Politics

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, a presidential aspirant of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), has affirmed his readiness to back whichever candidate emerges as the party’s flagbearer for the 2027 presidential election.

Speaking in an interview with DW Hausa, Atiku dismissed claims that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) could undermine the ADC, noting that the party continues to grow in popularity across the country.

The INEC had announced on Wednesday that it would stop further communication with the ADC leadership and would not oversee the party’s national convention scheduled for April 14. The electoral body cited a court ruling for its decision. However, the ADC rejected INEC’s position, accusing the commission of misinterpreting the ruling, and vowed to proceed with its planned convention and other activities.

On the party’s presidential ticket, Atiku stated: “We will support and endorse whoever emerges as the flag bearer. How many are we (presidential aspirants), three or four? In the PDP, more than ten of us contested.”

Atiku also highlighted the ADC’s commitment to youth and women participation. “The youths have taken over the party. Most of those seeking elective positions, from councillor to state assembly, national assembly and House of Representatives, are young people. We have always said our party belongs to youths and women. Our role is to create the opportunity and hand it over to them,” he said.

Asked if he could support a young presidential candidate, Atiku replied: “Yes, why not. Allah has done everything for me. I have brought my sons and grandchildren home. What will be their future and that of their children?”

He expressed confidence that Nigerians are ready for change amid worsening economic and security challenges. “We are confident that Nigerians are yearning for change. They are ready for it. They are being pushed to the wall and are prepared to do even more than they did in the previous elections,” Atiku said.

The former vice president also linked rising insecurity, particularly in northern states, to youth unemployment and limited access to education. “Insecurity is more severe in the northern states, largely due to youth unemployment and lack of access to education. When you go round the region, you see that education is not receiving the attention it deserves. It has been relegated. Governments have not ensured that children enrol in school, and even when they graduate, there are no jobs or business opportunities. I have never witnessed a period like this in Nigeria,” he said.

Atiku further accused the government of tolerating corruption, saying: “There is also embezzlement on the part of government and corruption is rampant. The government has turned a blind eye because it is involved.”

This statement underscores Atiku’s positioning within the ADC as the party prepares for its national convention and the 2027 general elections.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has demanded the immediate removal of Joash Amupitan, chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), accusing him of deliberately misinterpreting a court order related to the party’s leadership dispute.

Speaking at a press briefing on Thursday, David Mark, national chairman of the ADC, said the electoral body “can no longer be trusted,” describing its actions as unlawful and partisan.

Mark explained that the controversy arose after a March 12 Court of Appeal judgment directed all parties, including INEC, to maintain the status quo while the case continued in the Federal High Court.

He added that his legal team challenged the Federal High Court’s jurisdiction, but the appeal was dismissed, leaving the directive to preserve the existing ADC leadership intact.

“After the judgment, lawyers associated with Nafiu Bala sought recognition from INEC in a manner that distorts the meaning of status quo ante bellum,” Mark said, claiming that these actions were supported by the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), which he accused of attempting to weaken opposition parties.

“It is not the ADC that is under attack. This is a direct assault on Nigeria’s democracy and the right of Nigerians to choose, participate, and exercise their rights as free citizens,” he added.

Mark further said, “We have witnessed how the APC-led Federal Government has undermined, compromised, and coerced other opposition political parties. The ADC has risen as the last bastion between Nigeria’s democracy and full-blown dictatorship. And this is what worries them.”

He expressed shock at INEC’s April 1 announcement withdrawing recognition for both his leadership and Bala’s faction, creating what he described as a “false equivalence” between the parties.

Mark insisted that Bala had already resigned from party leadership and could not be legally recognised as a factional leader.

“The crux of the matter is the interpretation of status quo ante bellum. There is no legal precedent that supports INEC’s conclusion,” he said, criticizing the commission for failing to seek judicial clarification and accusing it of bias.

He added that INEC has effectively left the ADC without a recognised leadership, noting that the commission “lacks the constitutional authority to determine or impose leadership on political parties.”

“At no time was the ADC without a duly constituted leadership. INEC has invented a status quo that never existed,” Mark said.

“The commission cannot decide who leads a political party. That power does not belong to INEC.”

He concluded that the electoral body’s actions amount to contempt of court and undermine the rule of law. “There is only one conclusion: the electoral umpire has taken sides. It can no longer be trusted,” Mark said.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former presidential candidate of the Labour Party, Peter Obi, has faulted the administration of President Bola Tinubu over the crisis rocking the African Democratic Congress (ADC), describing the situation as a setback for democratic values.

Obi made his position known in a post shared on X on Thursday. He expressed concern over what he described as a contradiction involving individuals who once championed democracy and human rights during the era of General Sani Abacha.

He stated that many of those figures, who were active under the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), now appear to act in ways that contradict the ideals they once promoted. He added that recent developments suggest a decline in respect for democratic principles.

He wrote: “Yesterday defenders of democracy, today’s destroyers. What a shame.

“What an irony of history, that the acclaimed defenders of democracy and human rights who claimed to have fought for democracy during the era of General Sani Abacha now find themselves worse than the man they opposed.

“today, General Sani Abacha, once presumed face of oppression, will be remembered as seemingly more democratic and more respectful of human rights than the so-called champions of activism from the NADECO days. Power indeed reveals character.”

Obi’s remarks followed the decision of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to delete the names of former Senate President David Mark and former Osun State governor Rauf Aregbesola from its portal as national chairman and national secretary of the ADC.

INEC also stated that it would not recognise Nafiu Bala Gombe, who is pursuing recognition as national chairman through the courts.

The commission further announced that it has suspended recognition of all factions within the party. It added that it would not monitor any congresses or conventions organised by the rival groups until the Federal High Court delivers a final judgment on the matter.

By Uzair Adam

A former governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the 2023 general elections in Kano State, Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna, has formally resigned from the party.

In a resignation letter dated March 29, 2026, addressed to the APC chairman in Gawuna Ward of Nassarawa Local Government Area, the former deputy governor said his decision to leave the ruling party was voluntary and personal.

“I hereby formally resign my membership from the All Progressives Congress (APC), effective March 29, 2026,” the letter partly read.

Gawuna expressed gratitude to the party for the opportunities he had during his time as a member, noting that he appreciated the support and platform provided to him throughout his political career.

The former deputy governor, however, did not reveal his next political move.

His resignation comes amid ongoing political realignments in Kano, where several key political actors are reportedly reviewing their alliances ahead of future electoral contests.

Sources close to the former deputy governor said he is expected to meet with former Kano governor, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, on Monday night at the latter’s residence on Miller Road in Kano.

By Uzair Adam

Former Kano State Governor, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, on Monday formally aligned with the African Democratic Congress (ADC), a development observers describe as a significant moment for opposition politics in Nigeria.

The Daily Reality reports that the party’s National Chairman, David Mark, received Kwankwaso and his supporters at his residence on Monday.

Mark said Kwankwaso’s decision to join the party represented more than a political realignment, noting that it reflected growing calls by Nigerians for a united and formidable opposition capable of safeguarding democratic values.

He explained that the ADC was emerging as a rallying platform for a broad-based national movement founded on inclusion, integrity, competence and progress.

According to him, the coalition aims to offer Nigerians credible alternatives and rebuild public confidence in democratic governance.

Mark also expressed concern over what he described as a gradual shrinking of opposition space in the country, warning that actions capable of limiting political participation could threaten democracy.

“The future of Nigeria cannot be built on domination but on participation. Leadership must be earned through trust rather than sustained by control,” he said.

The ADC chairman noted that Kwankwaso commands a large grassroots following, particularly in Northern Nigeria, through the Kwankwasiyya movement.

He called on Nigerians across ethnic, religious and regional lines to join the movement and play active roles in building a more inclusive and accountable system of governance.

Mark also invited other political parties, civil society organisations and youth groups to work towards a united coalition, stressing that strengthening democracy requires collective effort and sacrifice.

He expressed optimism that the emerging alliance could mark a turning point in Nigeria’s democratic journey, urging citizens to embrace unity, participation and hope in shaping the country’s future.

Earlier, Kwankwaso urged ADC supporters to register massively as members of the party.

He also encouraged them to promote the party’s ideals and prepare to elect credible leaders for good governance through registration with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

By Uzair Adam

Several top figures of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) have arrived at Miller Road in Kano, the residence of former Kano State governor, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, ahead of his expected official defection to the party today.

Those present include the former Senate President and ADC National Chairman, David Mark; the party’s National Secretary and former Minister of Interior, Rauf Aregbesola; former Sokoto State governor, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal; former Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi; Senator Dino Melaye; former APC National Chairman, John Odigie-Oyegun; and former Imo State governor, Emeka Ihedioha.

The delegation arrived in Kano through Malam Aminu Kano International Airport (MAKIA), where they were received by the immediate past deputy governor of Kano State, Aminu Abdussalam Gwarzo.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

A former Governor of Kano State, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, has stepped down from the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), pointing to the need for a shift in political direction.

Kwankwaso, who flew the party’s flag in the 2023 presidential election, made his decision public in a statement released on Sunday. He confirmed that his resignation takes immediate effect.

“I wish to formally announce my resignation from the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) with immediate effect.”

He described the move as difficult, given his history with the party, but said current political realities influenced his choice.

“As a committed and bonafide member of the party, this was not an easy decision to make. However, considering the current trajectory of the nation’s political landscape, which calls for strategic realignment, I have found it necessary to identify with another political platform that offers the best opportunity to effectively change the nation,” he said.

Kwankwaso expressed gratitude to the leadership of the NNPP, including the National Chairman, Ajuji Ahmed, as well as other party organs, for their support during his time in the party.

“I extend my deepest appreciation to the National Chairman, Ajuji Ahmed and the entire National Working Committee for their steadfast support throughout my time. I also thank the Board of Trustees, the National Executive Committee, and all levels of leadership across the party — from the ward to the state level,” he stated.

He also acknowledged the backing of members of the Kwankwasiyya Movement and party supporters across the country.

“We shall continue to collaborate and work together towards charting a better and more prosperous future for our dear nation,” he added.

The former governor did not reveal his next political destination. However, sources within both the NNPP and the African Democratic Congress indicated that he may formally join the party on Monday in Kano.

Party insiders disclosed that top figures, including David Mark and Rauf Aregbesola, are expected to receive him into the ADC.

There are also indications that Kwankwaso may move alongside former Kano State Deputy Governor, Aminu Abdussalam Gwarzo.

In a related development, former presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party and a key figure in the ADC, Atiku Abubakar, recently hosted Kwankwaso in Abuja. According to Atiku, the visit was a courtesy call during which both leaders discussed national issues at length.

By Ibrahim Yunusa 

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has relieved Alhaji Shehu Wada Sagagi of his duties as Kano State Commissioner for Investment, Commerce and Industry with immediate effect.

 The decision was announced in a statement issued on Thursday by the governor’s spokesperson, Sunusi Bature Dawakin Tofa.

According to the statement, Sagagi has been directed to hand over the ministry’s affairs to the Director of Commerce without delay.

 The move forms part of what the government described as an ongoing strategic realignment aimed at strengthening administrative efficiency and repositioning the state for sustainable growth.

Governor Yusuf expressed appreciation for Sagagi’s contributions during his tenure, particularly in the areas of politics, religion, and support for small and medium enterprises. 

He wished the former commissioner success in his future endeavours and reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to effective service delivery and good governance in Kano State.

This development comes amid ongoing suspicions that some key figures are undermining and backbiting the governor following his split from his former political godfather, Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso.

Reports also indicate growing confusion within the cabinet and among several appointees in government parastatals, as uncertainty persists over loyalties, specifically on who remains aligned with the governor and who is still loyal to his former mentor.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

Recent signals from Washington suggest a growing impatience with Nigeria’s internal complexities, especially as they relate to religion, security, and political leadership. At the centre of this emerging posture is a troubling tendency to compress Nigeria’s layered crises into externally convenient labels—labels that risk doing more harm than good.

One of the clearest flashpoints in this evolving narrative is the renewed attention to former Kano State governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. His name, along with those of Fulani-affiliated organisations and, by implication, Nigeria’s Muslim political class, has begun to feature in American policy conversations framed around religious freedom and accountability. What appears, at first glance, as principled concern deserves closer scrutiny.

Nigeria’s security breakdown is undeniable. Insurgency, banditry, farmer–herder violence, and organised criminal networks have torn through communities across the country. But these tragedies have never respected religious boundaries. Muslims and Christians, northerners and southerners, rural farmers and urban traders have all paid the price. To reframe this national trauma primarily as a story of religious persecution is to flatten reality into something politically useful but analytically false.

This framing did not emerge organically. It has been cultivated through persistent lobbying, selective reporting, and advocacy-driven briefs circulated within Western policy and faith-based circles. Many of these narratives rely on contested data sets and ideologically motivated interpretations that have been challenged by journalists and security analysts familiar with Nigeria’s terrain. Yet repetition has given them traction.

Under Donald Trump, the United States has shown a greater willingness to convert these narratives into policy instruments. Nigeria’s earlier designation as a “Country of Particular Concern” over alleged religious persecution, and the signals accompanying its reconsideration, reinforced the impression that Washington had settled on a moral script that leaves little room for nuance.

What is especially alarming is how this posture now intersects with Nigeria’s domestic political timeline. The proposal of punitive measures against figures like Kwankwaso—who has no public record of religious extremism—raises uncomfortable questions about motive and timing. Sanctions, visa restrictions, or terror designations do not occur in a vacuum; they shape reputations, constrain political options, and influence electoral perceptions.

Even more dangerous is the elastic use of terms such as “Fulani militia.” The Fulani are not a monolith, nor are they a security organisation. They are a vast, diverse population spread across West and Central Africa, encompassing professionals, farmers, scholars, politicians, and pastoralists. To collapse this diversity into a security label is not accountability—it is ethnic profiling with far-reaching consequences.

Those who defend this approach often argue that allowing clerics or religiously identified politicians into democratic space risks sanctifying power. That concern is not without merit. In plural societies, when political authority borrows the language of divine legitimacy, dissent can be recast as moral deviance. But that argument cuts both ways. External actors who cloak geopolitical interests in moral absolutism risk exporting the very instability they claim to oppose.

Nigeria’s democracy, imperfect as it is, rests on pluralism, negotiation, and the acceptance of politics as a human—rather than sacred—enterprise. When foreign policy instruments treat Nigerian political actors as symbols in a global religious drama, they undermine this fragile equilibrium. Worse still, they embolden local extremists who thrive on polarisation and grievance.

None of this is to argue against international engagement or concern for human rights. On the contrary, Nigeria benefits from cooperation with partners such as the United States in intelligence sharing, capacity building, and counterterrorism. But partnership must be grounded in evidence, context, and restraint—not in sweeping classifications shaped by advocacy pressure or domestic American politics.

If Washington’s objective is stability in West Africa, then the path forward lies in engagement rather than labelling, dialogue rather than designation. Nigeria’s challenges are internal, complex, and deeply rooted. They cannot be solved by reducing political figures to caricatures or entire communities to security threats.

Kwankwaso’s politics, like that of any public figure, should be judged by Nigerians through debate, scrutiny, and the ballot. External political labelling, however well-intentioned, risks distorting that process and deepening divisions within an already strained federation.

In the end, what Nigeria requires from its partners is not moral theatre but sober cooperation. Fairness, evidence, and respect for internal democratic processes remain the only sustainable foundations for international engagement.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicate writer based in Abuja.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

A Hausa proverb warns that you cannot run at full speed while scratching an itch. The saying captures, with striking simplicity, the dilemma now surrounding Sheikh Isa Ali Pantami as conversations about his political ambitions gain momentum.

Public life demands clarity of role and consistency of purpose. When an individual seeks to occupy two morally and structurally conflicting spaces simultaneously, momentum is lost, and credibility is strained. This is the core tension in Pantami’s current trajectory: the attempt to remain a preacher with clerical authority while simultaneously stepping into partisan politics.

The problem is not ambition itself. It is role conflict. Clerical authority depends on moral certainty and spiritual distance from power, while politics thrives on negotiation, compromise, and moral ambiguity. Attempting to inhabit both worlds simultaneously risks weakening the integrity of each.

This tension becomes even more consequential in a plural society like Nigeria, where religion carries deep emotional authority and political power must remain anchored in constitutional legitimacy. Once religious influence is injected into partisan competition, power risks acquiring a sacred character. Political disagreement can then be reframed, subtly or overtly, as moral failure or spiritual deviation rather than a contest of ideas and interests.

Some have argued, including respected commentators like Jaafar Jaafar, that religious clerics should avoid politics altogether because political space is inherently compromised by bargaining, corruption and ethical trade-offs. Others counter with a seemingly reasonable question: if the aim is to sanitise politics, why not allow upright clerics like Pantami to participate?

That question, however, misunderstands the core concern. The issue is not whether a cleric is personally virtuous. It is about the separation of religion and the state. Democracy relies on pluralism, persuasion and accountability. When religious authority enters partisan politics, votes may be influenced not by policy debate, but by guilt, fear, or claims of divine sanction. That is a dangerous precedent in any diverse society.

The concern deepens when the individual seeking political office has, in the past, described politics itself as immoral or ungodly. Such a record invites legitimate questions of coherence. Has politics suddenly become virtuous, or has it merely become useful? Citizens are entitled to ask not out of prejudice, but out of democratic caution.

More troubling still are historical associations with ideological currents that have openly viewed democratic participation not as a means of strengthening institutions, but as a strategy to hollow them out from within — the well-known shiga daga ciki a gyara argument. In societies that have suffered from extremism and institutional fragility, such histories cannot be brushed aside or dismissed as irrelevant.

None of this is about excluding religion from public life. Faith has always shaped values, ethics and social responsibility in Nigeria. But there is a difference between moral inspiration and political authority. When religion becomes a substitute for constitutional legitimacy, the democratic project itself is weakened.

Politics, by its nature, is a flawed human enterprise. It requires compromise, negotiation and accountability to citizens, not to spiritual hierarchies. Clerical authority, on the other hand, rests on moral clarity and trust. Mixing the two without a clear break risks eroding both.

If Professor Pantami intends to pursue politics, the burden before him is not merely electoral. It is moral and institutional. He must offer clarity, openly reckon with past positions, and demonstrate consistency over time. Nigerians are not asking for perfection. They are asking for coherence.

In the end, democracy survives not on sacred claims, but on transparent choices, accountable leadership and the acceptance that political authority derives from citizens, not sanctity. That distinction must remain clear — for the sake of both faith and the republic.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicate writer based in Abuja.