Africa

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) recently hosted a five-day workshop in collaboration with the World Customs Organisation (WCO) and the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) that focused on building capacity in African rules of origin.

The workshop, which began on November 28, 2024, brought together representatives from nearly 26 countries to enhance their understanding of rules of origin and facilitate intra-African trade. 

According to Deputy Comptroller-General of Customs Caroline Niagwan, the WCO and JICA have formed an alliance to provide technical assistance and training initiatives to support Customs officers across Africa.

Niagwan emphasized that the EU-WCO Rules of Origin for Africa Programme aims to boost intra-African trade by enhancing the capacity of African countries to implement and apply rules of origin. 

Faith Mathenge, a Rules of Origin expert and facilitator for the EU-WCO Rules of Origin for Africa Programme, reiterated the importance of capacity building in rules of origin for facilitating trade.

Mathenge commended Comptroller-General of Customs Bashir Adewale Adeniyi for prioritising capacity building, stating, “I must commend the CGC for prioritising capacity building, which is the bedrock that will enable his officers to implement procedures that facilitate trade and enhance compliance.” 

The workshop portrayed the significance of collaboration in fostering intra-African trade and strengthening the role of customs officers in implementing rules of origin effectively.

This initiative is part of the WCO’s broader efforts to enhance customs capacity building in Africa, including the WCO/JICA Joint Project, which has supported customs administrations in East, Southern, and West Africa since 2015.

By Haroon Aremu

After fierce contention between Vice President Kamala Harris and Donald Trump for the next occupant of the White House, with the latter emerging victorious, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s congratulatory message to the President-elect reignited intense discussion about the relationship between both nations. 

The president’s eagerness to strengthen ties between Nigeria and the United States raises questions. Has the partnership between both countries truly benefited Nigeria? Or was Mr. President’s call merely another political courtesy? These questions prompt us to examine the nature of Nigeria’s relationship with the U.S., its economic implications, and the broader political dynamics at play.

Nigeria and the U.S. have maintained a long-standing economic relationship. Nigeria is one of America’s top trading partners in Africa. In 2019, bilateral trade between the two nations exceeded $10 billion, and the U.S. remains Nigeria’s largest foreign investor, particularly in the oil and gas sector. 

However, Nigeria’s economy continues to struggle, primarily due to its overreliance on oil. With global shifts toward renewable energy, including in the U.S., Nigeria must diversify its economy to remain competitive and avoid being left behind.

Critics argue that while the U.S.-Nigeria partnership has brought some benefits, these advantages are not felt equally across the population. The wealth generated from trade and investment remains largely concentrated in the oil sector, leaving many Nigerians excluded from broader economic gains. The promise of diversification remains largely unfulfilled, and the average citizen continues to bear the brunt of the country’s dependence on oil.

The political dynamics of the U.S. and Nigeria share striking similarities, particularly in their recent elections. Both the 2020 U.S. election between Donald Trump and Joe Biden and Nigeria’s 2023 election, where Bola Tinubu contested mainly against Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar, were “reportedly” marred by allegations of fraud, electoral manipulation, and identity politics. Just as many Americans questioned the integrity of their electoral process, Nigerians also faced concerns over corruption and electoral malpractice.

However, Nigeria can learn from the U.S. by adopting reforms that promote a certain level of transparency, credibility, and inclusiveness in its electoral system, as witnessed in 2024. While the U.S. system has its challenges, its efforts to ensure a fair and free election through checks and balances offer valuable lessons for Nigeria, which must work to eliminate corruption and build public trust in the electoral process. 

These reforms will help create an electoral system that reflects the people’s will and ensures fair participation. 

Transparency, accountability, and the active participation of civil society will be vital to improving Nigeria’s elections and ensuring the people’s will is genuinely reflected in government.

Nigeria’s economy faces pressing challenges, including over 30% inflation and a soaring unemployment rate. The country’s dependence on oil exports makes it vulnerable to global market fluctuations. 

The need for diversification has never been more urgent. Nigeria must expand into agriculture, technology, and manufacturing sectors to create a more sustainable and resilient economy.

While U.S.-Nigeria partnerships in agriculture, technology, and infrastructure development have created some jobs, the benefits are often limited. Without proper policies and management, the economic gains from these partnerships fail to reach those who need them most. Corruption hinders inclusive growth, with the wealth generated by foreign investments rarely benefiting the broader population.

The U.S. has provided substantial aid to Nigeria over the years, including over $125 million in COVID-19 assistance and various health initiatives, such as PEPFAR, which has improved healthcare access. 

Educational programs have also significantly impacted Nigerian schools, providing millions of books and teaching resources. However, critics argue that much of this aid addresses immediate needs without addressing the deeper, systemic issues that hinder long—term development, such as corruption, poor governance, and institutional inefficiency.

Though aid has brought short-term relief, Nigeria must push for real, lasting change. Relying on external assistance alone is not enough without addressing the root causes of poverty, unemployment, and economic instability. 

Development cannot be achieved through aid alone—it requires internal reforms and institutional strengthening.

To President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Nigeria is at a critical juncture. It faces significant economic challenges, including the risk of recession, but the partnership with the United States offers an opportunity to stimulate growth, attract investment, and create jobs. 

While the World Bank acknowledges Nigeria’s efforts through macro-fiscal reforms like unifying exchange rates and phasing out gasoline subsidies, these changes must be carefully managed to minimize short-term negative impacts on vulnerable groups. 

Scaling up social protection programs, investing in critical sectors such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure, and promoting economic diversification into areas like agriculture, technology, and manufacturing are essential to reducing reliance on oil and ensuring long-term stability. 

The World Bank’s $2.25 billion funding through the RESET program can enhance revenue mobilization, improve governance, and foster private sector growth.

Nigeria must strengthen its dialogue with the U.S., showcase investment opportunities, and deepen cooperation on security. Moving forward, Nigeria must prioritize real, actionable partnerships that deliver sustainable benefits to its people, avoid actions akin to political fraternization, and focus on inclusive development. 

The world is watching, and now is the time for decisive action to secure Nigeria’s future.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun, author of Youth Service for National Stability: A Corpers’ Chronicle, advocates for national development, has received an award from PRNigeria Center, and is an investigative research journalist. He can be reached at exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman 

Africa boasts an abundance of resources, with its vast landscapes from north to south and east to west teeming with diverse natural and mineral riches. These treasures have the potential to revolutionise the lives of its citizens. The continent’s human capital is equally impressive, harbouring 18.3%—approximately 1.5 billion—of the global population, making it the world’s second-most populous continent.

In truth, these natural resources gifted to Africa have not been fully harnessed for the benefit of its people. In some cases, resources in regions have ignited conflicts and even war, leaving people in bemoanable poverty and deprived of basic necessities like food and water, which are essential for human survival. This is in sharp contrast to the supposed envious rapid developments cities should be undergoing for urban and economic renaissance.

Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, an enthusiastic advocate for the continent’s unity and independence, captured this problematic state of African nations when he said, “Africa is a paradox,” not without rhyme or reason but because “Her (Africa) earth is rich, yet the products that come from above and below the soil continue to enrich, not Africans predominantly.” 

Considering this age-long reality, leaders have repeatedly converged, deliberated, and mapped out strategies for development. Among many of these, Africa Agenda 2063 – a deliberate framework for socioeconomic transformation adopted by the African Union (AU) in 2015—and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA)—an economic agreement aimed at creating a single unified market for Africa—remain the most talked about in the present. 

Little progress has been made with these well-thought-out agreements for nearly a decade. Recently, the Mandela Washington Fellowship Alumni Association of Nigeria (MWFAAN) announced its intention to host a ‘Pan-African Legacy Conference’ in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja. 

The conference will commemorate the 10th anniversary of the Mandela Washington Fellowship, a brainchild of former United States President Barack Obama to enhance U.S.–Africa relations, particularly among young people. Since its inception, the fellowship has sent over 7,200 young Africans to the U.S. for six weeks of professional development and cultural exchange. 

Themed “Shaping Africa’s Future through the AfCFTA and Agenda 2063” aims to chart a path for the next 10 years, focusing on economic development in Africa. It will bring young people closer to decision-makers to bridge the gap between the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and youth entrepreneurs. It will also ensure access to trade opportunities across Africa and unite the government, nonprofit sector, and business leaders to create a comprehensive framework for sustainable development.

A ruckus has been raised in the fullness of time for youth to participate actively in governance for Africa’s development. This conference is a deliberate attempt by young people to engage policymakers and industry experts in solving our age-old predicament: failing to cater to our rapidly growing population.

Could this gathering sew the Gordian knot, freeing Africa from the shackles of stagnation and retrogression and guiding her towards prosperity? Tempus Omnia Revelat—the future holds the answer. 

As Kwame Nkuruma astutely observed, “It is clear that we must find an African solution to our problems and that this can only be found in African unity. Divided, we are weak; united, Africa could become one of the greatest forces for good in the world.”

If the Mandela Washington Fellowship Alumni Pan-African Legacy Conference will be a point of unity that proffers solutions and moves us towards economic liberation, so be it.

Lawal Dahiru Mamman writes from Abuja and can be reached via dahirulawal90@gmail.com.

By Muhammed U. Hong

Nearly six decades ago, the practice of external borrowing for many developing countries could be linked to two major International Financial Institutions (IFIs): The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). These institutions became the most significant source of finance for many third-world economies, particularly in Africa, where countries owe both institutions a large portion of their external debts. However, towards the end of the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s, the IMF experienced a decline in lending activities in the region. 

The institution was becoming almost irrelevant as most countries were reluctant to borrow from it due to its policies and programs, notably the Structural Adjustment Program, which worsened economic and social conditions rather than improving them. As a result, the IMF’s reputation was severely damaged, and countries began to seek alternatives.

In the last two decades, China emerged as a major bilateral lender, gaining prominence for its infrastructure and economic development projects in African countries through three of its most prominent institutions: The China Exim Bank, China Development Bank, and China Agricultural Bank. This led to the rise of many other private sector entities that helped cater to the fiscal needs of developing countries.

Between 2013 – 2022, African countries’ total external public debt stock, as reported by the World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA), rose from US$109.63 billion in 2013 to US$223.74 billion in 2022. China disbursed loans over the same ten-year span, increasing from US$24.11 billion in 2013 to US$62.89 billion in 2022. As of March 2022, 34% of Africa’s total external debt was owed to multilateral creditors, such as the World Bank’s IDA and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), while 23% was linked to bilateral creditors, including China and Germany. Private creditors, like Bondholders from the United Kingdom, accounted for the remaining 43%.^[1] Only a modest portion of Africa’s total external debt stock is owed to China.

External or foreign borrowing is not inherently negative for countries, including African ones. It is widely understood that virtually no country can sufficiently fund its budget by relying solely on its yearly revenue. Thus, governments resort to public debt to fulfil fiscal obligations, especially when running a deficit or intending to spend more than their revenue. In Africa, external borrowing has served as a necessary tool to fund critical domestic infrastructure projects that aim to generate developmental and social gains.

However, the criteria for borrowing—such as the type of debt, its purpose, repayment terms, currency of repayment, and borrowing conditions—play a crucial role. One key metric that lenders assess is the Public Debt-to-GDP ratio, which indicates what a country owes in relation to what it produces and thereby reflects its ability to repay the debt. The higher the Debt-to-GDP ratio, the greater the risk of default. The World Bank established that a threshold of 64% for emerging markets (such as African countries) and 77% for developed economies is where public debt may begin to impact economic growth negatively. ^[2]

Interestingly, some of the world’s leading economies, including Japan, the United States, and the United Kingdom, have the highest public debt-to-GDP ratios—241%, 114%, and 79%, respectively—while African nations such as Cabo Verde, South Africa, and Nigeria have ratios of 117%, 47%, and 20%. ^[3] This demonstrates that African countries adhere more strictly to their public debt-to-GDP limits than their Western counterparts. Nonetheless, high public debt does not necessarily indicate weak economies, as some countries can rely on other sources of revenue to offset their liabilities.

So, why does Africa find China more attractive as a lender than IFIs? The World Bank and IMF initially offered loans with favourable terms to African countries in need but came with high interest rates and stringent conditions. African governments were often required to implement reforms designed by these institutions, and the loans were subject to strict environmental, social, and governance standards. Not all African countries were willing or able to comply with these requirements, which diminished their appetite for loans from IFIs and increased their interest in China’s concessional loans, which had fewer conditions. Their “no strings attached” model made Chinese loans more accessible and did not require adherence to governance or environmental standards while offering prospects for debt moratoriums.

For example, new data shows that China’s total lending to Zambia stands at $5.05 billion, equivalent to 30% of Zambia’s external debt. About 80% of China’s loans come from low-interest, concessional finance from China’s development banks, like the China Exim Bank, with the remaining $948 million held by commercial entities such as ICBC and Huawei.^[4]  However, there are widespread reports of opacity in Chinese lending practices. African governments have been largely silent about whether loans are used for capital or recurrent expenditures, which makes it difficult for citizens to determine the health of their countries’ debt paths.

This lack of transparency raises concerns about inflated project costs, kickbacks, or the financing of white elephant projects ahead of crucial elections. The China-Africa Research Initiative (CARI), a Washington-based team of independent researchers, is one of the few reliable sources for data on Chinese loans, as it gathers information from loan contracts, interviews, and its global network.

Why do some believe Chinese loans are different from IFI loans and are designed to trap low-income countries into surrendering their natural resources? 

Public-private partnership (PPP) arrangements and the Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) model, in which Chinese firms manage projects without fully taking over, have been common in Chinese contracts. However, African countries have begun to default on their loan commitments, leading China to adopt the more controversial resource-backed lending model. This model has been used in Africa as a fundamental way to finance many economic and social infrastructure projects like railways, telecoms, mining, construction, power, etc. 

The principle behind the resource-backed lending or resource-financed infrastructure (RFI) model, as they call it, is to allow the borrower country to commit its future revenues derived from the sale of its natural resources to pay for loans provided by the Chinese creditors. Under the RFI model, Chinese lenders have financed an average of 71 projects per year in Africa, at an average value of US$ 180 million since 2010. Between 2000 and 2019, only 26 per cent of Chinese lending in Africa has been tied to the future revenue from natural resources, with Angola taking a sizeable portion of 18 per cent alone. The remaining 8 per cent is evident in loan commitments of US$ 500 million made to Nigeria for its Abuja light rail project in 2012 and 2011 to finance new phases of its airport projects and the Lekki Port’s Free Trade Zone. Others have been used for the US$ 475 million loan in 2011 for the Addis-Ababa light rail project, and in Egypt, for a US$ 1.2 billion loan for their light rail projects.^[5] The primary risk of the RFI model is that commodity prices are volatile, which could undermine debt sustainability. 

According to CARI, in 2019, Chinese borrowings to African governments began classifying the countries that were perceived as ‘less risky’ due to concerns about debt sustainability. This is because most countries borrowing heavily from China have been identified to have histories of IMF bailouts, making new such borrowings from China unsustainable. CARI examined the situation in 17 African countries that are either in debt distress or at high risk of debt distress due to the high lending volume, which has forced China to address the issue of debt sustainability. 

Countries like Ethiopia, Mozambique, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Djibouti were all denied fresh loans in 2019. Others like Kenya, Cameroon and Zambia were given relatively small loans. Angola, the continent’s largest borrower of Chinese loans, with an average of US$ 4 billion per year between 2010 – 2018, experienced a decline to about US$106 million in 2019. This is despite securitising Angola’s future revenue from its oil exports. Nigeria, which surpasses as the continent’s largest crude oil exporter with a history of debt sustainability since 2000, had only been granted a loan commitment of around US$500 million. ^[6]

The issue of debt sustainability gained further attention during the COVID-19 pandemic, leading to widespread calls for debt relief. China responded by offering debt relief packages (debt cancellation) and an (undisclosed) deferment of interest payments due to the pandemic. In 2020, China joined the G20 to create the Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI) framework to alleviate the economic suffering imposed by the Coronavirus pandemic on African countries. By the following year, China was reported to have suspended debt worth over US$1.3 billion for 23 countries, out of which 16 are African countries.^[7] In a similar vein to tackling the Coronavirus pandemic, the IMF was also reported to have approved $500 million to cancel six months of debt payments for 25 countries, with 19 of them in Africa – which is almost one-third of what China had been able to offer to African governments.^[8]

According to Jubilee Debt Campaign UK, now referred to as Debt Justice, a UK campaign organisation to end exploitation of debt by more affluent countries, China remains the largest suspender of debt with a whopping $5.7 billion in debt repayment). ^[9] The China Development Bank – which is a major lender to African countries – had also since 2021 provided US$1.168 billion in debt relief to these countries as a way of cushioning the impact of the pandemic.^[10]

What makes China engage in “debt-trap diplomacy” with its African borrowers? — An allegation that Chinese firms intentionally lend to financially irresponsible governments that will be unable to repay loans to take possession of assets.

Many unsubstantiated claims about the Chinese takeover of major state assets in developing countries exist. The most cited case for reference is the Hambantota port in Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan government secured 2007 finance from China’s Export-Import (EXIM) Bank to develop the port. In 2015, however, Sri Lanka had to arrange a bailout from the IMF even though the Chinese loans only accounted for some 10% of the debt. The government sought to raise cash by privatising state-owned assets, including a significant stake in Hambantota port. Then, a Chinese company got wind of it and successfully bided and bought 70% of the shares. The Sri Lankan government used the proceeds to pay for Chinese loans and other debt services. ^[11] However, no definitive evidence suggests a similar practice is prevalent in Africa.^[12]

Ultimately, it is hard to think that Chinese loans to Africa are meant to inextricably trap them for their rich oil and other natural resources. Over the past decades, Africa’s growing need for infrastructure has led China to fill the void created by Western financial institutions, offering easier access to capital with fewer stipulations. 

Although the African continent has managed its debt well, there are still significant risks and challenges associated with Chinese loans, particularly in governance and transparency. It is also true that China’s approach to lending has evolved from being more lenient to becoming more cautious, especially in response to concerns about debt sustainability. This is why it tries to mitigate the risk of defaulting by primarily resorting to the resource-backed financing model, and this has only been linked to a meagre percentage of all its loan commitments to the continent– with the exception of Angola. While resource-backed lending seems pragmatic, it is not necessarily predatory or equate to an intent to exploit or trap countries, especially given China’s history of debt relief. China’s participation in debt relief efforts is consistent with its broader strategy of maintaining long-term relationships with African countries rather than exploiting them.

Africa must halt the practice of raising money at the Eurobond markets—where a range of investors trade bonds—because these bonds come at steep commercial rates and are subject to the dictates of the international financial markets. African countries must also be discouraged from seeking bailouts from financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank to offset existing loans, which excessively pile up debts that lead to unsustainable liabilities. 

African governments must ensure prudent financial management while refraining from depleting their foreign currency reserves to pay high interest on those loans. The utilisation of these loans for their intended purposes, whether in infrastructure, social or economic, is crucial for Africa to foster sustainable development, bolster its revenue growth, and improve the quality of life for its citizens. Loans that yield commensurate economic benefits.

Muhammed U. Kong wrote via muhammedu.hong@gmail.com.

By Sunusi Abubakar

With a growing prime working-age population, considerable natural resources endowment, good economic potentials, large labour forces, highly motivated entrepreneurs, vast domestic market, strategic coastal locations, large and fragile agricultural land, and developing ICT sector, Nigeria has favourable economic potential which could lead her to be among the top 20 economies in the world. 

But problems like corruption, nepotism, political instability, inadequate infrastructures and poor economic management are failing its journey to greatness. Unfortunately, all the aforementioned regressive factors are not natural but a breed of artificial additive called colonialism.

Colonialism was first practised by empires such as Ancient Greece, Ancient Rome, Ancient Egypt, and Phoenicia. From about 1550 B.C. onward, these civilisations all extended their borders into surrounding and non-contiguous areas and established colonies that used the physical and population resources of the people they conquered to increase their own power. This resulted in capitalism and imperialism and metamorphosed into neo-colonialism. 

Ancient colonialism is seen worldwide as the origin of capitalism, which is said to be the source of the power and accumulation of Western countries. 

Capitalism is said to emanate from the Cambridge School, a group of economic philosophers. The group was led by the neoclassical economist Alfred Marshall, with Walras, Merger, and British economist John Maynard Keynes on the board. The system always accepts the market system as the best way to organise economic activities in society. They believed in allocating resources through the market forces of demand and supply. 

For them, the commodity is said to be a thing when it is produced to make money. They maintained that the source of their capital accumulation is through profit gained and plough back for future profit, but many people are against this idea. They were cautioned by German economist and human rights lawyer Karl Marx, who described the process as primitive. 

Marx argued that their capital is wherever in the world, made initially through the enclosure movement, dislocation of feudal agrarian productions, huge price inflation, monopolies of trade, acquisition of colonies, extortion enslavement, entombment in the mines of the aboriginal population, looting of indie and Africa as well as hunting of black skins. 

However, capitalism is seen worldwide as the maceration of the proletariat, a low class in society. Capitalism always favoured the bourgeoisie, the owners of the means of production. Moreover, the history of capitalism can only be completed by mentioning the name of the Italian philosopher Machiavelli. 

Machiavelli was the founder of the theory of Mercantilism and a major contributor to the development of capitalism. Mercantilism is an economic system which supports the development of capitalism and the exploitation of the proletariat through the accumulation of monetary reserves by positive balance using the import and export of finished goods. 

Shortly after some economic revolutions that emancipated some countries in Europe, Africa, and Asia, the colonial masters, who were the champions of capitalism, veered to continue their colonial agenda through imperialism. They came up with an idea that saw the integration of world financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank to recolonise former colonies through debt conditionalities. Many African countries fall into their trap. Some managed to escape while others were still bedevilled by it.  

As imperialism seemed ineffective, those colonial masters changed their sinister agenda to neocolonialism. Neocolonialism is also a system that is aimed at giving developed economies indirect control over their former colonies and access to their system of economy, politics, militarism, idealism and other policies to achieve two objectives:

1. Keeping those colonies within the world capitalism system.

2. Preserving the condition of exploitation and unequal exchange between developed and developing economies. 

Like other developing economies, Nigeria is also suffering from the problems of neo-colonialisation.

Neocolonialism paved the way for the developed economies to wage a silent war on Nigeria’s industrial sector indirectly through the development of manufacturing industries and technological advancement. They electrified, mechanised, and chemicalised our agricultural sector. Their dominance mandated our farmers to use pesticides, insecticides, and other agrochemicals mainly produced in their countries. 

Moreover, education is also a victim of neo-colonialisation in Nigeria. The educational sector in Nigeria is neocolonialized through privatization. The government has intentionally neglected our educational sector, leading citizens to enrol their children in private schools at home and abroad. 

Neocolonialisation has also victimised Nigeria’s political landscape. It also affects our system of administration, military,and foreign policy. Western countries have an indirect involvement in Nigeria’s electoral processes through this. They use observation to interfere cunningly in the choice of our leadership. 

However, the ongoing insecurity problems affecting Nigeria are another form of neocolonialism. It is through which Western countries exploit our economy and enjoy the remaining in the name of peacekeeping, intelligence assistance and arms procurement.

With these problems on trend, this is a healing time. It is a time for reflection on what can be done to help Nigeria cunningly harness its economic potential. It is a time to preach against government policies that align with a neocolonialist agenda through dialogue and moral suasion. 

If we fail to reflect as a nation, Nigeria is bound to go back into the decades of direct subjugation, economic exploitation and brutality.

Sunusi Abubakar wrote via muhammadsunusi29@gmail.com.

By Fatimat Ibr

It was my first Ramadan as a graduate and as a serving copper, and it was two days before Ramadan. As a tradition, I called my mom to ask her about the preparation for Ramadan. I knew I couldn’t afford her anything just yet, but checking in was very necessary and important.

She answered, “Hmmm, you know the condition of this house before you left, nothing ohh I don’t have anything, this is 08:30, I am still on my way home from the market, I delayed hoping I will eventually make a good sale so I can get some things we need but no show, things are expensive, we don’t have beans, rice auger or millet, like always I will be buying with cups when I can, Aisha is sick, Usman hasn’t pay his school fees, wallahi I am tired, you and your sis should do fast and come and continue I am tired”.

Before she ended her conversation, my throat was dry and tight, tears were rolling down my cheeks, I couldn’t form a word, tried but couldn’t, and had to end the call.

This is a story of one to a hundred youths in Nigeria, both male and female.

I am a young girl in her early twenties, already caught in the fire of fending for myself, which I barely can do and must carry on with four or five family members. Why? Because I need to pay the “black tax.”

Black tax is a term that originated in South Africa and refers to money that black workers or professionals and others with high income give their parents, siblings, friends, or other family members. The origin of the black tax is rooted in historical and systemic inequality that was prevalent at the time. 

The history of black tax can be traced back to the legacy of apartheid in South Africa, which ended in the 1990s. During the apartheid era, Black individuals and families were denied access to many economic opportunities and resources. As a result, they often relied on the support of extended family and community members to make ends meet.

When apartheid ended, many Black individuals and families gained access to new economic opportunities and were able to improve their financial situations. However, they continued to feel a sense of responsibility towards their extended family and community, and this financial obligation became known as the “black tax.”

The black tax has become a menace in Nigeria that needs to be curbed due to the increase in the rate of poverty.

However, we know that it is a thing of honour and Noble to extend hands to others, family, and the community at large,but not at the expense of your personal development and growth.

As the saying goes, “You can’t give what you don’t have”, which is why you need to show up fully for yourself to be able to show up for others.

I want you, my friends and youths, to know and learn to show up for your siblings, parents, and your community with a full cup. You could be there for them emotionally and intellectually.

I talked with fellow corps members, and they have these to say.

“I do not pick up calls from my mum or siblings anymore. I am taking care of my mental health, and I am tired of hearing stories and being guilt-tripped about how I was trained for school and all. I do know  they are my responsibility, but I need them to understand that I am trying and thinking about them” ~ Oghene Martha

“I have been paying Black tax since my undergraduate days, and I never get to try restaurants and fun places in school that require money. In school, I constantly thought of things we lacked at home that I needed to get when going back, so I used to do little business in school to stay afloat. Now that I am serving and had to go to a different state, it is challenging because I haven’t recognised any opportunity here, and the 33k barely takes me through for three weeks, but I still have to send money home. My siblings always ranting, it overwhelming actually” ~ Yusuf Nana

Both religion and education have taught us the benefits of giving, and its importance cannot be overemphasised. However, strategy and caution are needed in all aspects of life. We strain ourselves so much to our elastic limit that when things get turpsy, we are again looking for the next best target to Leach off from.

How To Deal with Black Tax?

Communicate:  Talk to your family; they will understand. Be transparent, and let them know how much you are trying and working to help yourself and for them. Tell them how much their understanding and emotional support would mean to you. Assure them that you know, see all they did for you, and appreciate them, but you need them to be patient with you.

Work with gross income, not Net income: Your gross income is what you have after settling or deducting your debts, transportation costs, and other daily costs you incur while working over the month. If you must tell your parents, siblings, and friends your salary, it should be your Gross income.

Example: My net income is 250k, and if I tell my parents that I earn that, how would they feel when I send 50k at the end of the month? The best way is this: You earn 250k, you spend 50k monthly on transportation, and airtime 5k. You are left with 195. Then, that is what you share with them. They would be happier if you sent them 30 to 45k.

Set Financial Goals: No matter how minimal your income is, you should have a savings plan; all it takes is discipline, and you will make it work. In the end, it all goes to add up.

Do not lend money to friends and family: 80% of the money you borrow from your friends and family will be very difficult to recover. Most debts end up severing ties between friends and family. Instead, you could adopt this strategy. My friend or one of my siblings asked me to lend her 20k, and I told her I did not have that money, but I could spare her 4 to 5k. I am giving you this for free, so you do not need to pay it back. This is a proven strategy that works most of the time. You protected your relationship and your money. Never give room for cash to steer problems between you and a family.

Learn to say No: This is difficult, but it is necessary. You can be in everyone’s good books. Know what you can bear, recognise your strength, and say no to everything else. Remember, you are nobody’s last hope. Eventually, they will find a way to survive with or without you.

Invest in yourself: You need money to make money, buy things, take trips, and eat good meals. If you fail, people pulling you down with expectations will be the first to criticize you. Take care of yourself. 

Be intentional about your physical, intellectual, and financial growth. Black tax is a tool for guilt trips and emotional blackmail, creating balance, and taking care of your mental health.

Until we learn to eliminate pressure, expectations, and guilt and focus on building sustainability and savings, the black tax will continue to be an endemic that will continue to affect future generations.

Together, we can break the vicious cycle of generational dependence.

Fatimat Ibrahim Abedoh is a corps member in Nassarawa State and wrote via abedohfatimat@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam Imam

Rwanda paused on Sunday to honor the memory of genocide victims, marking three decades since a brutal campaign orchestrated by Hutu extremists tore through the nation, leaving deep wounds as communities turned against each other in one of the darkest chapters of the 20th century.

The relentless violence, spanning 100 days until the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) rebel militia seized control of Kigali in July 1994, resulted in the deaths of 800,000 individuals, primarily Tutsis but also moderate Hutus.

Despite the immense tragedy, Rwanda has made strides toward stability under the firm leadership of President Paul Kagame, who helmed the RPF.

Nevertheless, the legacy of the atrocities persists, casting a shadow over Africa’s Great Lakes region.Following tradition, ceremonies held on April 7—the day when Hutu militias unleashed terror in 1994—commenced with Kagame lighting a remembrance flame at the Kigali Genocide Memorial, a solemn site believed to hold the remains of over 250,000 victims.

Accompanied by somber melodies played by an army band, Kagame laid wreaths at the mass graves, joined by foreign dignitaries, including several African heads of state and former US President Bill Clinton, who had acknowledged the genocide as a grave failure during his tenure.

The failure of the international community to intervene remains a point of regret, with French President Emmanuel Macron expected to express remorse for France’s and its allies’ inaction, acknowledging they could have halted the bloodshed but lacked the resolve to do so.

Kagame is scheduled to deliver an address at a 10,000-seat arena in the capital, where Rwandans will later gather for a candlelight vigil in remembrance of those lost to the slaughter.

The commemoration marks the beginning of a week-long period of national mourning, during which Rwanda will come to a standstill, with flags flown at half-mast. Public music, sports events, and non-remembrance-related television broadcasts are suspended.The United Nations and the African Union will also hold remembrance ceremonies to honor the victims.

Reflecting on the events, Karel Kovanda, a former Czech diplomat and the first UN ambassador to publicly denounce the 1994 massacres as genocide, emphasized the importance of ensuring that the genocide is never forgotten, asserting that the page cannot be turned on such atrocities.

The genocide, triggered by the assassination of Hutu President Juvenal Habyarimana on April 6, 1994, led to widespread atrocities fueled by virulent anti-Tutsi propaganda disseminated through various media outlets.

Countless individuals were brutally murdered, and tens of thousands of women were subjected to sexual violence.Rwanda has taken steps to address the legacy of the genocide, including establishing community tribunals for victims to confront their perpetrators. However, challenges persist, with hundreds of genocide suspects still at large, some reportedly seeking refuge in neighboring countries.

Despite the passage of time, Rwanda continues to grapple with the wounds inflicted by the genocide, endeavoring to ensure that the horrors of the past are never forgotten while striving to build a future rooted in peace and reconciliation.

By Khalilah Bint Aliyu

Never have I found it this difficult to write down my thoughts on a particular subject. The institution of marriage is highly coveted by women, especially African women. Societal pressure, feelings of vulnerability, the biological clock, and to some extent, a bit of a misunderstanding about whether it is compulsory or not.

Marriage, even though highly encouraged, is not compulsory for either gender, as long as a person can stay clear of immorality and remain firm in their tenets of faith. Allowing culture to override what the scripture states puts overwhelming pressure on many unmarried women, especially Muslim women.

I have watched bright minds become shadows of themselves for no apparent reason, yet they have to wake up daily to taunts and endless questions about when they intend to marry. A woman’s success gets downplayed. Some brave women might be willing to shrug off these tons of negative energy directed at them and pursue excellence, but they will meet an unwavering blockade from an angry parent or guardian.

Addressing this issue has to come in two aspects. We are going to address the parents or guardians and then the crux of the matter, the lady herself.

African parents, especially our mothers, derive pleasure from getting all their female children married. Should there be any delay, they get worried and intentionally or unintentionally transfer the negative energy in the form of pressure onto the unmarried ladies. It is destiny: some will marry early, others late, and some not at all. It is a gift and uncertain in nature. Aspiring for our womenfolk to marry in their early or mid-twenties is not a crime in itself, but making it a must and putting untold pressure on them can lead to poor spousal choices, deteriorating mental health, severe insecurity, and in some cases, amoral behaviors.

I want to use this analogy. A gardener sowed some orange seeds to sell the sprouts. He tended to them, and they grew healthy and strong, but no buyer showed interest. He kept watering and caring for the plants, much to the amazement of passersby. He was advised to let them be, but he paid no heed, and the seedlings grew into healthy orange trees that provided both shade and juicy fruits, subsequently attracting the attention of the right people who offered to buy the entire garden.

Women, unlike the plants here, are not for sale but are nurtured to prepare them to do the same and even more for the next generation. The more learned and well-mannered your wards are, the better equipped they will be as wives, mothers, and custodians of generations to come. Marriage will come at its destined time, and the terms “early” and “late” are manmade, designed to cause anxiety.

Keep your female children on the path of growth without any hindrance, support them, and alleviate the stress that society may throw at them, as this will make them flourish and live a life of purpose, leaving behind long-lasting positive footprints or a legacy, as it is popularly called.

For the ladies, you are strong, resilient, empathetic, and gifted with multitasking abilities. Jannah is not only for the married but also for the servants of Allah who stand firmly on the path of righteousness.

Define your life goals and, as long as they do not go against the ethics of your religion, pursue them purposefully. Don’t settle for less. I know how discouraging it can be to be told you are not enough just because you are not married. The delay that you are distressed about is a gold mine of opportunity. The fewer the number of stakeholders, the easier it is to make a decision.

As an unmarried woman, all you need to make a choice is a nod from your parents and guardians. This is not true for married women; you have husbands, in-laws, and children to think about before making decisions.

I had an opportunity to attend a two-week intensive training, an opportunity I had coveted for a while. Luckily, I got the slot. I received a nod from my husband, but I searched and could not find a trusted nanny to care for my infant for the duration of the training. I had no other option but to let go of the opportunity and wait for another one, praying that every force of nature would be favorable to me.

The above narrative is very common among women juggling both career and family. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, in one of her interviews, spoke about how having a little princess slowed the pace of her writing career. She said, “Becoming a mother is a glorious gift, but it comes at a cost. I could probably have written two novels had I not had my child.”

I implore you all to eat well, exercise, read widely, be kind, attend seminars, symposia, volunteer your services, and watch for a deluge of opportunities, including marriage proposals. Who doesn’t want a beautiful flower?

Khalilah Aliyu Yahaya writes from Kaduna and can be reached via Khalilah20@gmail.com.

By Saifullahi Attahir

Pascal Lissouba was a former President of the Republic of Congo Brazzaville, a country located very close to its counterpart, DRC Congo, with the capital Kinshasa. The story of these two close neighbours was another irony of our continent; both capitals are only separated by a river, which you can easily spot each other by mere sight. They share much in common but bitterly sabotage each other due to mere nonsensical issues of tribe and language. To the benefit of their former masters, this division created an opportunity to be ruled and controlled by their former colonists.

He was born around the 1940s to a middle-income family in a village before the country’s independence. He studied in a government-run school and was an intelligent student, culminating in gaining a scholarship to study Agriculture at France’s elite academy Ecole in Paris. He had a stint in Paris working as a scientist before returning home and starting a job as a senior civil servant in the Ministry of Agriculture under President Massamba Debat.

His expertise was noticed, and he soon climbed the social ladder and became the minister of Agriculture in less than a decade. He held other positions in the Debat government. He was later promoted to prime minister until their government was overthrown by an army General called Denis Sassou Nguesse. His former boss was assassinated while he was forced to resign.

Amidst this impasse, Oil (petroleum crude oil) was the central player in all this and the future unrest that would follow in this tiny country. It was discovered a little while around the 1960s, after the country gained independence, and most of the exploration, production, and transactions were handled between the government and the giant French conglomerate Elf OIL COMPANY. The deal was marred with corruption and shadowy manoeuvres, and the oil money was mostly stacked in the Paris banks. The little that got to the Congolese is also largely slashed by the politicians and the ruling class, and only little or none of the ordinary citizens of Congo benefit from this newly found wealth.

Another problem was that the discovery of this oil led to the development of Dutch disease, where the government abandoned other key infrastructural income sectors like agriculture. The common populace, too, abandoned their homes and rushed for the golden egg, only to meet with frustration. This oil also created another problem of division and hatred among the different tribes of the country; everyone was trying to dominate his brother for the booty, and no one thought for the country.

During this period, Pascal Lissouba retired from Politics and worked as an academician and genetic lecturer at the University, initially in Paris and later in his country, Congo. 

Despite the world crude oil prices in the 1970s rising due to the historic Arab Embargo, Congo Brazzaville began accumulating debts by being involved in elephant projects and depending so much on the Pseudo Economic consultant’s advice. The economic situation in the country starts to change for the worse; salary arrears accumulate for several months, inflation rises high, and hunger begins to appear. The president of that time became unpopular, creating a chance for the emergence of Pascal Lissouba as the new President of the Republic of Congo Brazzaville after an election in 1992.

It was reported that Pascal became President with the support of France and the Elf oil company with the agreement of continuing business as usual, allowing the monopoly exploration of Congo Crude oil by the Elf company only. After he settled down as the president, Pascal began to see the absolute mess his country was already in, with billions of dollars in debt and the continued siphoning of the little they got through corrupt middlemen. He discovered that almost 2/3 of their earning went into debt servicing with nothing to show of what was done with the loan received in the first instance.

He, too, begins to face public resentment due to over six months of salary arrears his government owes to workers. Face with no alternative, he rushed to Paris, met President Mitterrand for help, and was surprisingly denied. He ran to the Elf company for aid and was negotiated under terms that included conceding several millions of crude oil barrels in advance. This Mr Pascal turns down too.

Cleverly and courageously, He went to an American oil company called The Occidental and secured a deal that assured his country to collect a loan of $150 million in exchange for an oil exploration license to the company. Desperate to satisfy his people and to quench their thirst, plus an election around the corner, he quickly rushed home and, to the applause of his people, indeed won the mid-term election.

The problem between his government and the Elf Company for including the Occidental in oil exploration begins to develop. President Mitterrand also backed the grudge, and soon, Paris began to lose ties with its former friend and started supporting a new one called Suisse Nguesse. 

Nguesse, desperate for power, couldn’t allow him to wait for election time but began to finance militias to ouster President Lissouba. The country was thrown into civil war between 1995 and 1997 until President Lissouba was overpowered off course with the help of foreign powers and military intelligence. President Pascal Lissouba fled the country and was exiled to London.

This essay was written to highlight the complex situation of most African countries, especially those that depend on Natural resources such as crude oil as the sole source of exchange earnings. The story is not much different in countries like Angola, Gabon, Central African Republic, and Nigeria. It’s always the same tactics; only the players change, but the game is the same old tricks.

If I were Pascal Lissouba, and God granted me wisdom, courage and fearlessness, I would have begun a mass national orientation campaign before I assumed office to explain to the country the dire need for every citizen to sacrifice for the period ahead so that the whole country would head toward a common goal of emancipation of their natural resource.

I would have renegotiated the oil contract terms with the Elf Company, inviting other key players in the world, especially the global South block, for military and infrastructural aid.

I would have engaged in a constant national campaign to ensure the whole population is well informed to acquire their support for the hard road ahead.

But I begin to doubt the realisation of this dream due to the complex behaviour of our very own people. We Africans are creatures that mostly lack endurance of hardship; we usually prefer short-term gratification of our desires, and most of us can not sacrifice long enough, no matter the value of what is ahead. 

We are creatures that easily fall into division; we quickly delve into ethnic, religious, tribal and regional self-interest conflict. We love chaos; we love greediness that surpasses the imagination of any self-conscious human thinking. We can kill because of money; we can sacrifice our brethren because of money, and we can amass so much through the crook method that even our grandchildren cannot spend.

From my perspective, this is not a problem of leadership alone or the problem of a single or few individuals; this is a pandemic disease; it’s almost within the blood of most of us unless those few are chosen. This problem was within every stratum of our society, and I can’t believe the mere excuse of leadership alone as the only cause.

This problem is complex and multifaceted; our people fuelled it, we love the shortcut, everybody loves to arrive quickly, we love overnight riches, and we want enjoyment. Still, we lack a plan and disciplinary execution. Even at the individual level, that is how we are, and that makes our homes and families, so it’s not surprising that we have a nation or continent that laments.

Our people organise the coups; the sabotage is supported by our people. This problem is not peculiar to only politicians; it’s present among college students, academicians, families, workers, and businessmen.

I began to sympathise with people like Pascal Lissouba because most of the men who have tried to oppose the status quo are usually prematurely retired from leadership, and some even, unfortunately, got killed.

Where is Gaddafi, where is Murtala, where is Sankara, where is Abacha, where is Saddam, where is Lumumba, where is Mandela?

Saifullahi Attahir wrote via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com.

By Bilyaminu Abdulmumin

In the year 2021, when the gale of coup d’etat appeared to be fast resurfacing, it triggered revered columnist Mahmud Jega to title one of the columns “Fast Forward to the Past” to take us back to the period of the coup harvest, when the coup occurred as a competition in Africa. 

Within the 2021 year, three coups were carried out in Mali, Sudan, and Guinea Conakry. Conakry’s ousting of President Alpha Condé garnered a lot of media sensation. One reason that made it so was how the president was captured in the viral video in a state of disbelief, dressed casually, and the coup orchestrated by the commander of his supposed forces, a hitherto submissive commander, Mamady Doumbouya.

In the following year, 2022, there were two coups in Burkina Faso within eight months. The first one took place in January, with Lieutenant-Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba taking over as interim; after eight months, Damiba was, in turn, ousted by another military (installing Captain Ibrahim Traoré as transitional president).

It was even 2023 that has taken us ever faster than in the past. The news of coup d’etat or rumours about it broke almost daily. First, it was Niger, where the military guarding President Bozoum ousted him as simply as going to the park.  Similar to Conakry’s, the Niger coup drew a lot of attention, and the Nigeriens threw their weight behind the junta. Both the public and the junta kept the anti-French kite flying, paving the way for the shift in allegiance to socialist Russia- an alternative superpower block to which all the aggrieved countries with West meddling turn. In addition, the row that ensued between the Junta and ECOWAS has also added twists to the matter. 

Months after Niger, the Gabon military struck to oust Ali Bongo, which brought to an end the Bango dynasty of 53 years. Drama ensued when Ali Bango, who was declared winner of the Gabonese presidential election barely an hour before, appeared on recorded video, appealing for help from the international community: “I, Ali Bongo, president of Gabon, aim to send a message to all my friends all over the world to tell them to make noise, people here have arrested me, my family and son are somewhere right now I don’t know what is happening… I’m calling on you to make noise, to make noise really, I am thanking you” This reminds me of Colonel Muhammed Gaddafi in 2011, when the NATO-enforced rebels came ever closer, toppling him as they approached Tripoli, the capital of Libya, then the self-described “king of the kings” buckled down crying for help.

 The Niger and Gabon coup shook the African continent. It appeared the coup was sweeping the whole continent, and the writing was all over the horizon as the next coup seemed to be a matter of when, not if. This development has triggered several sit-tight leaders to do something. Both President Paul Kagame of Rwanda and Paul Biya Cameroon reshuffled military positions. President Umaro Sissoco Embaló of Guinea Bissau dissolved the country’s legislature and appointed a new prime minister weeks later. Hausa says Mai kaza aljihu baya jimirin ass (he who has a skeleton in his closet gets frightened at the slightest provocation)

One thing that has been a tradition for the coup plotters is to elongate their stay or convert to democracy and orchestrate their indefinite stay, for instance, the failed Sani Abacha attempt or the successful attempt by Yahya Jammeh of Gambia, Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, Mathiew Kerekou of Benin or the late Chad president Idriss Deby. 

Some of these sit-tight African leaders even taken their stay to another level: dynasty form, where children or family members take turns to preside over their respective countries like Mahamat Deby Idris taking after his father Idriss Deby, Joseph Kabila from his father Laurent-Désiré Kabila, Museveni’s son is currently heating up, the Robert Mugabe wanted to impose his wife. No one embodied this sentiment like The Nguema family of Equatorial Guinea. They didn’t surpass 53 years of the Bango family alone but showed no sign of relinquishing the power.

You see, it is not that there were not good reasons on the ground for the junta to intervene. For instance, the corruption was said to be unprecedented when Muhammadu Buhari intervened, the economic hardship was also on the equal scale when Ibrahim Babangida intervened, insecurities currently bedevil the Sahelian countries of Mali, Burkina Faso, the excuse for the toppling of the government in those countries. In addition, it is not that the Junta didn’t have good intentions to make things better for their respective countries, but somehow along the line after taking power, the situation became ‘Jiya iya yau’, (the more things change, the more they remain the same) sometimes even worse. Africa, where does the problem lie?