Opinion

• Production:    Jammaje production
• Producer:       Abubakar Bashir Maishadda
• Director:        Ali Nuhu
• Cast:               Sani Mu’azu, Ali Nuhu, Nancy Isime, Enyinna Ngwige, Rabi’u Rikadawa, Segun Arzine, Abba Al-Mustapha, Asabe Madak, Abba Zaki.

Nanjala, an eponymous and one of the most expensive movies in the Kannywood industry by Jammaje Production, is a breathtaking movie that explores and thematises patriarchal power, domination and mistreatment towards women gender. Nanjala, a leading character, is victimised by her chauvinistic father, who disbands her for being a female in favour of a male child, Dititi (Abba Zaki). Captain Jimmoh (Rikadawa) becomes her adopted father and helps to actualise her dream of becoming a renowned journalist.

Furthermore, Captain Sembene’s family is set on fire as his beloved son, Ditit, becomes a spoiled child, drug addict, thief and clubgoer. Plus, his other female daughter, Jarry, takes a leave from home for her father’s chauvinistic mistreatment. Falmata, another victim of Captain Sembene’s chauvinism, befriends her biological brother, Ditit, with a view to wed him.

Nanjala becomes a renowned and influential journalist who tirelessly fights and exposes corruption in the government. She encounters obstacles along the way from the authority. She is detained in cells for exposing corruption. Finally, she appears triumphant.

Mistreatment and domination are long-held traditions shown to women by a patriarchal world. Women, as chauvinists maintain, are disaster and second-class citizens who can’t contribute to one iota of life. In those days, women had to cancel their identities to have their voices heard—the same as Nanjala has to take a leave from a patriarchal home to attain her potential. 

Thomas Aquinas (1274) opines, “A woman is really an imperfect man… an incidental being … a botched man’’. Nanjala’s treatment by her father affirms Aquinas’s stance that women are imperfect and a botched to her male brother, Dititi. Plus, according to Baudelaire, “woman is natural, that is abominable’’ Some men consider women disgusting. This perception runs through Nanjala’s father, who finds the female gender abominable – divorcing Falmata’s mother for carrying a female unborn child, making life unbearable to Majuma (Asabe Madaki) and causing a great aspersion on Nanjal and Jarry, whom all are females. They have to leave their homes to feel at home.

The belief that women are nothing but second-class citizens, abominable and sex machines for men to exploit became prevalent during the Victorian period (1837-1901) and also in plenty of their literature. We see the fate of Susan Henchad, who is auctioned in Thomas Hardy’s The Mayor of Caster Bridge (1886), women who are sexually exploited by men at Sixa in Mango Beti’s Poor Christ of Bomba (1956) and Firdaus’s sexual abuse by men in Women at Point Zero (1975). Likewise, patriarchal domination doesn’t put a halt here but tries to silence any emerging powerful female voice. 

Women like Gorge Eliat (1919-1880), Gorge Sand (1904-1876), Charlotte Bronte (1816-1855), etc., succumb to patriarchal pressure and accept defeat to vie with men intellectually and literarily. Comparatively, Nanjala encounters the same treatment, where patriarchs try to silence her intellect and voice. They envy her fame, success, and education. Men are jealous of women’s successes, but Nanjala struggles and succeeds. 

For women to succeed in the patriarchal world, they have to be educated, pushed, and struggled. We see how women break the bonds. Li succeeds in The Stillborn (1984) via struggle and education, as Ada in Second-class Citizens(1974). Also, we see in the Kannywood movies- Hauwa Kulu (2019) where Hauwa (Hasana Muhammad) and Laila (Hadiza Gabon) in Manyan Mata (2023 succeed through education. However, Firdaus in Women at Point Zero (1975) and Nnu Egu in The Joys of Motherhood (1980) fail because they are illiterate or barely educated.

Meanwhile, Simone De Beauvoir (1908-1986) asserts that “males define what it means to be human, including what to be female. Since the female is not male”. Beauvoir maintains, “She becomes another”. Indeed, this derogatory portrayal has been born by females throughout many centuries. In the film, Nanjala’s father has this perception run in his blood. He evidently defines who a human being is to him, his male child, Ditti.  He loathes all his three daughters – Nanjala, Jarry, Falmata and Majuma because they are “others”. Women become secondary or non-existent players. 

Finally, Beauvoir asserts, “Women must break the bonds of their patriarchal society and define themselves if they wish to be a significant human”. This is what Nanjala does, and she becomes a “being” in the patriarchal society. Meanwhile, Kate Millet (1970) says, “A female is born, but a woman is created”. As Nanjala defines herself as a true human being, discarding the notion of femaleness in her, she creates womanness, as Millet (1970) puts it, through hard work, education, struggle, and boldness.

By way of conclusion, Nanjala mirrors patriarchal society and uncovers stereotypical portrayal of women as “others”, Second-Class Citizens, incidental beings, imperfect men, and abominable and other derogatory names forced women to accept by men. The film depicts the power of education and struggles as the only means for women to break the long-held tradition enjoyed by men and bury women’s intellect.

If not for education, Nanjala would have been buried alive like other female characters. The film is a clarion call to women to be educated, to disown being relegated to non-existent players or “others”. Nanjala succeeds and becomes a “human being”, whereas Majuma, Jarry and Falmata become second-class citizens.

Reviewed by Abba Musa Ibrahim. He can be reached via abbamusa6888@gmail.com.

By Dr. A. M. Lawal

Until fate brought us together at the Federal University Gusau, Professor Muhammad Lawal Mayanchi was an uncle I hardly knew. Growing up, he was a military man who lived far away from home and rarely visited. The few times he visited after his compulsory retirement, I was away in school. So, my first major interaction with him was at FUGUS. 

The first day we met, his attention was divided. On the one hand, he was trying to make up for the lost time he had with me and, on the other, as the then Dean of Students, he was busy trying to control and keep students in line so they could board the University shuttle to town in an orderly fashion. From there, I witnessed first-hand his discipline and how obsessed he was with entrenching the same to the students. Watching him, I could not help but admire his drive to make his children, as he called his students, as disciplined and driven as he was. 

From that day, Prof. usually called me to ask about my progress as a man and as an academic. Where I erred, he often reported me to Professor Ahmad Galadima for reprimand. Thereafter, he would call me to either his house or his office for counselling. In shaping me, Prof. Galadima was the carrot to Prof. Galadima’s stick. And it worked—perfectly. 

Whenever and wherever I met Prof, he always told me his life stories and the challenges he faced post-military career before asking me the lessons I learnt from them. Spending time with him was like being in a class where one is taught the dynamics of life. 

In hindsight, it is clear that during my last physical interaction with Prof, he had a premonition of his death. We discussed some family matters after which he told me, ‘as we are leaving the scene, the leadership of our families both immediate and extended, will fall on your shoulders. You have to be ready. I have a feeling it will be sooner than we think.’  

And then Prof left us. Now we have to fill in the void he left behind. Or at least try to. A task as daunting as it is challenging. 

May his soul continue to rest in Allah’s bosom, amin.

Dr. A. M. Lawal wrote from the Department of Chemistry, Federal University Gusau, Zamfara.

By Prof. Abdussamad Umar Jibia

It is no longer news that the Asiwaju Bola Ahmad Tinubu-led Federal Government has been inviting anyone it considers influential to help it prevail on Nigerian youth to stop the planned August 1-10 protests. The organisers of the protest, as I was told in most of the social media platforms I asked, are hunger, insecurity, and poverty, among the other things mentioned by the angry youth. 

Food sufficiency and security of lives and property are the necessary requirements for the prosperous living of any society. Every other thing follows. 

The fact about the people Tinubu has been inviting is that Nigerians consider them part of their problem. Traditional and religious rulers, politicians, etc., no longer command the respect they used to command in those days. A hungry man is angry with every other person, including a fellow hungry man. So, how can they listen to the pot-bellied traditional and religious leaders of these days? 

Certain other things have not been helpful to Tinubu. At this critical moment of his administration, he should not have allowed the controversy around Dangote Refinery to surface. Even before the removal of the oil subsidy, we were told that the Dangote refinery would provide a final solution to the problem of fuel supply, which has been part of our national life for a few decades. Just as production is set to begin properly, we are being told that Dangote refined fuel is not good after all and that the refinery has not been licenced. How do you expect Nigerians to be happy?

Since the altercation between Dangote and NNPC officials started, Nigerians have become aware of the Tinubu family’s underground oil business. I was just reading an essay in a social media group about how Oando, a Tinubu family-owned company, began to refine oil in Malta and export it to Nigeria through a series of underground moves. 

True or false, the story is now well known to every Nigerian who can afford a China-made Android phone. The onus is on the Tinubu administration to give its own side of this story. Until then, Nigerians will continue to believe that the Dangote Refinery initiative is being killed to advance the personal interests of the President. Would that not be enough to mobilise them to protest?

However, President Tinubu can avert the protests by taking certain bold steps, which would only take a patriotic leader to implement.

Tinubu, as a devout Muslim, can copy from Umar bn Abdulazeez, an Umayyad Caliph. Before Umar became the leader of the caliphate, he led a very lavish lifestyle like his wife, who was a princess of the caliphate. As soon as he assumed office, Ibn Abdulazeez put all his wealth and that of his family into the public treasury. He lived the rest of his life humbly and died honourably. Today, he is remembered as one of the best examples of leadership in human history. Is that too much for President Tinubu?

Mr President should remove every obstacle around the proper take-off of the Dangote refinery. It doesn’t matter whether or not Alhaji Aliko Dangote supported the APC candidate in the 2023 presidential election. Dangote is a Nigerian, and Nigerians stand to gain from his investment. The Federal Government should provide the refinery with Nigeria’s crude oil and make sure the price falls to the barest affordable minimum without short-changing the investor. Note that the present hardship confronting Nigerians began with the removal of subsidy and the rise of fuel pump price. 

President Tinubu should give licences to other Nigerians who want to set up refineries. As a matter of national policy, the importation of refined petroleum products must stop immediately.

The Tinubu Government should give a timeline it can stick to for the resumption of operations of its three refineries. Nigerians are aware that billions of Naira are spent every month on personnel and overhead costs for refineries that are not working. On the other hand, hardworking Nigerians are now being promised a paltry N70,000 as minimum wage.

Banditry and kidnapping must be ended to achieve food security and protect lives and property. To do so, President Tinubu should remove all bandits’ sympathisers from his government and give an ultimatum to his commanders to target and neutralise all bandits’ leaders, some of whom are now traditional rulers. Leaders of criminals are well known to the people and to the Government. It takes the will of the federal government to confront them.

Ending banditry and kidnapping would also effectively close down all IDP camps and return all campers to the farm. 

That is not all. The Federal Government should return the cost of electricity as they met it. This should be announced and effected immediately. It is noteworthy that Gencos and Discos were sold to public facilities at giveaway prices. Thus, they do not have the moral right to charge Nigerians prohibitively for their services, which, by the way, are not satisfactorily delivered.

The National Assembly can also play its own part by suspending its recess and taking a decision to end the regime of billions of Naira getting into the bank accounts of its members in the name of constituency projects and all manner of allowances. They should earn a salary equivalent to that of a senior civil servant in a Federal Ministry. 

To show their seriousness, all senators and rep members should immediately return SUVs bought for them with public funds. State commissioners are more numerous and use similar official vehicles even though they are not elected. This has been the argument of National Assembly members since 1999, but it is not valid. State commissioners have ministries under them, and you, as National leaders, are supposed to set an example for others to follow.

If this Government can do the above, and immediately too, it would have the moral authority to confront anyone who goes to the street to call for an end to bad governance. 

The constitutional conferences, restructuring, resource control, INEC, EFCC, etc., are all political and do not directly affect the common man on the street.

Professor Abdussamad Umar Jibia wrote via aujibia@gmail.com.

By Haroon Aremu 

In a period marked by ongoing high-profile corruption cases by the Economic Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the Nigerian authorities urgently need to address the potential dangers of protests and the pressing demand for justice. 

Specifically, some high-profile corruption cases under anti-graft agencies warrant thorough examination to understand the depth of the issue and the necessary steps required for resolution and swift justice dispensation.

Bodies like the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme preach the promotion of national security, awareness and consciousness; thus, I cannot but wonder how these situations affect Nigeria as a nation and proffer feasible solutions.

Communication and information management delivery is important as we have some high-profile cases in the country, and Nigerians eagerly await their conclusion. The EFCC charged with this responsibility should ensure a quick but thorough investigation to reduce corruption in our society, thereby bridging the gap of mistrust between the agency and the populace.

It can be recalled that the former Minister of Petroleum Resources, Diezani Alison-Madueke, has been accused of corruption and money laundering involving billions of dollars. The EFCC has seized properties and assets worth millions linked to her. She is facing charges in Nigeria and is under investigation by the United Kingdom’s National Crime Agency.

 Former governor of Ekiti State Ayodele Fayose is charged with receiving N1.3 billion from the Office of the National Security Adviser (NSA) for his election campaign. The EFCC arraigned him, and his trial is ongoing. Also, the former Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) chairman, Babatunde Fowler, is under investigation for alleged financial mismanagement and fraud. 

Similarly, Yahaya Bello, former governor of Kogi State, stands accused of an N80.2 billion fraud. The Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, Justice John Tsoho, has kept the case in Abuja, declining Bello’s request to transfer the trial to Kogi State.

The long list also included former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Godwin Emefiele, who is being charged with financial mismanagement and corruption while leading the apex bank. 

 EFCC’s investigation into Betta Edu, suspended Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation, is ongoing, with specific details yet to be fully available. Also, Sadiya Umar Farouq, the former Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management, and Social Development, is accused of embezzling funds meant for social welfare programs. It is gratifying that the court has asked her to account for over N790bn she embezzled while in office.

Amid these significant corruption cases, there are speculations that some individuals facing probes by the EFCC might be sponsors of planned protests against the anti-corruption agency. This has raised concerns about the motivations behind these demonstrations and their potential impact on national stability.

While peaceful protests are a democratic right, they can spiral into violence, property damage, and disruption of public order. The EndSARS protests serve as a stark reminder of where lives were lost, properties destroyed, and chaos ensued. Protests pose risks to participants and bystanders and can escalate into broader conflicts with law enforcement or opposing groups.

As a concerned citizen, I always preach sustainability in national security and justice enforcement, given the complexities surrounding these high-profile cases and the associated risks of protests.

Efforts to address these issues involved community engagement programs to address grievances before they escalate into protests. This fosters trust and opens channels for dialogue. Strengthen intelligence networks to anticipate and prevent potential violence. This involves monitoring social media and other communication channels for signs of unrest.

There is also a need to provide specialised training for law enforcement officers on de-escalation techniques to handle protests more peacefully and effectively while ensuring transparent and accountable governance to build public trust. This includes clear communication about the progress of high-profile cases and actions taken.

Similarly, fostering continuous dialogue between government officials and civil society to find mutually agreeable solutions to contentious issues is another alternative approach. The EFCC should collaborate closely with police and military personnel, especially during arrests, because the police have higher immunity for legal arrests of public figures, which can help manage high-tension situations more effectively. 

Finally, Navigating the dual challenges of addressing high-profile corruption cases and managing potential protests requires a multi-faceted approach. Swift and fair dispensation of justice, combined with proactive and strategic security measures, will strengthen national security and uphold the rule of law in Nigeria. 

The ongoing cases involving figures like Diezani Alison-Madueke, Ayodele Fayose, Babatunde Fowler, Yahaya Bello, Godwin Emefiele, Betta Edu, and Sadiya Umar Faruq, among others, must be handled with care. Nigerians expect a swift investigation and dispensation of fair judgment to restore faith in our anti-graft agencies and judicial system, which will ultimately deter future corruption.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is a corp member with PRNigeria Center Abuja and wrote in via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Isah Kamisu Madachi

The ubiquitous use of social media and other online platforms, marking the advent of the digital era facilitated by technological advancements, has revolutionised the Nigerian economy and labour market. The longstanding tradition of obtaining certificates and waiting for office work is declining, leading to a paradigm shift in the Nigerian certificate-based economy from valuing certificates to emphasising skills, akin to the trend in developed countries. It is silently moving from your paper to what you can offer. 

While I was not born in the 1970s and 80s, I believe it was difficult, if not impossible, to find someone with a certificate from a Nigerian institution engaged in skilled trades such as carpentry, tiling, wiring, and plumbing. During that period, when a certificate was earned, the expectation was to be employed by the government or a private organisation. However, the contemporary scenario is different, as it is common to find individuals with higher degree qualifications still actively engaged in such work. The emphasis on the value of practical skills is evident almost everywhere, including social media, classrooms, public lectures and capacity-building seminars.

Drawing from my sociology background, I am engaged in various activities such as YouTubing, blogging, essay writing, and video editing. A friend of mine, a law graduate, works with a radio station because of his oratory prowess. My mentor, who graduated years before I joined the university, now works with a leading newspaper in Nigeria because of his ability to write well. It is a common misconception among Nigerians to equate education or skill with certificates.

As a student, I have witnessed how things have changed. An internationally respected lecturer from my department who also worked in the same profession in the United States of America for many years remarked that nobody had ever inquired to see his certificate for the time he spent there. He only lists his certifications and compliments them with the knowledge and skills attached.

This shift from certificate-based to skill-based education is affecting the Nigerian education system because, despite the evolving changes in this endeavour, it seems to have found it difficult to adapt to the new reality. In schools, the focus is still highly on the certificates and theoretical aspects of the courses offered instead of skills. This continues to create discrepancies between what the job market needs and what schools produce.

Seeing overwhelming numbers of unemployed Nigerian graduates roaming the streets led frustrated Nigerian youth to conclude that school is a scam, chanting the famous “school na scam” phrase. This conclusion descended on even those who have yet to experience the reality of life after graduation. Gradually, it has become popular to the extent that overwhelming youth in Nigeria today choose to behave as if they just come to school to acquire the certificate but to learn nothing, despite the seemingly irrelevance of the certificate in the job market. 

To adapt to the changing global trend, Nigeria requires education reform to address the production of half-baked graduates, which is a consequence of the unfavourable learning conditions created by underfunding education. Many experts have raised alarms about the outdated nature of the Nigerian education curriculum, pointing out its mismatch with the needs of the Nigerian labour market. Effective reforms are necessary to address these issues.

Isah Kamisu Madachi, a fresh sociology graduate, writes from Katagum L.G.A, Bauchi State, and can be reached via isahkamisumadachi@gmail.com.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

When asked about the Boko Haram bloodbath in Maiduguri between 2012 and 2014, my mind reflects on the gory scenes of manslaughter, unrest, indescribable fear, hopelessness, mourning, massive burials, decaying bodies on the streets, roadblocks, military presence, economic downturns, and many other paroxysms of agony that still traumatize me from time to time, especially when I remember the productive people and opportunities I have lost.

This is to remind our fellow youths what life would be like if the enemies within and outside succeeded in mobilizing innocent young people to collapse Nigeria under the guise of protesting against government policies they perceive as unfriendly to their well-being. If people eat once daily now and move freely in some areas within the country, chances are that some would spend days and nights hungry and unable to move freely even within their vicinities if the protest held as planned. I would never wish this for my enemies, let alone my loved ones.

In a viral video, the acclaimed leader and organizer of the planned nationwide August protest, Comr. Murtala Garba said that he had withdrawn from the planned protest after realizing that some unpatriotic power mongers and anti-peace agents were financing it at the expense of peace and unity of the nation.

He said, “Everybody knows that we are pro-North and are always ready to stand for the region’s interest. We started planning for the protest during the Ramadan period when we went to the market to shop and realized that the price of a bag of sugar had unbelievably increased. That was when we realized that the removal of subsidy by this government would predictably lead to a high cost of living, so we started criticizing it on various social media platforms across Africa. We started getting support from Nigerian diasporans, largely from America, China, and other Arab countries.”

The activist confessed that a high-profile individual from the southern part of Nigeria had invited him and fifty-two individuals to Port Harcourt for a meeting on the planned nationwide August protest.

“We spent a day in Port Harcourt and then moved to Delta State, where we spent six days. We planned for the peaceful protest to take place across the 36 states of the federation, but they started telling us that they only wanted us to do it in selected states of the North comprising Kaduna, Abuja, and Jos because they trusted us. They went on to tell us that they wanted us to block roads, adding that they would link us up. That got me thinking about those youths who are better than us in the country, yet we don’t know them.

“Honestly, they gave us money, and we collected it, returned to our region, and some of our elders started talking to us about it and succeeded in convincing us to suspend the protest, not because we are happy with the government’s policies but because of its foreseen consequences considering the forces behind it.”

Mr. Garba did not list the names of the people who invited him to Port Harcourt, perhaps out of fear of the unknown. However, he concluded by asking the government to heed the calls to reconsider the fuel subsidy removal, mentioning that some powerful Nigerians are planning to topple the government.

“They revealed the total number of police and other security forces in the Villa and promised to provide adequate manpower to support them and overwhelm the security forces. The protest is shaky and cruel to the nation. Therefore, I distance myself from it.”

Those of us from Maiduguri will never want to experience the taste of war. Some people wish for Nigeria to go to war, forgetting that no West African country can accept us as refugees if we break due to our overwhelming population that surpasses half of the entire population of West Africa.

Politics aside, I am disappointed that a former Minister called Barr. Solomon Dalung is shamelessly offering to lead the protest despite coming from a fragile state where ethno-religious crises claim lives from time to time, depriving the state of peace and unity. I am sure his declaration is insincere, exploiting the present economic hardship for political relevance in the sight of the masses.

Coming to the North, those Kano TikTok influencers are ignorant of the protest they were calling for because they seem to be unaware that Kano remains the only state in the North where people enjoy relative peace despite the power tussle going on between Emir Sanusi (enthroned) and Emir Bayero (dethroned). Businesses are going about smoothly, and farmers access their farmlands fearlessly, unlike Kaduna, Sokoto, Zamfara, Katsina, and Borno, where farmers write their wills every day before going to their farms.

Recently, a few energetic guys came to me saying people like me should lead the protest, given our influence on young people in our various states. I allowed them to land, and I asked if they knew who planned the protest, why the protest, and what it aimed to achieve. They couldn’t answer me, looking sorry and confused. Unfortunately, a lot of young people are like that. They don’t even know what they are protesting against and are used and dumped by enemies within.

Some readers may ask about the solution to the economic hardship facing Nigerians since we unapologetically condemn the planned protest and urge like-minded individuals to shun it.

In my opinion, the solution is near, as our Port Harcourt and Kaduna refineries will soon start operations. This will reduce the cost of production and transportation, thereby lowering commodity prices by default. The inflation is caused mainly by transportation, which costs marketers twice the purchasing amount.

Therefore, I kindly call on the government to expedite the realization of the refinery projects and commence operations as soon as possible. This is the only realistic and achievable approach to ameliorating living standards in the country.

Lawan Bukar Maigana wrote via lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

I was not a History student but a student of history. My interest originated in my father, Dr. Muhammad Uba Adamu, a historian who really believed in the discipline. Further, it was a real anomaly in my education—that turned out fine for me—that although I was a science student in high school, we studied history in our set due to the lack of a physics teacher, which was just as well. I tried a semester of physics after high school, but I could not hack it. 

To me, history was better than Physics, which was and still is excellently boring. With History, I understood myself and my culture and could safeguard my heritage. With Physics, I would be forced to cram useless formulas, which I was led to believe were the intellectual heritages of dead White scientists. 

Despite being housed in the Faculty of Education, Bayero University Kano, since July 22, 1980, as a Graduate Assistant, I found myself drawn to History. It helped that the late Prof. John Lavers, who taught my father, was there. His purchase of an Amstrad desktop computer in around 1989, and my being the only person on the campus who mastered it, created a Moebius strip where I was teaching Prof. Lavers how to use it! Eventually, I had to come in contact with Prof. Philip Shea, who also knew my father as an administrator. 

My subsequent interactions with Prof. Lavers, Prof. Shea, and later Prof. Murray Last put me at an intersection of historical immersion. They further fuelled my interest in historical studies and anything related to Kano’s history. I started teasing Philip by calling him ‘Uncle Philip’, which he found irritating as he did not want to seem ‘old’. This was more so due to his closeness to my father. When in 2002 or thereabouts, my father publicly presented (I refuse to allow it to be ‘launched’) his book Confluences and Influences, Philip Shea wrote the review and read it during the presentation. 

With Philip Shea, life in Kano was not just economic history but also cultural history. His “Mallam Muhammad Bakatsine and the Jihad in Eastern Kano” (History in Africa 32 (2005), 371-383) is a brilliant appendix to the Kano Chronicle in the sense of filling in a lot of gaps not in the Chronicle. For one, it gave us a microscopic view of how a Joɓawa clan member, Malam Bakatsine from Takai town, mobilised the jihad forces fuelled by his understanding of Islam. 

Eventually, somehow or another, the British Council Kano engaged me as the Chairman of the Centre for Hausa Culture, which we established in 2003 to facilitate a series of Hausa traditional concerts on their behalf. I invited Philip to one of them on March 8, 2006, and had to drive him to the venue because he was virtually colour-blind at night and found it difficult to drive—too many full headlights, he told me.

I was, therefore, shocked when I learned of Philip Shea’s passing away barely a month later on April 5, 2006. I was in Saly, Senegal, for a Volkswagen Foundation activity then. It was a sad moment for me, for Philip was a truly wonderful person. I really doubted if he had any intentions of leaving Kano—so ingrained he was in the very social and economic fabric of Kano. He was involved in almost every activity of the Kano State Government, during which we always sat next to each other. 

For instance, he actively participated in the 2003 conference celebrating the 40th Anniversary of the late Emir of Kano, HRH Alhaji (Dr) Ado Bayero. A proceeding of the conference, which I edited and for which he let the Communique team, was later published. He was also a prominent participant at the National Conference on 200 Years Since the Uthman Dan Fodio Jihad in Kano held at the Kano State History and Culture Bureau, Kano, Nigeria, 27-29 July 2004.

Philip was also a familiar face in quite a few Kano markets; his speciality was economic history. For instance, I met him several times when I visited the Garu market in Kumbotso. He was not actually buying anything but moving from stall to stall, observing, listening, and noting. He used to be followed by a gaggle of kids, but they eventually became used to him and left him alone. I, on the other hand, visited the market because my better half dragged me against my will, wish and desire for her to buy Kayan miya (groceries) as they were cheaper in that market – and I had to drive through a slowly flowing river Panshekara to get to the market!

For me, observing Philip in that market was a front-row lesson on Ethnography: to truly understand the flow of events, you need to be there—on the ground—not from afar. His writings on the economic history of Kano and, indeed, Hausa land, therefore, had a solid base. 

He published several articles in Nigerian and international journals on, among other subjects, the development of the dyeing industry in precolonial Kano, rural production, indirect rule, and the central Sudanese silk trade. His unpublished doctoral dissertation, “The Development of an Export-Oriented Dyed Cloth Industry in Kano Emirate in the Nineteenth Century” (Wisconsin, 1975), has become one of the most cited works on dyeing and textiles in Africa and a reference text in discussions of indigenous African textile practices.

Philip had mentored many generations of Historians. It was only befitting, therefore, that the whole constellation of Philips students and associates gathered together to honour his intellectual contribution to the economic history of northern Nigeria. This was realised in Economic and Social History of Northern Nigeria: Revisiting Milestones and Exploring New Frontiers: Essays in Honour of the late Professor Phillip James Shea. 

The book was ‘launched’ on Sunday, July 21, 2024, at the Dangote Business School auditorium, Bayero University Kano New Campus. Despite it being a Sunday (and overcast), the hall was reasonably filled with many people—and not the ‘student fillers’ either, since although the university resumed classes on Monday, July 15, 2024, students have not fully resumed. 

The book, edited by his students led by Prof. Mohammed Sanni Abdulkadir, Samaila Suleman and Kabiru Haruna Isa and published by Aboki Publishers), is undoubtedly a heavy reading with 874 pages. Divided into six sections with 40 papers, it covers a massive ground, from Environment to Riots, Slavery, Reforms, Settlement, to Migration. 

I will not even presume to review this book – leaving it to voracious readers like Shamsuddeen Sani to do that when he gets his stethoscope on a copy! There were standout papers. Murray Last’s “Note on the Economy of 19th Century Warfare in Hausaland” reminds us of the links between social disruptions and economic growth – even over a hundred years ago. Or the one about the brown sugar industry in Maƙarfi by Shehu Tijjani Yusuf. Want to learn about donkey trade (yes, donkeys!)? Then Abubakar Tukur Mohammed will guide you. Salafism and Social services are treated by one of what I term the ‘Zafafa Goma’ intellectual cluster of BUK, Kabiru Haruna Isa. And so on. 

No one, no book, no writer is perfect. My grouse? In this constellation of economic coverage, not one single paper has dealt with media and popular culture. Music (traditional and Afropop), Books (in whatever form), Films (love, hate, but can’t ignore Kannywood), and Media (Radio, TV, Newspapers, Social Media) were all seemingly ignored, as if economic history is only rooted in the past and only on commodities. And yet, one of the attention-grabbing parts of the book was ‘New Frontiers’. It seems that such a frontier was not to look ‘back to the future’. Oh, there is a paper on multinational publishers (Sani Yakubu Adam), but it was on the English book trade!

Warts and all, this book is, in my view, the most comprehensive summary and, at the same time, introduction to the uninitiated of the subject matter so far in our history. It is also a befitting reminder of the legacies of one of our time’s most important economic historians. 

By Abdullahi Muhammad Amir

Weeks ago, the media aides of the Niger state Governor, Umaru Mohammed Bago, were all over social media sharing stories and clips of the Governor’s promise of the sum of N200,000 to each corps member posted to the state under the Batch B stream one. 

It is commendable that the Governor allocated N5 billion to construct the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) State Permanent Orientation Camp located at Paiko. The camp has been in a decrepit state for quite some time. 

According to the story, the Governor also gave the over one thousand corps members in batch B stream one a trailer of rice and 20 cattle as a state bonus. These are all good gestures.

However, I feel there are more important things to do than promise such a large amount of money to Corp members when the rate at which hunger escalates is beyond our imaginations, coupled with the insecurity that has bedevilled and still bedevils the state. 

We now live in a society with no other level than the grassroots. The government has failed to see or is negligent about people in need; they are the unseen hands in society, yet they are there and deserve to be seen.

I am not against what the governor did, but instead of nurturing a mature tree, it is better to turn a seed into a tree.  The government can create more opportunities for people in need to acquire skills that will make them productive and improve their living standards.

The government can increase facilities in hospitals and even set up business ventures for the indigenous youths who are wallowing in the street and unemployed. One can go on and on; there’s no shortage of what to do, and that is better than giving out cash tokens to youths, for which the federal government has already taken care of their feeding, welfare, and accommodation for this period. 

I rest my opinion on the point that Governor Bago is one of the best-performing governors so far, but I still feel they are not reaching people in need, and there are more ways to use revenue than giving it as a token.

Abdullahi Muhammad Amir wrote this article from Newgate University Minna, Niger State.

Company: Blackville Media

Director: Prince Daniel (Aboki)

Producers: Aliyu Ahmad, Egor Efiok, Bature Zambuk, Shehu Bala Kabara

Language: Hausa

Cast: Adam A. Zango, Ghali Abdallah DZ, Auwalu Isma’il Marshall, Fatima Muhammad, Maryam Usman Shuaibu, Mukhtar Aminu etc.

Release date (Nigeria): 19-7-2024

It’s no longer news that TV series have recently dominated the Kannywood filmmaking sphere. However, Prince Daniel Aboki produced an epic period film titled Mai Martaba in a bold move to revitalize the film industry. The film, roughly based on the popular Arewa Radio drama series Kasar Jallaba, has generated immense excitement among fans eager to see the gripping story come alive on screen.

Made on a sweeping budget of over ₦125 million, Mai Martaba surpassed Nanjala (which had a budget of over ₦65 million) to become Kannywood’s most expensive production. But does it justify this substantial investment? I watched it on Sunday, and here is my review.

Mai Martaba is an exciting tale of a succession struggle among competing claimants for the throne of the Jallaba kingdom. The storyline unfolds through an omniscient narrator, beginning with a few flashbacks of the kingdom under the previous reign of the Agadashawa dynasty. Now occupied by the Jallabawa clan, a sacred decree secures the throne.

Before death, each king must name a successor from within the clan, ensuring the Agadashawas would never return to power. King Mu’azu honoured this legacy by naming Sanaya (Auwal Ismail Marshall) his heir, with a written agreement that Sanaya would one day pass the crown to Mu’azu’s son, Magajin Gari (Ghali Abdallah DZ). But Sanaya breaches the agreement and crowns his daughter, Princess Sangaya (Fatima Muhammad), as his successor, setting the stage for an intense power struggle.

Will Magajin Gari reclaim his birthright? Who is the other claimant to the throne? Can a female monarch win over the hearts of the Jallaba people? Find out in the cinemas.

The movie is generally captivating. However, with a short runtime of less than 90 minutes, the screenplay fails to do complete justice to the compelling story. It features little action scenes and ends quickly when it is supposed to be at its climax. For instance, there is a brave bandit kingpin, Shugaba (Adam A. Zango), whose brother was killed in the kingdom. He is in alliance with Magajin Gari. Driven by revenge, the two could have been shown in a fierce battle against the Jallaba kingdom, adding a dramatic action sequence to the film.

Also, as an adaptation of the Kasar Jallaba radio serial, apart from the setting and select character names, Mai Martaba shares minimal similarity with the original sourcing material. It’s somewhat like the American TV series House of the Dragons, where King Viserys appointed his female child, Princess Rhaenyra, as heir to the throne. The theme of ‘succession war’ is also prominent in many other local and international movies.

However, Mai Martaba remains a satisfactory period drama, boasting a spectacular setting and near-authentic period costumes. It may not be the most engaging Kannywood epic, but it could be the best in general production quality. Its exceptional cinematography and technical excellence is a breakthrough in the Hausa film industry. I salute the director, executive producer, and all other crew members.

The cast should also not be forgotten. Though it consists of new actors, they deliver impressive performances with good dialogue rendition. Ghali Abdallah DZ stands out as the ambitious Magajin Gari, plotting political machinations to get the throne. As Princess Sangaya, Fatima Muhammad was not given much scope but showed confidence in every scene she featured. Adam A. Zango (Shugaba) and Auwal Ismail Marshall (Sarki Sanaya) also deliver solid performances, fitting their roles perfectly.

Overall, Mai Martaba sets a benchmark for cinematic excellence in the Kannywood film industry. It’s a lavish epic film that justifies its hefty price tag. I strongly recommend it. Rating: 3.5/5.

Habibu Maaruf Abdu wrote from Kano. He can be reached via habibumaaruf11@gmail.com.

By Usman Abdullahi Koli, ANIPR

A renowned scholar, Thomas Paine, once said, “Those who expect to reap the blessings of freedom must, like men, undergo the fatigue of supporting it.” This statement perfectly suits the relentless efforts of Honorable Musa Azare, the caretaker chairman of Katagum Local Government Area (LGA) in Bauchi State. Hon. Azare’s leadership is marked by extraordinary impacts, demonstrating his dedication to transforming lives and communities through selfless service. His name is etched in the hearts of many for his commitment to the welfare of his people, making him a standout leader in Bauchi State.

Hon. Musa Azare’s journey into public service is a testament to his dedication to positive development in Katagum LGA. Despite opposition and challenges, he remains undeterred in his mission to bring about meaningful change. Born and educated in Bauchi State, Hon. Musa attended several institutions, acquiring extensive knowledge, technical skills, and practical experience. His background laid a solid foundation for his leadership, allowing him to address the diverse needs of his community effectively.

As the caretaker chairman of Katagum LGA, Hon. Azare has initiated and completed numerous projects, significantly improving the lives of his people. His contributions to the local government are vast and varied, ranging from providing healthcare facilities to launching cervical cancer vaccination, where his daughter Halima was the first to be vaccinated in Katagum LGA. According to the Secretary of the hospital, a donation of N500,000 to Azare General Hospital in the Hospitals Revolving Fund (HRF) had reached N4m.

Renovation of classrooms distribution of free uniforms to hundreds of primary school pupils of Central Primary School, Azare. The construction of a feeder road at Azare Main Market was previously flooded with water every rainy season. The market was nearly dead due to the problem of inaccessibility, especially during the rainy period—construction of the 4.5 km Dagaro-Zindi road in the Chinade District of the local government.

Drilling new boreholes and water projects in Madangala, under the Azare District of Katagum. Renovation of several damaged hand pump boreholes in Madara District. These projects, executed with high standards, ensure lasting benefits for the communities, proving his judicious utilization of funds and commitment to sustainable development. Hon. Musa Azare is widely recognized for his exceptional leadership qualities.

He is a visionary leader known for his strategic planning and effective implementation of policies that address the core needs of his local government. The Police Divisional Officer (DPO) in Katagum LGA received torchlights, sticks, and whistles for distribution to various security and quasi-security organizations to boost night patrol in the Katagum local government area. His ability to mobilize resources was vital in the equitable and transparent distribution of the FG/State Government-assisted palliative to cushion the effect of removing petroleum subsidy.

The refurbishing of local government buses to ease transportation of people and the construction of the palace of the District Head of Chinade was done in collaboration with the Bauchi State Government. Honourable Musa garnered support from various stakeholders and has been instrumental in driving the development agenda of Katagum LGA. Beyond his administrative acumen, Musa is a humanitarian at heart. His philanthropic efforts extend to all corners of the LGA; he donated 4,000 varieties of trees to the JIBWIS campaign against environmental degradation. Providing financial assistance, food supplies, and essential services to the less privileged.

He focuses on empowering vulnerable groups, including women, youth, and the elderly, through skill acquisition programs and microfinance initiatives, enabling them to become self-reliant and contribute positively to the community. His love for his people is evident in his inclusive approach to governance. He embraces individuals from all walks of life, irrespective of their religious, tribal, or regional backgrounds.

The open-door policy of Honorable Musa Azare ensures that every voice is heard and every concern is addressed. This approach has fostered a sense of unity and belonging among the residents of Katagum LGA. A key aspect of his leadership is his prudent management of public funds. Unlike some leaders who divert resources for personal gain, Hon. Azare ensures that every Naira is spent transparently and efficiently. His focus on accountability and integrity has successfully completed several high-standard projects that stand the test of time.

This judicious use of funds has earned him the trust and respect of his constituents, solidifying his reputation as a leader who truly serves the people. Recognizing the vital role of education in societal transformation, he has prioritized educational development in Katagum and its environs. He has spearheaded initiatives to renovate dilapidated schools, provide learning materials, and offer scholarships to deserving students. Hon. Azare’s commitment to healthcare is evident through his efforts to enhance medical facilities and services within the local government. He has facilitated the construction and renovation of health centres, ensuring they are well-equipped to serve the community’s needs.

His social welfare programs also provide critical support to vulnerable populations, including women, children, and the elderly, promoting a healthier and more equitable society. Hon. Musa’s relentless dedication has not gone unnoticed. He is often described as a leader who selflessly prioritizes his people’s needs, sacrificing his comfort for their well-being. A constant smile and open-handed generosity have won over even his harshest critics, earning him respect and admiration. He stands as a beacon of hope and an exemplary leader in Bauchi State and across Nigeria.

Katagum Local government, under the leadership of Hon. Azare, was honoured with the award for Best Local Government in Documentation by New Incentives; All Babies Are Equal Initiative (NI-AVAE). This recognition was due to the LGA’s outstanding performance in data documentation, accurate registration of children under one year, reduction of zero-dose cases, effective data recording, and consistent cash payments to caregivers. The award included a financial incentive of One Hundred and Fifty Thousand Naira, highlighting the exceptional dedication and commitment of the Director of Katagum LG Primary Healthcare Department, Malam Jibril Muhammad Inuwa, and his entire staff. Therefore, Hon. Azare’s strategic vision and support have been essential in achieving this milestone, reflecting his steadfast commitment to improving healthcare and routine immunization in various communities.

His dedication to youth empowerment is further exemplified by vocational training programs that equip young people with marketable skills, ensuring they have the tools to build prosperous futures. He embodies the true essence of transformative leadership. His dedication to advancing his community, his humanitarian efforts, and his prudent financial management have impacted Katagum LGA. His enduring legacy will continue to inspire future generations, guiding them towards a brighter and more prosperous future. He is well-bred and had sufficiently sipped from the fountain of life to give back to society with interest. What more would one ask for?

Usman Abdullahi Koli wrote via mernoukoli@gmail.com.