Religion

By Abdullahi Abubakar Lamido

This week marks a historic milestone for Islamic social finance in Nigeria. For the first time, the Association of Zakat and Waqf Operators in Nigeria (AZAWON) has declared a National Zakat and Waqf Week, running from January 30th to the following weekend. Across the country, more than 70 member organisations are participating through various programmes. The goal is simple but urgent: to educate, enlighten, and reawaken Muslims to the power and relevance of zakat and waqf in today’s world.

In Gombe State, the Zakah and Waqf Foundation is leading a series of activities during the week, including khutbahs, public lectures, zakat disbursement programmes, advocacy visits, and radio and television engagements. One of the key events was an invited guest Friday khutbah I delivered at Fuad Lababidi Mosque, carrying a message many communities desperately need to hear: that zakat and waqf are not just religious rituals but economic systems designed to build strong, self-reliant societies.

A central theme of the sermon was that Islam does not accept poverty as destiny, nor hunger as a permanent condition. Allah says, “Take from their wealth a charity by which you purify them and cause them to grow” (Qur’an 9:103), and He reminds us, “The example of those who spend their wealth in the way of Allah is like a seed that grows seven ears; in every ear are a hundred grains” (Qur’an 2:261). 

The verses above show that giving in Islam is not a loss but rather a source of growth, purification, and multiplication. Islam built a community where the wealthy bear responsibility for the vulnerable, the strong uplift the weak, and wealth circulates rather than remaining locked in a few hands. Two of the greatest tools for achieving this are zakat and waqf.

Many people today see zakat only as short-term relief — food packs, cash support, or emergency help. While these are important, zakat in its full vision is far greater. It is a poverty-reduction system, a wealth-redistribution mechanism, and a tool for economic empowerment. When properly managed, zakat can fund small businesses for the poor, provide tools and equipment for tradespeople, support education and skill development, and help recipients become earners. In other words, zakat is meant to move people from dependency to productivity. 

Globally, experts estimate that billions of dollars in zakat are paid annually by Muslims, and if organised professionally and invested productively, this wealth could significantly reduce poverty across the Muslim world.

If zakat is the fuel of social protection, waqf is the engine of long-term development. Waqf, or Islamic endowment, is a form of continuous charity where an asset is dedicated for the sake of Allah and its benefits are used for the public good. Historically, waqf funded universities and schools, hospitals and clinics, roads, bridges, and water systems, orphan care and social welfare, as well as libraries and centres of knowledge. 

For centuries, Muslim civilisation ran on waqf. In places like the Ottoman Empire, vast portions of public services, including education and healthcare, were financed through endowments rather than government budgets. In many classical Muslim cities, it was possible for a person to be born in a waqf-supported hospital, educated in a waqf-funded school, work in a waqf-funded market, and even be buried using waqf land — all without costing the state.

The Nigerian reality today presents serious challenges: youth unemployment, underfunded schools, poor healthcare access, and widespread poverty. Yet Islam has already placed in our hands the tools to respond. The khutbah stressed that we must stop seeing development as the government’s responsibility alone. Islamic civilisation flourished not only because of governments but also because of community-driven institutions like zakat and waqf.

The message echoed across the nation. In Abuja, Alhabibiyyah Islamic Society, through its Zakat and Waqf Unit, organised a major programme to mark its 5th Zakat and Waqf Day and the 15th Public Zakat Disbursement on 31st January 2026. The event drew national attention, with the National Chairman of AZAWON, Malam Muhammad Lawal Maidoki (represented by Honourable Balarabe Shehu Kakale), delivering the keynote address. A high-level panel discussion followed on the theme “Zakat, Waqf and the New Tax Regime,” where I served as a panellist alongside Taiwo Oyedele, Chairman of the Presidential Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms Committee (represented), Hajiya Adama of Al-Ikhlas Waqf Trust, Borno, and Barrister Dele Oye, Founder of Dele Oye & Associates. My contribution once again emphasised the strategic developmental and civilisational roles of zakat and waqf, highlighting practical ways these instruments can be used to address our numerous socioeconomic challenges in a structured, sustainable manner.

The implications are clear. Zakat institutions must move toward professional management, proper data systems, and empowerment-based programmes that help beneficiaries start businesses and become self-reliant. Waqf must also evolve beyond its limited perception. Instead of restricting waqf to graveyards and mosques, communities can establish rental properties, shopping complexes, farms and orchards, schools, and clinics with income-generating arms. The profits can then fund education, healthcare, scholarships, and social welfare on a permanent basis. Families can dedicate houses or land as waqf, mosques can initiate community waqf projects, businesspeople can create corporate waqf funds, and professionals can contribute their expertise in management and governance.

The National Zakat and Waqf Week is therefore more than a ceremonial event; it is a wake-up call. If Muslims in Nigeria pay zakat correctly and channel it productively, establish and manage waqf professionally, and build partnerships between scholars, business leaders, and experts, then by Allah’s permission, we can see reduced poverty, more jobs for youth, better schools and hospitals, and stronger, more dignified communities. 

The revival of zakat and waqf is not just about charity; it is a strategy for economic revival and social stability. As emphasised in the khutbah and in the Abuja panel discussion, empowering the Muslim community will not happen through speeches alone, but through planning, management, transparency, and trust. The tools are already in our hands. The question is whether we will use them.

Amir Lamido, PhD, wrote from Abuja, Nigeria. 

By Professor Abdussamad Umar Jibia

The year 2023 was a remarkable year in Nigeria’s history. Just like the year 1993, an election was held that generated a win for a Muslim candidate with another Muslim as his running mate.

In both 1993 and 2023, the presidential candidates were warned against choosing a Northern Christian as a running mate. Christians constitute not just a tiny minority in the North, but many of them have also proven to be very bad neighbours in their relations with their Muslim compatriots.

Wherever Christians constitute the majority, they display an unforgivable hate and marginalisation against their Muslim neighbours. A handy example is Plateau state, the home state of the current APC Chairman. The way Muslims are sidelined in Plateau state is enough to show what we should expect if Christians were the majority in Nigeria.

His Excellency Peter Obi was misled into believing that a combination of Igbo and Northern Christians could make him the President, and he moved from one church to another to campaign, only to end up in third place. 

The 2023 election was thus a religious census in disguise that showed the numerical superiority of Muslims over Christians in Nigeria. 

But no sooner had Bola Ahmed Tinubu won the 2023 presidential election than he began to sideline Muslims, the very group that brought him to power, in his appointments. Last year, we saw him personally going to the Vatican with what the state house described as a “bragging right of 62% Christian appointees”. 

We watched as he appointed a Northern Christian as the SGF. Of course, President Muhammadu Buhari did the same. President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua appointed a Northern Christian to lead the National Assembly. They did not deserve any of these, given their small number. However, Muslims gave them out of magnanimity. Or is it foolishness? They would never do the same if they were in our position. 

Many of us became disappointed when we saw a Northern Christian being chosen to lead the ruling party. This means two of the most important positions at the federal level have been given to Christians from the North Central, a geopolitical zone that is overwhelmingly Muslim. Worse still, our politicians in and outside the ruling party, our emirs and Islamic scholars are silent. When have we become animals who only care about eating food and sleeping with women?

As if that is not enough, speculation is that the President wants to drop his VP and choose a Northern Christian as his running mate in next year’s election. I commend the Honourable Minister of Culture, Hajiya Hannatu Musawa, for publicly telling the truth to Mr President. But it shouldn’t have reached this level. The decision of the President to appoint Northern Christians as SGF, Party Chairman and INEC Chair should have been opposed in the first place.

We are still expecting Mr President to correct the imbalance that favours the very tiny Northern Christians. North Central is predominantly Muslim. The only Christian majority states, where, of course, Muslims have been marginalised, are Plateau and Benue. Niger, Nasarawa, Kogi and Kwara are Muslim states. That Muslims in those states have been left out by Mr President in the above-mentioned strategic appointments is unfortunate.

Professor Abdussamad Umar Jibia wrote from the Department of Mechatronics Engineering, Bayero University Kano, via aujibia@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Sheikh Muhammad Bashir Saliu, the Chief Imam of Ilorin, has passed away at the age of 75.

His death was confirmed on Monday, January 19, 2026. The revered Islamic scholar reportedly died after decades of devoted service to Islam and the Ilorin Emirate.

Sheikh Muhammad Bashir Saliu was widely respected for his scholarship, spiritual leadership, and commitment to promoting peace and Islamic values within Ilorin and beyond.

His passing marks the end of an era for the Ilorin Muslim community, where he played a central role in religious guidance and communal affairs.

Tributes are expected to pour in from religious leaders, traditional institutions, and faithful across Nigeria, mourning the loss of a prominent cleric and community leader.

By Usman Muhammad Salihu

The passing of Sheikh Dahiru Usman Bauchi shook the nation in a way words can barely hold. Bauchi witnessed a scene history will struggle to forget, millions gathered, from ordinary citizens to scholars, traditional rulers, state governors, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, and even the Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Kashim Shettima, leading the State’s delegation. It wasn’t a crowd built by influence. It wasn’t politics. It wasn’t power.

It was a divine honour given only by Allah to His chosen servants.

One elderly man at the funeral said, “What I saw today with my eyes… if Allah does not honour you, you cannot receive the kind of favour Maulana Sheikh received. This matter is beyond politics or chieftaincy. It is purely from Allah.” And truly, the atmosphere testified to that.

For decades, Sheikh Dahiru Bauchi stood as a bridge between generations. The number of people who embraced Islam through him is known only to Allah. The number of students who memorised the Qur’an under his guidance defies calculation. This, more than titles, wealth or recognition, is the legacy of a life well spent.

Yes, we feel the sting of his departure. But even in our grief, gratitude rises. Alhamdulillah for a man whose end came with honour, whose journey was marked by service, and whose impact will continue to shape hearts long after today.

Usman Muhammad Salihu writes from Jos, Nigeria, via muhammadu5363@gmail.com.

By Amara Sesay

All praise is due to Allah, the Most High, the Most Exalted. We seek His peace and blessings upon the last Prophet sent to humanity, Muhammad (may the peace and blessings of Allah be upon him), his noble household, his companions and all those who follow in their footsteps until the Last Day.

“Has not the time come for those who have believed that their hearts should become humbly submissive at the remembrance of Allah and what has come down of the truth? And let them not be like those who were given the Scripture before, and a long period passed over them, so their hearts hardened; and many of them are defiantly disobedient. Know that Allah gives life to the earth after its lifelessness. We have made clear to you the signs; perhaps you will understand.” (Surah Al-Hadid, 57:16–17).

O Beloved Muslims, Has Not the Time Come? Beloved brothers and sisters, reflect for a moment—are we content with the state we find ourselves in today? How can we exchange a seat of honor for one of humiliation? Are we not the same people who pray at least five times daily, asking Allah: “Guide us to the straight path”, yet so easily stray toward the ways of those who have earned His anger? How can we abandon the mosque, the remembrance of Allah, and the noble mission entrusted to us, only to imitate those who oppose divine guidance? Are these the actions of Ahl al-Albab (the people of understanding)? Do they reflect the character of Ibadur-Rahman (the servants of the Most Merciful)?

Will such deeds bring us the comfort of angels at the time of death, or the comforting words Angels in the darkness of the grave? O Muslims, Do You Not Know Your Worth? You are the most honored of all peoples. Allah has chosen you to lift humanity from servitude to men into the worship of the ONE TRUE CREATOR of men. You were sent to liberate humankind—from the narrow confines of this world to the vastness of this life and the Hereafter.

For this noble mission, Allah has blessed you abundantly: He gave you the Qur’an, a book so mighty that if it were sent down upon a mountain, it would crumble from humility. He sent you Muhammad (may the peace and blessings of Allah be upon him)—a mercy to all creation. And the best of all created beings. Can there be a better role model for you? He granted lands rich in resources and strategically placed across the world.

He gave you population, wealth, heritage, and faith—blessings that many envy. But know, O servants of Allah, that these are trusts (Amanah) for which you will be questioned on the Day of Judgment. So fear Allah and let each soul reflect on what it has prepared for tomorrow. Truly, the convulsion of the Final Hour is a terrible thing!

O My Sister in Faith! You are the cornerstone of this Ummah’s future. You owe the world your purity, your steadfastness, and your sacrifice in raising a generation that will save mankind from despair and darkness. Do not be deceived by the false glitter of this fleeting world. The world praises you only when you abandon your modesty—but remember the deception of Shaytan toward your mother Hawwa (Eve). She lived in pure freedom until Shaytan promised “more,” only to strip her of dignity. Do not trade the honour of Maryam (Mary) for the cheap attention of those who see women as objects. Allah did not create you to be consumed and discarded—you were created to nurture faith, justice, and light. So fear Allah and pay attention to the kind of deeds you are sending forth for the Hereafter. Indeed, the convulsion of the Hour is a terrible thing.

O Believers, Remember your accountability know that every one of us will be questioned by Allah—about our life and how we spent it, our youth and how we used it, our wealth and how we earned and spent it, and the blessings we so often take for granted. “Then you will surely be asked that Day about pleasure.” (Surah At-Takathur, 102:8).

Will we then be grateful servants—or are we among the heedless who allowed this world to blind them from the Home of Eternal Bliss? “It [Paradise] is not [obtained] by your wishful thinking or by that of the People of the Scripture. Whoever does a wrong will be recompensed for it, and he will not find besides Allah a protector or a helper. And whoever does righteous deeds, whether male or female, while being a believer—those will enter Paradise and will not be wronged [even as much as] the speck on a date seed.” (Surah An-Nisa, 4:123–124).

The Promise of Allah Is True “If only the people of the cities had believed and feared Allah, We would have opened upon them blessings from the heaven and the earth; but they denied [the messengers], so We
seized them for what they were earning.” (Surah Al-A‘raf, 7:96).

Even amidst the trials facing the Muslim world—humiliation, oppression, poverty, and spiritual confusion—the promise of Allah remains true. The pious will inherit the earth, and the believers will rise again to a state of dignity, security, and leadership. The problem is not with the promise, but with the promised—all of us. If only we could temper our love for this fleeting world, conquer our fear of death, and return to Allah in sincere repentance—we would find Him Most Forgiving, Most Merciful. “O you who have believed, bow and prostrate and worship your Lord and do good that you may succeed. And strive for Allah with the striving due to Him. He has chosen you and has not placed upon you in the religion any difficulty. [It is] the religion of your father Abraham. He named you ‘Muslims’ before and in this [revelation], that the Messenger may be a witness over you and you may be witnesses over mankind.” (Surah Al-Hajj, 22:77–78).

“O you who have believed, persevere and endure and remain stationed and fear Allah that you may be successful.” (Surah Aal-Imran, 3:200). The Final Word, “And Our word has already preceded for Our servants, the messengers, that indeed they would be those given victory, and indeed Our soldiers will be those who overcome. So leave them for a while and see, for they are going to see. Exalted is your Lord, the Lord of might, above what they describe. And peace be upon the messengers. And praise to Allah, Lord of the worlds.” (Surah As-Saffat, 37:171–182).

O Muslims—return to Allah before death returns you to Him. Awaken your hearts, renew your faith, and rise to the honour Allah has destined for you. Hold fast to the rope of Allah together, for He is your Protector—and excellent is the Protector, and excellent is the Helper. May Allah revive our hearts, unite our Ummah, and make us among those who hear the reminder and follow the best of it. And the final word is: All Praise is due to Allah, Lord, and Nourishers of everything that exists in the Universe. And may the peace and blessings of Allah be upon the Messenger, his household, his companions, and all those who followed them on the right path.

By Maryam Ahmad

In his Christmas address, Pope Leo appealed for an immediate end to violence and renewed efforts toward peace in the Gaza Strip. Speaking to worshippers during the traditional Christmas message, he expressed deep concern over the humanitarian suffering caused by the ongoing conflict.

The Pope called on world leaders and all parties involved to choose dialogue over confrontation, stressing the need to protect civilians, especially children and other vulnerable groups. He urged the international community to work tirelessly for a just and lasting peace in the Gaza Strip and across the broader Middle East.

He also lamented reports of continued killings of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, noting that violence has persisted despite announcements of a ceasefire. The Pope described the situation as deeply troubling.

He called on Israel and all parties to respect international humanitarian law, honour ceasefire commitments, and take concrete steps to end the suffering of civilians caught in the conflict.

Concluding his message, Pope Leo emphasised that the spirit of Christmas is rooted in compassion, reconciliation, and hope, values he said must guide global responses to conflict and human suffering.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

A political controversy erupted on Tuesday after Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar was seen pulling down a woman doctor’s hijab during a public event, triggering sharp reactions from opposition parties and civil society groups.

The incident, captured on video and widely circulated on social media, occurred at an official function where the chief minister was interacting with health workers. In the footage, Kumar appears to reach out and adjust the doctor’s headscarf, an action many have described as inappropriate and disrespectful.

Opposition leaders condemned the act, questioning the chief minister’s judgment and mental state, and demanding a public apology. “This is not only an insult to a professional woman but also an affront to personal dignity and religious freedom,” a senior opposition spokesperson said.

The ruling Janata Dal (United) has sought to downplay the incident, with party members suggesting there was no malicious intent. However, the controversy has continued to spark debate nationwide about consent, gender sensitivity, and respect for religious symbols in public life.

As of press time, the chief minister had not issued a formal statement addressing the incident.

By Muhammad Abubakar

The Muslim Public Affairs Centre (MPAC) has condemned what it describes as the “sectarian and deeply troubling” conduct of a recent United States congressional delegation to Nigeria.

In a statement issued by its Executive Chairman, Disu Kamor, MPAC faulted the visit of Congressman Riley Moore, who publicly emphasised meetings with Christian and traditional leaders during the trip, including bishops in Benue State and a Tiv traditional ruler. Moore, a vocal proponent of the claim of a “Christian genocide” in Nigeria, said on his X account that he came “in the name of the Lord” and held discussions on alleged Fulani-led attacks.

MPAC argued that the delegation’s failure to engage the leadership of the Nigerian Muslim community—particularly the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA)—was a deliberate snub rather than a scheduling issue. It accused the U.S. team of avoiding Muslim victims and communities affected by violence and warned that such selective engagement risked reinforcing “extreme voices and anti-Muslim narratives” within U.S. policy circles.

The organisation said the pattern of “selective listening, selective engagement, and selective outrage” threatens Nigeria’s delicate interfaith balance. It called on international partners, especially the United States, to demonstrate neutrality and ensure that foreign policy on Nigeria is not shaped by religious lobbies or sectarian biases.

MPAC reaffirmed its commitment to justice and peaceful coexistence, urging Nigerians to question why key Muslim institutions and victims were excluded from the delegation’s itinerary.

Dr Ebenezer Obadare, a Senior Fellow for Africa Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), recently testified before a joint briefing of the United States Congress on the security crisis in Nigeria. Given CFR’s extraordinary influence on U.S. foreign policy, as its analysts brief the Congress, the State Department, and the White House, the accuracy and balance of Dr Obadare’s testimony matter significantly.

At the briefing, U.S. lawmakers and witnesses made one demand that every responsible Nigerian, Muslim or Christian, would be happy with: that Nigeria must disarm armed militias and prosecute attackers. The renewed commitment we are now seeing from the Nigerian government, including airstrikes against armed militias, the planned police and military recruitment, and the declaration of a national security emergency are all a response to the mounting U.S. pressure. On this point, American engagement has been productive.

However, Dr Obadare went far beyond the reasonable. After acknowledging the recent steps taken by President Tinubu, he nevertheless insisted that “Washington must keep up the pressure.” To him, U.S. leverage should not only be used to combat Boko Haram but to pressure the Nigerian president to abolish Sharia criminal law in twelve northern states and disband Hisbah commissions across the northern region. This framing is problematic on several counts.

First, it portrays Nigeria not as a sovereign state but as a dependent client whose legal and cultural system must be restructured via external coercion. This is not only intellectually careless; it is politically reckless. Nigeria’s constitutional debates, including the place of Sharia within a federal arrangement, cannot be resolved through directives from Washington. These are matters rooted in decades of negotiation, legal precedent, historical realities, and democratic choice. Such complexity cannot be wished away by foreign pressure or reduced to simplistic talking points about religious persecution. Sharia was introduced between 1999 and 2001 through public consultation and mass popular demand by the local citizens in northern Nigeria, who are Muslims. Subsequently, it was formalised and enacted into law by the various State Houses of Assembly.

Second, Obadare’s argument misdiagnoses the root causes of violence in the north. Boko Haram and ISWAP do not derive their ideology from the Sharia systems implemented by northern states since 1999. In fact, Boko Haram explicitly rejects these systems as insufficient, impure, and corrupted by democracy. They consider northern governors apostates precisely because they operate within a secular constitution. The group’s origins lie in violent extremism, socio-economic marginalisation, and the 2009 extrajudicial killing of the group’s founder, Mohammed Yusuf. It has nothing to do with the Sharia framework implemented by the twelve northern states. In fact, Boko Haram rejects and condemns these state Sharia systems as illegitimate, and this is why the majority of their victims are Muslims themselves. 

It is therefore analytically false to imply that Sharia criminal law fuels this insurgency. This narrative does not withstand even a basic historical timeline. The Maitatsine insurgency of the 1970s, whose ideology and violence closely resemble Boko Haram, predated the introduction of Sharia in the early 2000s by decades. To frame Sharia as the catalyst of terrorism is therefore a misreading of history and to locate causality where it does not exist.

Third, the call to disband Hisbah groups ignores their actual function and constitution. Hisbah institutions are state-established moral enforcement agencies regulated by local laws. They are not terrorist actors, militias, or insurgent organisations. They are contrary to Dr Obadare’s claims that they “impose extremist ideology, enforce forced conversions, and operate with near-total impunity.” These assertions either misrepresent the facts to unfairly tarnish their reputation or reflect intellectual laziness that risks misleading American policymakers. In doing so, they also demonise millions of peaceful Nigerian Muslims who regard Sharia as a legitimate component of their cultural and moral identity.

Finally, Dr Obadare’s testimony, intentionally or not, reinforces a narrative in Washington that sees Nigeria’s crisis primarily through the lens of religious conflict rather than the multi-dimensional reality it is, that is, a mixture of terrorism, banditry, state failure, local grievances, arms proliferation, and climate-driven resource conflicts in the form of farmer-herder crisis. Oversimplification of this serious problem does not aid victims. It distorts U.S. policy and encourages punitive measures that could destabilise fragile communities further and restrict the fundamental rights of millions of Muslims to exercise their faith and adhere to the guidance of Shari’a in their personal and communal lives. 

Nigeria faces serious security challenges amid years of leadership neglect. We genuinely need pressure to put the leaders on their toes, but not the kind rooted in calculated distortion. There is a need for leadership accountability, but not at the expense of Nigeria’s sovereignty. And we need a partnership with the United States in the areas of intelligence gathering, military capabilities and a mutually beneficial partnership. 

The United States should not base its engagement on flawed analyses made by experts such as Dr Ebenezer Obadare, which risk misrepresenting Nigeria’s realities, undermining local institutions, and prescribing solutions that could exacerbate rather than resolve the country’s complex security challenges. Partnering with the Nigerian government enables a tailor-made approach to effectively address these challenges, rather than relying on experts who have long been out of touch with Nigerian realities beyond what they read in media reports.

The Nigerian state must do more, no doubt. But analysts like Dr Obadare must also do better. Nigeria deserves policy analysis grounded in accuracy, proportionality, and respect for the complexities of a plural society; not sweeping prescriptions that collapse constitutional debate into counterterrorism and treat millions of northern Muslims as collateral in the process.

Ibrahiym A. El-Caleel writes from Nigeria and can be reached at caleel2009@gmail.com.

By Mallam Shamsuddeen Suleiman Kibiya

In the long and complex story of Islam in Nigeria, the tension between Salafi reformists and Sufi traditionalists has never been merely a clash of doctrines. It is, more often than we care to admit, a clash of tempers—of the tone one uses, the suspicion one bears, and the verdict one passes on those who practice religion a bit differently. What should have remained a quiet intellectual disagreement has, over time, metamorphosed into an extremism that thrives not on knowledge but on rhetoric.

When Dr Idris Abdulaziz Dutsen Tanshi passed on, the reaction from certain Salafi circles betrayed this peculiar tendency. His admirers saw his death as the painful exit of a righteous man who had lived his life fighting against innovation in religion and straightening the Umma along the path of Tawhid. On the other side, some Sufi-leaning critics responded not with mercy but with long-stored resentment—reminding the public of his “harshness,” his “excessive criticisms,” and his uncompromising, even combative sermons. The atmosphere felt less like the departure of a scholar and more like the settling of old, bitter scores.

And when Shaikh Dahiru Bauchi passed a few days ago, the pattern repeated itself, but this time in reverse. Sufi adherents elevated him beyond scholarship—into sainthood, into miracle, into myth. The outpouring was understandable, but in some corners it crossed into something else: a triumphalism that painted all those who disagreed with his spiritual path as misguided, cold, or spiritually weak. Some Salafi commentators, instead of exercising solemnity, used the moment to revisit old doctrinal disputes—reminding audiences of “bid’ah,” “ghuluw,” and “un-Islamic practices.” Even in death, the walls between both camps seemed eager to echo old hostilities.

What is common to both episodes is that the extremists on either side were saying the same thing without even realising it: that Allah’s mercy is exclusive to their camp; that the Ummah is too big to be shared, but too small to contain disagreement. And this, in its essence, is the extremism of our time—not the extremism of bombs and guns, but the extremism of the tongue.

The Salafi hardliner tends to imagine himself as the last defender of pristine Islam, wielding a vocabulary of denunciation: shirk, bid’ah, dalala, and ghaflah ad infinitum. Every disagreement becomes a deviation, every deviation a threat, and every Sufi becomes a suspect. Meanwhile, the Sufi extremist believes himself to be the custodian of spiritual truth, seeing the Salafi as spiritually blind, stone-hearted literalist, deprived of the inner sweetness of faith and to stretch it even further, an enemy of the beloved prophet SAW himself. Each side constructs a convenient caricature of the other —and then fights that caricature as if it were real.

The danger, however, is that rhetorical extremism does not remain rhetorical over the long run. It shapes communities. It hardens hearts. It turns mosques into enclaves, scholars into partisans and differences into hostilities. What begins as doctrinal rigidity becomes social fragmentation. And what should have been an Ummah becomes a map of feuding camps.

Yet, there is something instructive about how both Dr Idris Abdulaziz and Shaikh Dahiru Bauchi were remembered by their true students—not those who fight for them online, but those who actually sat with them. I mean, their real students, across divides, spoke about their scholarship, humility, discipline, and service. They remembered their knowledge—not their polemics. They recalled their character—not their controversies. This is a reminder that the extremists on both sides, loud as they are, do not represent the whole story.

Nigeria’s Muslim community must now decide what it wishes to inherit from its scholars: the softness of their manners or the sharpness of their debates; their mercy or their anger; their wisdom or their polemics.

To insist that disagreement must lead to division is itself an extremist position. To insist that every scholar must resemble one’s preferred tradition is another. And to pretend that Islam is too fragile to survive multiple approaches is perhaps the greatest of all.

In the end, the Ummah does not collapse because its members disagree. It collapses when disagreement becomes hatred, and hatred finds a pulpit.

May Nigeria’s Muslims learn to argue with knowledge, to differ with dignity, and to remember that Allah, in His infinite mercy, did not create only one path to Him—and certainly not only one temperament.