2027

By Haladu Muhammad 

As a young Nigerian from the North-East, one issue that has deeply concerned me for over a decade is the widespread apathy among our youth toward the electoral process. When you engage young people from my region or across the country, many express scepticism, asking, “Why should I vote when votes aren’t counted? Why bother standing under the sun?”

They seem to forget the fundamental definition of democracy. As Abraham Lincoln famously stated, democracy is “government of the people, by the people, for the people.” It is anchored in the rule of law and guarantees us the freedom and civic right to cast our ballots, oversee the counting process, and await the legitimate results.

It saddens me that many young citizens overlook the power of their vote. They abandon their civic duty, claiming that enduring the elements to vote is pointless. My key message to everyone is simple: believe in the power of your participation.

Consider recent gubernatorial elections, such as the one in Osun State. When citizens turned out in large numbers, stood patiently in line despite the rain or heat, and ensured their votes were counted transparently, it proved that the system can work. Similarly, when voters in Zamfara State stood firm behind their preferred candidate in the 2023 election, their votes were reflected in the final outcome. 

If all Nigerians emulate this level of dedication, we can drive meaningful change across the nation.

This is why I continuously advocate for young Nigerians, especially those in the North, to register for and secure their Permanent Voter’s Cards (PVCs). As we approach the 2027 general elections, we must prepare to participate fully. You cannot sit comfortably at home, voice your preference for leadership, and yet refuse to engage in the democratic process required to elect them. Expecting change without participation is a major contradiction.

Consider this a wake-up call. To those who already hold a PVC, treat it as a vital instrument for your future. Your PVC acts like a master key or a bank card—it grants you the authority to elect leaders who align with your vision and vote out those who fail to deliver. It is a powerful tool for self-determination for every Nigerian.

I urge our youth to mobilise, ensure their voter registration is up to date, and prepare to vote in massive numbers in 2027. Let us use our collective voice to shape the future of our nation.

Haladu Muhammad is a Concerned Citizen of Nigeria. He wrote from Maiduguri.

By Sulaiman Maijama’a

He served a single tenure and was chased out of the corridors of power, and later had the fortune of being smuggled by a cabal after waiting for a good 8 years. When he was announced as the flagbearer of their party, he doubted himself, woke up in the middle of the night and sat on a sofa, talking to himself. Let us peer into his mind and bring out what he is saying to the world.

What is the motive behind bringing me back? When I served my first tenure as a governor, these people ganged up against my reelection and chased me away and ever since I left, I distanced myself from anything to do with the state. I jettisoned party affairs, didn’t honour wedding invitations, didn’t pay homage or send goodwill messages during festivities,  refused to ever pay condolences, refused to make donations for public and private projects. I created both social and physical distancing by relocating to Abuja and abandoning all my people in Bakesu State. Why would these people nominate me? Do they really mean well?

But I am said to be the luckiest politician this country ever produced. I was born in Alfawa State, attended primary school in Babaldu State, and did my secondary school in Dadin Kowa State. When my father was posted to Bakeso State, we lived comfortably enough that I claimed indigene status, rose through the ranks in the civil service, ventured into politics, and miraculously became the state governor. But what did I do when I had the chance?

According to what people are saying on social media, I did not execute physical projects which I can now show to convince people to elect me. But when I was rounding up my first term, I gathered a lot of money, which I intended to use to execute the projects in my second tenure, but they unfortunately elected me out. I left the state treasury with billions of naira, and I suspect it is the money this governor has used to achieve all this development people applaud him for in the state. Why don’t I say I’m the one who gathered the money for him and claim a share of the credit?

My social media handles keep popping up with posts from haters of my return, reminding people of the verification exercises we did when we were in power. I even saw one post saying that in the cemetery there is a section of pensioners who died of hunger during our verifications. But we did that in good faith, and who will die before their appointed time? I think this can be a question of faith!

But wait, how many people did I fight with when I was in power whom I am still at loggerheads with? Traditional title holders accused me of not giving them the respect and resources they deserve. Now, this wicked governor fueled our estranged relationship with them because he built them beautiful palaces and pooled resources they never requested. But why would a lawyer of my standing, who knows very well that these people don’t have any constitutional role, deviate from due process?

My relationship with clergymen of both faiths was—and still is—not cordial. I thought their duty was only to preach to people to be righteous and serve God in order to go to paradise. But when I was in power, they asked to see me during every religious festivity, sent requests or proposals for donations or sponsorship of every religious activity. During fasting period, Sallah, Christmas and Maulud, they requested thousands of textiles, thousands of rams and cows and trailers of foodstuff to distribute to orphans. Whenever I turned down their request, they would quote me a verse in the Qur’an and the Bible, and accuse me of not helping religion. But I’m fasting every Monday and Thursday. Can this not take me to paradise?

Now, the poor say I have zero projects to show; traditional institutions throw questions of disrespect, and clergymen challenge my disregard for their institution. Despite all this, I want to return to this seat. 

What should I do?

Maijama’a wrote via sulaimanmaija@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam

The Kano State Government has urged beneficiaries of its land allocation programme not to sell their plots, saying the allocations are intended to provide long-term security and wealth for families rather than short-term financial gain.

The call was made on Sunday during the presentation of land allocation documents to polling agents in Kano under the administration of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

Governor Yusuf, in a speech delivered by the Commissioner for Public Procurement, Projects Monitoring and Evaluation, Nura Ma’aji Sumaila, said the land allocation programme was part of a broader policy to expand home ownership across the state.

He said the initiative would gradually be extended to more segments of society, including young people, women, civil servants, community leaders and other hardworking citizens, as part of efforts to reduce the housing deficit and improve family security.

The governor noted that beneficiaries had received plots in professionally planned government layouts equipped with road networks, drainage systems, schools, healthcare facilities, markets, places of worship, parks and other public infrastructure.

According to him, proper urban planning would make it easier for government to provide essential services while increasing the long-term value of the properties.

The Commissioner for Land and Physical Planning, Abduljabbar Muhammad Umar, urged beneficiaries not to dispose of their plots because of short-term financial needs.

“Please do not sell your land allocation because of short-term financial needs. Instead, develop it, build your home and create a lasting asset for your family,” Umar said.

He explained that the allocated plots were located within government-approved layouts designed to create organised, safe and sustainable communities where families could live, invest and prosper.

Umar contrasted the layouts with illegal land developments, popularly known as Awon Igiya, which he said had contributed to unplanned settlements, flooding, traffic congestion, insecurity, land disputes and slum conditions across parts of the state.

He said the government remained committed to ending illegal land development and restoring order to land administration across Kano State.

The Daily Reality recalls that the Kano State Government on Saturday commenced the distribution of land allocation documents to political appointees, including Senior Special Assistants, Senior Special Reporters, Special Assistants, Special Reporters and Personal Assistants. 

The government said the exercise, which concluded on Sunday with the presentation to polling agents, was expected to benefit about 2,500 beneficiaries as part of its broader effort to expand home ownership and reduce the state’s housing deficit.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

One of the gubernatorial ambitions generating the most intense debate and public interest ahead of the Gombe State 2027 governorship race is that of Professor Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami.

From the outset, Professor Pantami’s reported interest in contesting for the governorship attracted attention far beyond the borders of Gombe State. This is largely because he is not regarded as a conventional politician. Rather, he is an accomplished academic, Islamic scholar, technocrat, and former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy whose tenure earned him national recognition for driving Nigeria’s digital transformation.

Pantami’s potential candidacy appears to enjoy support from three distinct constituencies.

The first consists of those who genuinely believe he has something significant to offer the state. They draw inspiration from his performance as minister, citing his reforms in the digital economy, the expansion of broadband infrastructure, the growth of digital identity enrolment, and his emphasis on innovation, transparency, and public sector efficiency. To this group, his administrative record demonstrates that he possesses the competence and vision required to govern Gombe State.

The second group is found within the opposition in Gombe state, particularly elements of the PDP, who view Pantami as one of the few personalities with the political profile, credibility, and public appeal capable of mounting a serious challenge against the APC’s candidate-Dr. Jamilu Isiyaku Gwamna. Whether they support him or not, many acknowledge that his entry into the race would significantly alter the political equation.

The third constituency comprises sections of the religious community who see his ambition as an opportunity for one of their own to demonstrate how religious scholarship, intellectual depth, and public service can translate into effective democratic governance. For many within this group, his candidacy represents more than a political contest; it is an opportunity to test whether the values he has consistently preached can be successfully applied in elective office.

Like every major political figure, Pantami also faces opposition from different quarters.

The first group consists mainly of career politicians who believe he is entering a political space traditionally occupied by established political actors. To them, he is an outsider attempting to disrupt existing political calculations, alliances, and structures that have been built over many years.

Perhaps more surprisingly, the second group of opponents comes from within sections of his immediate religious constituency. Some clerics and religious associates reportedly believe that during his tenure as minister, he did not sufficiently carry them along or extend the expected level of inclusion and patronage. Consequently, while they may respect his scholarly credentials, they remain reluctant to support his political ambition.

Another dimension that has attracted considerable attention is the political dexterity with which Pantami secured the PDP gubernatorial ticket. The manner in which he navigated the party’s internal dynamics and emerged as its flagbearer suggests careful planning and strategic preparation rather than mere political ambition. His decision to align with the Nyesom Wike-led faction of the PDP, a bloc widely perceived in political circles as maintaining a cooperative relationship with the APC-led Federal Government, has further strengthened his political positioning. The goodwill and support he reportedly enjoys within that tendency of the PDP could prove to be a significant advantage as the campaign unfolds.

In addition, Pantami could benefit from protest votes originating from within the APC. Some influential APC stakeholders and their supporters who believe Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya has not done sufficient justice to their political aspirations or interests may choose to channel their dissatisfaction by supporting Pantami. While it remains to be seen how substantial such a shift could be, the possibility of cross-party protest votes is a factor that political observers cannot ignore.

Whichever way one chooses to examine it, Professor Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami’s potential governorship candidacy is in a class of its own. What initially appeared to be little more than speculation or a distant aspiration has steadily evolved into one of the defining conversations in Gombe State politics. official campaign has yet to commence, but the discussions surrounding Pantami’s governorship ambition have already reshaped Gombe State’s political landscape, making him a force that political stakeholders can no longer afford to ignore.

The ultimate test, however, will not simply be the enthusiasm surrounding his candidacy but his ability to convert goodwill into an effective political structure, sustain broad-based alliances, and persuade the electorate that his administrative achievements at the federal level can be replicated in Gombe State. Regardless of the eventual outcome, Pantami has already ensured that the Gombe 2027 governorship contest will be one of the most closely watched political battles in the state’s history.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

A major crisis has erupted within the Peoples Democratic Party in Gombe State following the emergence of former minister Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami as the party’s governorship candidate ahead of the 2027 election.

One of the aspirants, Alhaji Abdulkadir Hamma Saleh, alongside other contenders including Khamisu Ahmed Mailantarki, Usman Aliyu Garry, and Monica Kaltho, rejected the outcome of the PDP primary held on Tuesday. Pantami was declared winner through a voice vote after delegates affirmed him as the party’s sole candidate.

The aggrieved aspirants argued that Pantami was ineligible to contest the PDP primary because he had only recently left the ruling All Progressives Congress after participating in its internal political process. They claimed electoral laws do not permit a politician to contest in two different party primaries within the same election cycle.

Saleh also questioned the sudden postponement of the PDP primary from Sunday to Tuesday, describing the process as unfair and unlawful. He confirmed that his legal team had begun preparations to challenge Pantami’s emergence in court and urged his supporters across Gombe State to remain peaceful while the matter is resolved legally.

Pantami, who recently defected from the APC after criticising the party’s consensus arrangement that produced Jamilu Isyaku Gwamna as a candidate, said his decision to join the PDP was driven by a desire to tackle poverty and improve governance in Gombe State.

By Isyaka Laminu Badamasi

As political parties in the country gear up to conduct primary elections in preparation for the 2027 general elections, they should ensure strict adherence to the laid-down procedures put in place by electoral acts and those of their parties to avoid further internal wranglings and legal tussles that will ultimately harm the party’s chances of winning the election or maintaining victory in courts. 

The process adopted by some political parties in some states for selecting the party’s flag bearers for different posts exposes how stakeholders underestimate voters’ power by fielding candidates who are far below the electorate’s goodwill and requirements for winning elections. 

The electoral acts recognise only two processes that political parties can follow in conducting primary elections: direct primaries, which allow party card-carrying members to elect their candidates, or consensus, which allows contestants to withdraw their contests and announce their support for one person among themselves. 

As seen in many states that adopt the consensus process in selecting their candidates and the issues that followed so far, it is clear that stakeholders neglect the powers of voters by anointing persons with questionable political values as their preferred candidates without considering the legal implications of such decisions (remember Zamfara state) or the electoral values of the persons they selected.

If public acceptance and popularity are the selling points of any politician, then some candidates do not possess the qualities of a counsellor, but present themselves as gubernatorial aspirants, either because they can afford the nomination forms and want to trend and remain relevant in the scheme of things or because they are playing a deceitful game in the event of joining the negotiations table.

While appealing for a peaceful conduct of free and fair process from the remaining political parties that are yet to conduct their primaries, they should also be mindful of the people they will present for elections, as winning elections do not limited to the platform (political party), it is about goodwill, clear and practicable manifesto and the electoral values of the persons they presented as their flag bearers. 

To the electorate, they should ensure their voter cards are accessible. To those who do not possess the ‘electoral weapon’, the third phase of the Continued Voter Registration (CVR) will commence today, Monday, 11th May 2026, and end on Friday, 10th July 2026. During this period, eligible citizens who have reached the age of 18, as well as those who were unable to register in earlier phases, should seize this opportunity to do so.

We at the Initiatives for Sustainable Development (I4SD) are committed to ensuring free, fair and peaceful conduct of the 2027 general elections in the country. 

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi is of No 555, Ajiya Adamu Road, Bauchi, Bauchi State.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

The politics of the Jega/Gwandu/Aleiro federal constituency fascinate me for several reasons: All three major contenders hail from Jega, and for three consecutive election cycles, they have contested in tightly fought primaries and elections.

Now, another cavalry, a former Comptroller-General of the Nigerian Correctional Service, threw his hat into the foray. The addition of Alhaji Jafar Jega to the list has dramatically changed the calculations and trajectory of the constituency politics. Because Ahmad Jafar enjoys the massive goodwill of the people in Kebbi State. Unlike some politicians who claimed that people called on them to contest, Ahmad Jafar genuinely enjoys that goodwill. 

By virtue of the high office he held, the former CG secured a number of jobs, especially in this contingency. Community leaders, clerics, and politicians drove to his house to pay their respects and to appreciate his gesture. Therefore, such a person joining the race must add dynamics to the game. 

The incumbency of officials can either be a tool for success or a vehicle for their downfall. Honourable Mansur Musa (Dan Jamiah), the current House representative, unarguably used this opportunity to his advantage. He used his position and oversight function as deputy chairman of the Federal Road Safety Commission in the lower chamber to bring infrastructure development never seen in this constituency. The citizens left in awe, reduced to asking this burning question: Can an NA member carry out such development? 

It should never be forgotten in a hurry that Dan Jamiah overcame all odds against him, coming from the PDP to defeat the then-incumbent and ruling party, the APC. Now, after getting into office, he consolidated the people’s goodwill even further.

Ahaji Kabiru Labbo Ajiya delves into the current battle as energetically as always. He is a populist, which is why he commands significant goodwill among voters. The part that particularly sets Ajiya apart is his initiatives in business and job creation. It’s without a doubt that Ajiya will hustle through the NA position to bring the developmental projects in this constituency to equal levels. The hurdle that had been standing before Ajiya was the primary elections. The political scheming and calculation were previously against him.

Alhaji Umar Danbuga’s political trajectory is seen as elite-driven. So, in this region where candidates’ emergence highly depends on elite goodwill, this is to the face of Alhaji Umar. In addition, the job opportunities and sponsorships through his office, as well as his personality, are part of his legacy. However, the odds against Alhaji Danbuga, Secretary, are that he has no benefit of doubt. He was the longest-serving member for this constituency. This makes different voters express different views about his candidacy.

I think Dan Jami’ah and Ajiya belong to the Senator Aleiro camp within the APC, while Jafar Ahmed and Danbuga Secretary belong to the Dr Nasir Idris/ Senator Atiku Bagudu camp. This factor may ultimately play a crucial role in deciding who emerges as the ticket-bearer come 2027.

By Faith Mamman

Flooding is one of the most pressing environmental challenges facing Nigeria today. The devastating effects of flooding have been felt across the country, with many communities being displaced, homes destroyed, and lives lost. Despite the severity of the problem, it appears that the Nigerian government is not taking the necessary steps to mitigate the effects of flooding.

The frequency and severity of flooding in Nigeria have increased significantly over the years. The country has experienced some of the worst flooding in its history, with the 2012 flooding being a stark reminder of the devastating effects of flooding. The flooding, which affected over 30 states and displaced over 2 million people, is still fresh in the minds of many Nigerians. Similarly, the 2018 flooding, which affected over 20 states and resulted in the loss of many lives, is another stark reminder of the devastating effects of flooding in Nigeria.

Despite the severity of the problem, the Nigerian government’s response to flooding has been largely inadequate. While the government has established various agencies and initiatives to address the issue of flooding, these efforts have been hindered by a lack of funding, inadequate infrastructure, and poor coordination. For instance, the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), which is responsible for coordinating disaster response efforts in Nigeria, has been criticized for its slow response to flooding disasters.

Furthermore, the Nigerian government’s approach to managing flooding has been largely reactive, rather than proactive. While the government has invested heavily in responding to flooding disasters, it has done little to prevent or mitigate the effects of flooding. For instance, the government has failed to invest in critical infrastructure, such as dams, levees, and flood-control systems, which are essential for preventing or mitigating the effects of flooding.

In addition, the Nigerian government’s lack of investment in flood-risk mapping and early warning systems has also contributed to the country’s vulnerability to flooding. Flood-risk mapping involves identifying areas that are prone to flooding and taking steps to mitigate the effects of flooding in those areas. Early warning systems, on the other hand, involve providing people with advance warning of impending floods, so that they can take steps to protect themselves and their property.

The lack of investment in these critical areas has resulted in Nigeria being one of the most vulnerable countries in the world to flooding. According to the United Nations, Nigeria is one of the top 10 countries in the world that are most vulnerable to flooding. This is a stark reminder of the need for the Nigerian government to take the issue of flooding seriously and invest in critical infrastructure and systems that can help to prevent or mitigate the effects of flooding.

Moreover, the Nigerian government’s failure to address the root causes of flooding has also contributed to the country’s vulnerability to flooding. The root causes of flooding in Nigeria include climate change, deforestation, and poor urban planning. Climate change has resulted in increased rainfall and more frequent extreme weather events, which have contributed to the severity of flooding in Nigeria.

Deforestation has also contributed to the severity of flooding in Nigeria. Trees play a critical role in absorbing rainfall and preventing soil erosion. However, the widespread deforestation that has occurred in Nigeria has resulted in the loss of many trees, which has contributed to the severity of flooding.

Poor urban planning is another root cause of flooding in Nigeria. Many Nigerian cities are characterized by poor drainage systems, inadequate waste management, and a lack of green spaces. These factors have contributed to the severity of flooding in many Nigerian cities.

To address the issue of flooding in Nigeria, the government needs to take a more proactive approach. This includes investing in critical infrastructure, such as dams, levees, and flood-control systems. The government also needs to invest in flood-risk mapping and early warning systems, which can help to prevent or mitigate the effects of flooding.

Furthermore, the government needs to address the root causes of flooding in Nigeria. This includes taking action to address climate change, such as reducing greenhouse gas emissions and promoting sustainable land use practices. The government also needs to take action to address deforestation, such as promoting reforestation efforts and enforcing laws against deforestation.

In addition, the government needs to promote good urban planning practices, such as designing cities with adequate drainage systems, waste management facilities, and green spaces. By taking these steps, the government can help to prevent or mitigate the effects of flooding and reduce the risk of flooding disasters in Nigeria.

In conclusion, the issue of flooding is a serious problem that requires a more proactive approach from the Nigerian government. The government needs to invest in critical infrastructure, address the root causes of flooding, and promote good urban planning practices. By taking these steps, the government can help to prevent or mitigate the effects of flooding and reduce the risk of flooding disasters in Nigeria.

Faith Mamman, Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri.

By Muhammad Abubakar

The Supreme Court of Nigeria on Thursday set aside an order of the Court of Appeal to maintain the status quo ante bellum in the leadership crisis rocking the African Democratic Congress, ADC.

A five-member panel of the apex court, led by Justice Mohammed Lawal Garba, held that the Abuja Division of the Court of Appeal acted without jurisdiction when it issued the order after already dismissing the case filed by a rival faction.

The decision effectively restores the recognition of the party’s executive committee led by former Senate President David Mark.

Prior to the ruling, the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, had removed David Mark and his executive team from its portal in compliance with the lower court’s status quo order.

The Supreme Court directed all warring factions to return to the Federal High Court to continue and fully determine the substantive suit regarding the party’s leadership.

The ADC has been embroiled in a leadership crisis following a restructuring that brought David Mark in as National Chairman and former Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola as National Secretary, a move fiercely contested by a rival faction led by Nafiu Bala Gombe.

By Malam Aminu Wase 

As 2027 approaches in Nigeria, a troubling sentiment is spreading among many citizens. There is no point in voting. Frustration is understandable. Economic hardship is real. Insecurity is real. Public disappointment is real. But choosing silence at the ballot box is not a solution;  it is surrender.

Democracy does not collapse in a single dramatic moment. It weakens gradually as citizens withdraw, participation declines, and people convince themselves that their voices do not matter. The most dangerous political decision is not voting for the wrong candidate; it is refusing to vote at all.

If we are dissatisfied with leadership, the answer is not apathy. It is participation. If we desire better governance, accountability, and reform, we must use the one instrument that gives power to ordinary citizens, the ballot.

Complaints on social media do not change governments. Private anger does not change governments. Boycotts by the disillusioned do not change governments. Votes change governments.

When citizens stay home on election day, they do not protest the system; they strengthen the influence of those who show up. Every empty polling unit is not a statement of resistance; it is an opportunity handed to someone else to decide the future.

The power to shape 2027 does not lie solely with politicians. It lies with citizens who choose to participate. Leadership is not imposed in a democracy; it is permitted. And permission is granted through votes.

This is not about blind loyalty to any party or personality. It is about responsibility. It is about understanding that disengagement guarantees continuity of whatever we claim to oppose. If we want reform, we must vote for it. If we want accountability, we must demand it through participation.

Nigeria’s future will not be written by observers. It will be written by participants. In 2027, the real question will not only be who wins. The real question will be, did we show up?

Silence is not a strategy. Withdrawal is not resistance. Our vote is our voice, and 2027 is the time to use it.

Malam Aminu Wase writes from Kaduna. He can be reached at aminusaniusman3@gmail.com.