APC

By Ahmad Ganga

The constituted consensus committee was headed by the former head of service, Muhammad Aliyu, Commissioner for women affairs, Hajiya Rabiya Muhammad, three former Members house of state assembly namely; Lawal Alfaki, Kabir Ado and Yusuf Shehu, two former LG Chairmen; Abba Mato and Kabir Akka. 

Hon Fatuhu, Member House of Representatives, and Ahmad El-Marzuq, Commissioner for Justice and Attorney General, opted out of the consensus Committee because both have candidates in the race. HoR’s candidate is Hon Shehu Abdu, whereas Hon Commissioner for Justice and Attorney General’s candidates are Bala Musa and Laminu Gidado.

Laminu Gidado, one of the candidates the Attorney General has an interest in, was asked to step down for Bala Musa so as they form a formidable alliance. Bala Musa is a younger brother to former DG DSS, Lawal Musa.

Commissioner for Justice and Attorney General wanted to impose his candidate by fire or by force, but other parties opted for elections. Finally, an election was conducted on the 10th of February, and Hon Shehu Abdu emerged victorious with 177, Bala Musa 113 and Yawale Adamu 11.

Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice, Former DG DSS, were not happy with the outcome. The Attorney General then pledged to indict the victorious candidate, Shehu Abdu, charge him to court and send him to prison. The aim is to disqualify him, leaving their favourite candidate as a potential candidate.

He (AG) then cooked up a conspiracy with the bit of fact of a scenario that happened four years ago when Shehu Abdu was an aide to Late Senator Mustafa Bukar, which even the people can’t vividly remember. He facilitated many jobs to constituents. Some of them gave him tokens in appreciation of what he did. Few didn’t get the job, and they had already moved on since Senator Bukar’s death. 

Before the election, AG pledged if not his candidate, whoever emerges victorious would face a serious legal battle. And it happened. 

On the 15th of this month, security personnel from State CID came to Daura to arrest that victorious candidate, Shehu Abdu, because he collected money from four people from Madobi (A)Ward four years ago. Unfortunately, two out of the four petitions presented for his arrest were unaware of their name and signature used in the papers. That means someone acted on his own.

As I write this, the victorious candidate who’s loved by the majority in Daura is still in detention. Hon Fatuhu, Member House of Representatives, chipped in and secured his release. However, in connivance with some people from the DG DSS side, the Attorney General called State CID and ordered them not to dare release the detainee. On the 16th of this month, he was arraigned to court, and his crime was winning an election in an open contest.

Ahmad Ganga can be contacted via ahmadganga66@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam Imam

The G-7 faction of All Progressive Congress (APC), under the leadership of Senator Ibrahim Shekarau, sweared to have proceeded to the Supreme Court.

The faction said they will proceed to the supreme court over the crisis rocking the party in the state.

Ahmadu Haruna Zago revealed to BBC Hausa Service that their lawyers were studying the court’s ruling for a possible appeal. Zago said, “We will appeal. Abiding by the ruling is quite different from filing an appeal. Our lawyers are studying the court’s ruling.”

The Court of Appeal, Thursday in Abuja, has invalidated the ward and local government congress by the APC faction led by Senator Ibrahim Shekarau in Kano.

The court has rejected the judgment of an FCT High Court, which declared the Shekarau faction victorious.

By Uzair Adam Imam

Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje of Kano State has called on his rivals, Senator Ibrahim Shekarau and others, for reconciliation in order to enhance the unity and stability of the APC in Kano state.

Ganduje made the call a few moments after being declared victorious at the Court of Appeal in Abuja this morning. The governor, who said he was pleased with the judgment, has extended a hand of unity to Shekarau and the G-7 faction of the APC in the state.

The Daily Reality reports that the court of Appeal in Abuja has invalidated the ward and local government congress by the APC faction led by Senator Ibrahim Shekarau in Kano. The court has rejected the judgment of an FCT High Court, which declared the Shekarau faction victorious.

In an interview with the Daily Trust, while reacting to the court judgment, the governor said, “his confidence in the judiciary had been strong since the beginning of the case, and as such he is very happy with the judgment.”

Ganduje, who spoke through Malam Muhammad Garba, the state’s Commissioner of Information, said the judgment would further enhance the unity and stability of the APC in Kano state.

By Ibraheem Abdullateef

Late last year, Nigerian media was awash with my statement of appeal to the two biggest political parties, All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), on the review of nomination form fees for office-seekers under 35 years old in the 2023 elections, to deepen inclusion, and strengthen national democracy. Weeks later, none of these parties has made any official statement on the matter. We must sustain the tempo until the cause is achieved. 

The review of nomination form fees by APC and PDP is urgent to strengthen our democracy, encourage diversity, and foster youths’ inclusion in politics and leadership. It is socially, economically, and politically unhealthy to retain the same table used in 2019 for the 2023 elections. 

In the 2019 elections, PDP sold their gubernatorial expression of interest and nomination forms for N1 million and N20 million, respectively.

Reports also show that PDP charged N12 million for both the expression of interest and nomination form for the Office of the President, N3.5million for Senate, N2.5million for House of Representatives, and N600,000 for the House of Assembly.

In a similar vein, the gubernatorial expression of interest and nomination form of the ruling APC attracted N2.5 million and N20 million, respectively. 

It also sold for N5 million the expression of interest and N40 million for nomination form for the Office of President, N7 million for Senate, N3.5million for House of Representatives, and N850,000, for the House of Assembly.

It is most worrisome that these political parties retained the fees in the recently held Anambra elections, Ekiti primaries, and others in 2022.

While I understand that funds accrued from the sale of forms remain a serious source of funding its operations, the decision of the parties to make young people pay the same fees as more established office-seekers is unfair and inconsistent with emerging realities in modern democracies. 

As it stands today, the exorbitant fees for nomination forms are mitigating against the legitimate ambition of over 65% of credible, capable young Nigerians to run for elective offices. It also encourages corruption and godfatherism; fuels the orgy for violent, do-or-die electoral practices while deepening the gap between the rich and have-nots in our society. No party must retain those crazy fees for the 2023 elections. 

Data about the 2019 elections released by YIAGA showed that only 8.6% (68 members) of 991 seats in the 36 State House of Assemblies and 6.8% of 360 members of the House of Representatives were under 35 and below.

Although youth candidacy in Nigeria’s elections rose from 21% to 34.2 % (13.5 per cent of the candidates vied for the Senate, and 27.4 per cent for the House of Representatives), the fact is that buoyed by the Age Reduction Act, Nigeria could have recorded better youths participation under a more favourable party system. This shows that the demography that constitutes over 60% of the registered voters in the country has literally had no place in Nigeria’s democracy. 

From 1999 to date, the abysmal record of youths participation in politics is a direct effect of our mega parties, PDP and APC’s weak commitment to youths inclusion agenda. Despite the notable efforts of #NotTooYoungToRun in improving eligibility, affordability of the political system reduction in nomination fees is key to unlocking the space for young Nigerians. This is why these parties need to decide now to show over 80 million Nigerian youths they genuinely believe in them and are the best platforms for the Nigeria Project. 

It no longer sells the stories about the non-participation of young people in politics. What is new is the understanding that there has been no space for them in the leadership. From communication to organising, and even campaigns, they have always been involved at different levels. But, with a lack of deliberate intra-party youths-friendly policies, Nigerian political parties are meant to attract seasonal voters, not future leaders.

Let me state that I am aware that the PDP and APC constitutions give women a 50% cut in regular fees for nomination forms and find that applaudable. But I cannot understand in 2022 why the same constitution would make no provision for the youths, especially after the #EndSARS struggle and the global youths renaissance, to encourage young Nigerians’ dreams and passion for the motherland. Nigerian youths deserve a 60% cut in fees. 

With our sheer numerical strength and globally acclaimed talent and industry, Nigerian youths do not deserve this strategic exclusion and alienation from democracy from the parties that average Nigerian youths consider as platforms of choice. The message this passes inadvertently is that they are not much wanted, accepted, and treasured, as is usually parroted. And seriously, this is a bad curve on our political values that must be reset immediately by the parties. It is time to match words with actions. 

When these constitutions are reviewed, I have absolute faith that they will positively change leadership selection, becoming instrumental to the clamour to ingest energy and innovation to national leadership. There is no doubt of Nigerian youths’ abilities to lead and make impacts to accelerate the growth and development of the nation. 

I appeal earnestly to the leadership of these parties to stop this alienation, review and reduce the fees for the nomination form for office-seekers below 35 years of age in the 2023 elections. It is the ultimate way to reciprocate the love and loyalty, maximise the talent and energy of the youths constituency, to promote inclusion, peace and development of Nigeria. 

Abdullateef is the Kwara Central Representative in the Nigerian Youth Parliament (NYP) 5th Assembly. He can be reached via ibraheemabdullateef09@gmail.com.

By Muwaffiq Fa’izu Saleh

Since the demise of Sen. Ali Wakili (RIP), many of us have taken an interest in who will succeed him, probably due to our admiration for the unique style in which he carried out the affairs of his constituency (as the then Chairman of the Senate Committee on Poverty Alleviation and member of various committees) to the numerous constituency and developmental projects. There came his replacement in the person of Sen. Lawal Yahaya Gumau, a.k.a. “Maliya”.

Many progressives doubted the ability and capability of Sen. Maliya to sustain the level of Wakili’s performance, not even surpass it. Therefore, all eyes were on him, whether he would deliver or not. Lo and behold, there came a silent achiever in him.

I, however, said “silent achiever” because of how it is being said. The achievements of Senator Gumau are too enormous to be silent, for they are conspicuous. From reviving long-abandoned boreholes to renovating and or constructing and reconstructing classrooms and providing essential reading and writing materials for primary and secondary schools, among other projects. These works cut across his constituencies.

The dividend of Democracy, they say, is the beneficial results of superficial investments made by the people to bring about a government to power. In Sen. Maliya, we have seen quite many of them. They can only be highlighted in the various empowerment programs in his constituents. These include distributing sewing machines, motorcycles, grinding machines, car washing machines, utility vehicles, and SUVs for his political associates, giving various gifts in cash and kind.

In today’s society, the importance of these laudable gestures cannot be overemphasised. As I heard him in one or two speeches where he made some promises, most or all that he focuses on are projects and developments that will directly touch people’s lives, and he made it clear that it always touches his heart to see people suffering. He rarely speaks, but he is a man that works the walk.

Furthermore, you have most likely heard once, twice, or even many times that Sen. Maliya has given an award, a scholarship, or an employment opportunity to a close associate or even a family member. I may not work with figures on these gestures, but some never come to the limelight until one circumstance or another brings them, and I believe some may never do so. I can tell you that of all the qualities of a distinguished senator, this particular one is the most fascinating to many of us. 

The religious institutions are not left out in the pools of the Senator’s good deeds as he extends his hands to them. Suppose you did not hear about him renovating and/or building this and that mosque. In that case, you must have heard about him giving one Imam/Sheikh/religious figure a big and luxurious car (s) or bus (es) for the smooth running of religious activities.

I cannot remember a week in the last couple of months that I didn’t see or hear about the Distinguished Senator fulfilling one promise or another and building on so many good works that he never even promised. It has now reached the extent that Gumau has a new slogan, “Maliya Mai Sati-Sati”. A few days ago, he did some of these stunts that became the talk of the town in a state whose government gives out “Akuya” as empowerment.

Bauchi may be a state where circumstances brought the PDP to govern. Still, with Senator Lawal Yahaya Gumau and many others in the APC making substantial positive impacts on their people, the PDP is already a standing-dead party only waiting to be buried come 2023.

Muwaffiq Fa’izu Saleh wrote from Bauchi State via muwaffiq005@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Sabiu

Ali-Modu Sheriff, the former governor of Borno State, has refuted charges that he has ties to Boko Haram terrorists, claiming that security services have been probing him since leaving office in 2011.

In an interview with the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) on Sunday in Abuja, Victor Lar, the Ali-Modu Sheriff Campaign Organisation director, refuted the charges.

Mr Sheriff, a frontline All Progressives Congress (APC) national chairmanship aspirant, a two-term former governor of Borno, and a former senator had no ties to Boko Haram, according to him.

“Sheriff’s name is not on the list of sponsors of Boko Haram released by the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Security agencies have been investigating him since he left office in 2011 and had not found him guilty of the allegations.

“If he was involved, he would have been arrested, or his involvement made public. In any case, I challenge anyone with information proving his involvement to come forth with such,” he added.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

The chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Bola Ahmad Tinubu, arrived at Murtala Muhammad International Airport in Lagos on Sunday, February 6, 2022, with a new look.

The 69-year-old presidential aspirant was unconventionally dressed in what many Nigerians called “youthful apparel.”

He was seen on a flat cap, black t-shirt underneath an unbuttoned blazer, scuba trousers and sneakers.

Tinubu was rumoured to be attending hospital for an undisclosed sickness in the United Kingdom. But his media aide, Tunde Rahman, has dismissed the rumour, stating that his principal was in the UK for consultations and meetings.

Tinubu’s ambition to lead Nigeria has stirred different reactions from people on social media considering his age and health status.

By Kabiru Danladi Lawanti

In a liberal democracy, political representation is a straightforward concept. In Nigeria, every four years, there are elections where citizens pause and turn back to see what their political representatives did to them during their four-year tenure. In a defined geographic area or constituencies, the citizens choose from a range of candidates—themselves citizens living in (or near) that same area—and elect a few to sit in the national assembly as representatives of the people of these constituencies. Yet both theoretically and in practice, it is far more complicated.

While representative democracy is often poetically described as government ‘of the people, by the people, for the people,’ it is not only the people who are represented: political parties, ideologies (in this sense religious and ethnic), business, urban and rural people — to name but a few—are also represented. Furthermore, even the very notion of ‘the people’ is amorphous as a representative cannot possibly represent the full diversity of ‘the people’ and all their divergent and conflicting interests.

Since the return of democracy in Nigeria in 1999, many representatives have been sent to Abuja to represent their constituency at the national level. These constituencies comprise a group of local government areas in a particular state. In some states, the constituencies are formed of a single local government area. For example, in Gombe State, there are six federal constituencies: Akko, which covers the Akko LGA, Balanga/Billiri that covers Balanga and Billiri LGAs, Dukku/Nafada that comprises Dukku and Nafada LGAs. Others are Gombe/Kwami/Funakaye, which contains Gombe, Kwami and Funakaye LGAs; Kaltungo/Shongom, which covers Kaltungo and Shongom LGAs and lastly, the Yamaltu/Deba federal constituency that covers Yamaltu/Deba LGA. These constituencies have sent representatives since 1999. Of particular interest to me is the Akko Federal Constituency, where I came from.

Politics, they said, is a network of no permanent foes but only connected interests. In the last 22 years, the constituency has had six representatives. Of this six, two remained the longest-serving representatives – Bello Suleiman and Usman Bello Kumo. Bello Mohammed spent only one tenure in the National Assembly, from 199-2003. In contrast, Umaru Barambu and Samaila Mu’azu Kashere spent two years each in the hallowed chamber after a court sacked Umaru Barambu in 2017.

To be fair to the reps mentioned above, each tried to develop the area in his way. However, a careful analysis of what came to the constituency in the last three and a half years cannot be compared to any in the previous 22 years. The level of human and capital development witnessed is unprecedented in the entire northeast. The only representative that can match the level of human and capital development brought to the constituency by Usman Bello Kumo (UBK) is Mukhtar Betara. This is obvious, knowing that Betara is Chairman House Committee on Appropriation.

A consummate and highly experienced politician, Usman Bello Kumo has a deep commitment and unrivalled passion for grassroots development. For instance, in his second coming alone, 2019 to date in the National Assembly, he has attracted infrastructural development in many areas of human development like education, health, water, roads, electricity, youth and women empowerment all over the constituency for the betterment of their economy and improved standard of living.

As Chairman, House Committee on Police, Hon UBK was able to also send more than 100 youth into the Nigeria Police Force. One thing is clear, UBK has always stood out among other politicians of his calibre. He has never allowed the trappings and grandeur of office to stand between him and his avowed goals of lifting his people from the shackles of poverty, hunger, disease, homelessness and mass unemployment.

As 2023 approaches, we shall soon be inundated with a mix of the serious, the incredible and sprinkles of the comical as political parties jostle to promote candidates of varying capabilities. These include those who appear to have genuine intentions for service to the people and aspirants who seem pretty content with no more than having their faces splashed around on party banners. Already, we have seen some campaigns of calumny against his person when some rabble-rousers, fighting for recognition, working under the instruction of politicians are sponsoring political jobbers to say many things against the man. This, they do discredit him in the eyes of his teeming supporters. One thing is clear; it seems UBK is not even distracted with these political mudslingers.

Holding onto his mission – an intense zeal for total political, economic and social liberation of his people, Hon UBK has always seen his primary vocation in the political arena as being one of service, duty, benevolence and charity towards his constituents. In this regard, he has abided by his campaign promises of using elective office to improve a lot of his people. This is the direct opposite of what his detractors are doing. His opponent definition of representation is that of trying to use political office to feather their nest, irrespective of the economic fortunes of the electorate that voted for them in the first place.

Notwithstanding these outstanding credentials and track record of success, we must remind Hon UBK, as stakeholders and indigenes of this area, that rural areas need his attention. Most of us in the rural regions of Akko, especially villages like Lawanti, Malam Jamo, Gamadadi, Akko and surrounding towns, are currently facing an acute shortage of water never seen in more than thirty years. My last visit in December 2021 to my home town made me pity the dwellers of these areas. Most have to travel many kilometres to get drinking water. Others use water from streams, competing with their animals. It is a pitiful scenario.

There are also allegations that his empowerment programmes are not all-inclusive. Recently, some communities in Gona District have a cause to go to press to complain that his empowerment programmes were only targeted at Kumo, his hometown. 

As a political maestro, who can be taken literally for his words, Hon UBK needs to pause and turn his attention to these people and listen to their complaints, even if they come from a minority voice. We have no doubt, considering the excellent job he did to his constituency in his first coming 2011-2015 and now, his words, as the proverbial saying goes, can be taken to the bank.

As we approach 2023, politicians, including Hon UBK, understand the importance of an alliance. There is no better time to do this than now. And I am sure he needs the rural areas to launch his return to the National Assembly.

Kabiru Danladi Lawanti wrote from the Department of Mass Communication, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, via kblondon2003@yahoo.com.

By Ahmad Murtala

Ever since Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu declared his ambition to succeed President Buhari earlier this month, the political sphere off and online stirred up debates in favour of Tinubu and the potholes along his way. People cite some irrelevant motifs that may hinder Tinubu’s success. However, these are not paramount of any buyable candidate at the moment, and of course, for the electorate.

The intrinsic status quo of our polity entertains those factors that undermine the democracy and the governance—rating region, tribe, religion, age, school attended, above competency and capacity going even further to dig up the ancestral root of a candidate. The result we are cultivating under this administration says a lot about the mistakes we’ve committed in the past – from  2015 to date—by using only those yardsticks to scrutinize a candidate. Can we still pelt with our intelligence to subscribe to the same mistake of the past come 2023, which appears new dawn to our country?

We imported the American presidential system of government, which is quite expensive and implemented its only cover page. It’s a multi-party system that compels too much spending which a saleable candidate capable of taking the lead is hindered from contesting by the processions. These include the ticket, the campaign, and the mobilization. In this context, two major parties are on the run, which the rest endorses the party that has the chance of winning in subterranean manoeuvre.

The Southeast has configured and domesticated PDP as its political party since 1999, while APC appears nascent in the region—the weakness of the ruling party and the deterioration of the security across the country under the watch of APC makes the nascent party lose its credibility far to the NE. If the president is to emerge from the region, two possibilities may arise.

First, northern people stereotype and characterize PDP as evil, callous and looters, which most of the states in the region are under. Second, APC has lost its shining plate before the people based on what appears on the ground since coming to power in 2015. Therefore, no matter the candidate’s credit from the SE, if APC deems it fit to give the flag bearer to the region to entertain zoning as postulated by some northern state governors, the chances are its success would be a bottleneck.

The polarization within the spheres of politics that SouthEast translates to secession if not given a chance to rule, it appears that PDP would have to play the same card of the last election, by choosing the running mate from the SouthEast, here the North would draw a line looking at the indices of the carnage their businesses faced in the region. Meanwhile, APC would play the South-West and the running mate from the North, perhaps a Muslim-Muslim ticket. The result would be determined by the primaries from the parties in a couple of weeks ahead.  

In those countries that have built the social establishments and have smooth working systems with literally little or no corruption, the age of presidential aspirants is not a matter of concern. We see Biden of US—unlike Nigeria when chunks of domestic battle are entangled yet to be addressed. The age of the candidate matters a lot in this context. Tinubu, who appears to be more robust so far from those who declared their aspiration, is brazenly feeble. If not a good diet and wealth make politicians appear strong, most of the politicians at the frontline ought to assume coach duties guiding the upcoming ones. We forbid the like we’ve seen in this administration by encasing the president in the Villa and plunging the country into anarchy.

From the view and the colour of the game, Atiku Abubakar, the former vice president, would swiftly take the PDP flag and Tinubu APC. Both have been dented by the people’s court to have maliciously accumulated wealth—having no other alternative polling box for the electorate. If history is to repeat itself, Buhari contested four times before he won. Now, Atiku is running on his fifth time is likely to have a smooth ride based on APC losing its credibility because of insecurity across the country. 

The extreme thirst for power to fulfil the ‘need hierarchy’ is not dangerous to the beholder alone. The motive is only to possess the authority without a sketched-architectural blueprint and clear manifestos which will coalesce with the national need. Buhari came on this platter, and the result is unbecoming.

So far, the two giants have not made it to the public the what-and-how to attend to the tangled problems agonizing every sector. The currently delicate security and imbalanced economy are at the top, strangling the country by the neck—finding it arduous to breathe. We, for now, don’t need the so-called ‘kingmakers’ who cannot heed or take advice from the public opinion but become foreign puppets—since, intrinsically, the presumption of superiority as the number-one citizen is established. 

Road to Villa 2023 must come from the parties and play the game card to sew the polarization across the region. The Villa in 2023 and beyond begs for a head that has both stick and carrot in his hands, the one who has a clear understanding of foreign policies and has immediate treatment to our problems, both short and long-term solutions. If to suggest best candidates, there are a multitude of them from SS, SW and NW, both fit in into position of President and Vice President, but for now, let’s see the outcome of the parties convention, which is the utmost decider.

Ahmad Murtala sent this article via ahmadmurtala@outlook.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The battle for the 2023 elections will be fascinating. Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu has commenced a challenging but exciting quest to be President of Nigeria in 2023. Tinubu would face five significant obstacles.

Firstly, his faith. Secondly, the choice of a running mate. Thirdly, the rugged politics the PDP would play – the PDP may present a northern presidential candidate and just ‘Siddon-look’, putting the APC on the defensive. And fourthly, how the North would vote relative to Omatekun and anti-Fulani sentiments in the southwest. And fifthly, Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo supporters are on the move, solely focused on the presidency with confidence.

Tinubu, a Muslim from the Southwest, might have a free sail at home because of the complex nature of the socio-political settings of the southwest. But to appeal to other zones in the country, he will be in a quandary regarding his choice of a running mate. If he picks a Christian from the North, the bulk of APC support in the North, particularly the Muslim North, will look the other way. If he chooses a Muslim from the North, the country will undoubtedly be against a presidential Muslim-Muslim ticket. However, if the PDP picks its presidential candidate from the North, he may get some ‘relief’ in the South

Operation Amotekun and Sunday Igboho’s January 2021 one-week ultimatum to Fulani herders to vacate the southwest, Tinubu’s old statement – ‘ I don’t believe in one Nigeria’ will be another weapon that will be used against him in the North.

Tinubu’s war chest is enormous. His political tactics are shrewd; his political structure is solid, widespread, and well-organized They recently ‘bombarded’ the North and scared their opponents. Tinubu is a good candidate but has a big dilemma, as mentioned above.

On the other hand, the 2023 presidential election battle will be exciting – PDP will be on the offensive, while the ruling APC will be on the defensive. The flag bearers of either political party will also have many political hurdles to cross.

Most people expect the 2023 presidential election finale to be an Atiku vs a Tinubu game. Atiku vs Tinubu will be an interesting big game, a very BIG one. Two similar people with similar public perceptions and similar game styles; “I-know-you, you-know-me” scenario will come to play. The two have well-established political structures that can easily scare an opponent. They pay their bills; the contest would be 100 per cent politics, politics, politics- even the choice of the running mates. It will be a fascinating zero-sum game. Both have similar advantages and disadvantages.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.