education because acquiring quality and functional education is the concern of every community. That is why scholars in the field of public policy emphasize that, when it comes to educational policy, the stakeholders and actors are paramount to the policy’s success. They need to be integrated, involved, and allowed to participate freely without hindrance from the policy formulation and implementation stage. All their ideas and contribution need to be examined, analyzed and incorporated into the policy. They need to feel important in every step of the policy process. This will give them ample opportunity to take ownership and responsibility for its success and bring about a higher level of commitment in implementing the objective of the policy.

You declared a ‘state of emergency on basic and secondary education’ on your assumption of office. We all cheered and understood something needed to be done to save the sorry state of education. We believe in your powerful speeches on the first-ever ‘Educational Summit’ held in Yobe state. You declared that “I know there are a lot of complaints about some teachers, who are not qualified to teach, and complaints about some teachers who are not able to speak or write well in [the] English Language. This has to change”. We all hailed again, thinking the messiah and symbol of hope had arrived.

From your oratory speeches, we develop confidence that today’s governance transcends what had happened in the previous administrations. We all got a sigh of relief and hoped new ideas and philosophies would guide your administration. The people of outstanding calibre would be called to serve the state, people with foresight and reason.

The problems facing the Basic and Secondary Education policy are many. The broad objective of the policy was in papers, and in practice, it did not demonstrate what it entails. The problem emanated from the formation of the team or committee saddled with the responsibility to craft the policy and to non-involvement and proper participation of actual stakeholders: Teachers, Headmasters/Headmistress, Education Secretaries, etc. Supervisors, Zonal Inspectorates, former and serving Principals and parents of the pupils/students. These are the most important actors and stakeholders alongside the legislative and civil society organizations (CSOs).

This action makes the policy a product of educational elitism or an avenue of wasting state resources. It did not reflect the wishes and aspirations of the general populace. It did not cover every stakeholder because most of the committee members are teaching in higher institutions of learning. They don’t have actual expertise in what it takes to make primary and secondary education functional. The committee lacks the wisdom or vision to go beyond their thinking to involve the real stakeholders in generating the policy ideas.

Since the signing of the committee’s report on January 16, 2020, by you, and declared that “all hands must be on deck to actualize the goals of the policy”, eleven months later, on December 16, 2020, Daily Trust released a survey of the number of out-of-school children in Nigeria by Nigerian Education Data Survey (NEDS). Yobe state has 57 per cent of school children in the country, and this figure corresponds with the technical committee’s report that 40% of Yobe children are out of school.

What have you done to improve the students’ enrollment and retention in the state, enhance teachers’ capacity, and employ new ones to fill the gap? The emergency is not about pronouncing a word; it requires action, and, in this part, you failed to lead and hold the oath of office you took to manage the affairs of state that you’re ready to make education functional and accessible. Leadership is all about making an impact in people lives you promise to govern.

I was surprised by the emergency in education, particularly the deduction of teachers’ salaries in August and September. Everybody knew there was uncertainty in revenue generated and allocated to the state, but this would not be an excuse. You need to understand, the critical stakeholders in achieving the goals of your policy are teachers. How can you declare an emergency on a sector hoping to improve it but end up eating their hard-earned cake?

You need to double teachers’ salaries and allowances, provide proper capacity building training, provide accommodation, and motivate them to work hard. This singular action smeared the image of your administration. Unless you reverse this policy of salaries deduction and apologize to them for the hardship and problem your administration causes them, you’re heading in the wrong direction.

Moreover, as we all know, the significant source of revenue to finance all the intended projects are Federal Allocation. Due to uncertainties in the global oil market, the government should review the policy and allow all relevant stakeholders to review and execute the policy. The government should cut the cost of governance, reduce unnecessary expenses, and accommodate all the projects you intend to achieve in realizing functional education in the state.

In all the projects done in some schools across the state, the major funders of these projects are donor agencies and development partners in collaboration with the State Emergency Management Agency (SEMA) and North East Development Commission. However, what is the role of other institutions, especially the State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB) and Ministry of Basic and Secondary Education, in complementing the efforts of these Donor agencies in making and realizing the objective of the policy? Unfortunately, we do not see their visibility, even the recruitment of SUBEB, for almost a year, there is no result.

Given the background above, we need to sit down and talk about governance. History is there to those who leave a golden legacy or otherwise ensure your government adopts a participatory approach to policymaking involving all stakeholders. The policy should be the product of citizenry wishes and aspirations by allowing them to participate in policy design and implementation, enhance teachers’ and administrators’ capacity with the sole aims of improving their productivity and increasing their salaries and allowances.

Funding is key to achieving the policy’s objectives; 26% of budgetary should be allocated to education and ensure proper utilization. In addition, you need to create a Basic Education Trust Fund (BETF), be managed by accomplished education administrators, and provide robust and proper collaboration and partnership with Donor Agencies and Development partners. What we want from you is action and taking responsibility to show you can do it.

Umar Yahaya Dan-Inu wrote from Hausari Ward, Nguru. He can be contacted via umarnguru2015@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam Imam

The former governor of Kano State, Engr. Rabu Musa Kwankwaso, has described the rumour of his arrest by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) as false and baseless, contrary to media reports.

This was contained in a statement signed by the Coordinator of Kwankwaso Media Center, Malam Sunusi Bature Dawakin Tofa.

The former governor, according to the statement, has described the petition as politically motivated.

The statement reads in part: “The rumour of my arrest is false and baseless. As a law-abiding and respected citizen, I personally visited the commission on Saturday in order to clear my name and exactly that’s what happened.