Opinion

By A.F. Sesay

One of the few positives to elections in West Africa and beyond is the spotlight it sheds on the importance of trust. But why do people misuse trust and abuse the faith of countrymen and their countries? This is our one million dollars question! Why do the realization of power, fame and other forms of success usually trick people into following the road to the abyss? Are we frightened by the prospects of being lonely if we chose to be powerful but not arrogant? Or are we scared of being famous and yet accessible to the poor, or being politicians yet fulfilling the trusts reposed on us?

Ok! I see! Then don’t be lonely. Follow the crowd and goons around you.  Allow then to strip you of your garment of conscience and revel in the freedom of being naked (and vulnerable). But don’t tell anybody I am the one that gave you this advice, but equally don’t blame anybody for whatever the consequences are.

Besides the bile and negativity and entitlement, have you ever had a deep conversation with your mother? My mother, I mean Nigeria. You hurl insults at her every day and rub salt into her wounds. You blame her for the absence of salt, pepper and toothpick, despite all she endowed you with. And for the most part of it, she is too meek to speak back. Maybe all she could say is: Don’t Insult Me.

What does she mean? What has made her so bold all of a sudden? Is this a terse statement of her advice or an insult to her children? What then would be the benefit to derive from her words (if any)? To fully interpret this three-word advice or caution from the old woman, we may require the assistance of a Professor of Psychology, a Professor of History, a Professor of Linguistics, a Professor of Theology and other professors who are capable of professing and professionalizing truth-telling. As a student,  all I can do is hazard a few guesses.

For a start, (or is too late to start?). Never mind! I still insist on my phrase: For a start, it may be that the old woman is angry with her sons, daughters and lovers. Who are they? They are you, you and you. It is a truly beautiful day when a man finally realizes he has grown too old to deceive himself (or that he may die deceiving himself), when he allows this self-realisation to restrain him, and when he allows this self-restraint to assist him in fulfilling his obligations and when he allows the fulfilment of his obligations to lead him to prosperity… for himself, the woman next to him, the community that nurtured him and more importantly the God whose air He breathes.

Adversely, it is a truly ugly day when a man fails to realize his true worth and he allows his intelligent self to be deluded into believing his true worth lies in doing the things he was not commissioned to do and escaping or knowingly avoiding the things he was commissioned to do. All the more is that he allows his excellent-self-chosen-misguidance to lead him to arrogance. And worst of all to allow his arrogance to make him believe that it is others that commit his own crimes!  He never commits any crime, rather it’s only people that fail to understand the wisdom behind his actions.

This is true for most humans and human communities. But in Nigeria’s case, it is beautifully true and truly beautiful to those who are habitually enveloped by this beautiful truth.

The young think the fault lies with the old and the old know (from experience) it’s the fault of the young. Women believe it’s men’s fault but men (by their strength) assert it’s women’s fault. The masses are conscious of the fact that politicians are to blame but politicians can prove it (with ‘relevant’ data) that the masses are not doing enough. The people blame the government and the government blames the people. But my anger (or Mama Naija’s anger, if I guessed right) is this: Why do people insult Nigeria for their own crimes? Who is the culprit here, is it the country or the people?

Do you consider it a misfortune that you are a Nigerian? Then consider it a greater misfortune that you don’t know your potentialities as a Nigerian. You are a member of a nation of saints,  criminals, thieves,  and sincere nation builders. All you have to do is to choose the camp you want to belong to. The first, the second, the third, or the fourth? Be truthful to yourself! If anybody wants to be good here, there is enough opportunity for him/her.

Have you ever cried when you realized you could be among the major causes of Nigeria’s problems? Or you simply scrolled through your mind to bring up images of 99 compatriots whose crimes are worse than yours? To be able to mentally save and retrieve the names of ninety-nine criminals any time the need arises may qualify you for a B.Sc in Criminology, but your inability to realise that you may be the hundredth criminal will not qualify you for a primary school certificate in morality. Why should a nation with such a high degree of adherents to religions that possess heavenly scriptures be found wanting in very simple issues that serve as Tests of Morality? Are you really sincere in your love for God? YES. NO. NOT CERTAIN (secretly tick the correct option).

You may be one of those people who believe Nigeria will never change for the better. Please don’t allow Nigeria to change (if you can) so that your prophecy will come true! But do endeavour to change yourself for the better. (Ironically, even if you do this alone, your prophecy will still not come true). Because, a change of one citizen is a change, after all. In simple calculus, assuming there were only one hundred citizens in Nigeria, your change will mean Nigeria has changed by 1% for the better. And nobody knows how many more people your change is going to inspire. Very soon we shall have a whole community of changed and progressive minds just because you were willing to set an example for them. Now, will you give change a chance?

A. F. Sesay writes from Lagos. He can be reached via amarasesay.amir@gmail.com.

Perhaps, it was the Mathew Effect that made Professor Kpareogi’s recent article on the plight of the Yoruba Muslims in their own lands so famous that it generated so much response as if, until the piece was made public, nobody was aware that Yoruba Muslims, who were in the majority in the Southwest, have been under powerful religious subjugation by the Yoruba Christians.

But even a casual observer will not fail to notice the recurring crisis across the Yoruba land over the use of Hijab by Muslim female children in the schools. Some of these sartorial choice crises trended long enough to attract the attention of everyone while some have to be settled at the courts. The infamous ruling by an Ikeja high court that because Christians would feel less righteous in the presence of Hijab wearing children, Muslim children should not wear Hijab to their schools, is still fresh in our memories. Delivering the judgement on 17th October 2014, Justice Modupe Onyearbor declared that “The non-Hijab wearing students will feel inferior to those who are putting on Hijab.” The judge, therefore, banned the use of Hijab for Muslim girls till an Appeal Court put aside that judgement.

The sartorial choice struggle is, perhaps, the most glaring among the many struggles being fought by the embattled Muslim majority in the region, this is mainly due to publicity it is generating and the will to resist the subjugation by the new generation of Muslims who firmly believed in self-determination. The case of Barrister Firdaus Amata who refused to jettison her constitutional right on December 12, 2017, an action for which she was denied entry into the International Conference Centre by the Body of Benchers, highlighted one of such struggles.

Apart from the Hijab struggle, the most glaring inequality the Muslims are struggling with is the fact that despite being the majority in the region, not a single Islamic court exists in the whole region. They are forced to either take their cases to the imposed Christian common law courts or Customary courts. This is more worrisome given that Islamic courts existed in Yorubaland long before the arrival of the colonial armies who abolished them and imposed their own courts. Islamic courts existed since 1842 in that region, according to MURIC.

Even the Yoruba Muslim’s peaceful move to introduce sharia courts in Yorubaland through constitutional means was fiercely tamed by the Christians in that region. On May 27 this year, the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria (PFN) was eloquent in its submission that the introduction of Shariah Law in the South West should be ignored by the Senate.

Nothing highlighted how the Muslims in Yorubaland are struggling to free themselves from Christian subjugation than the declaration by some Muslim groups that they are not in support of the Oduduwa Republic as they will face persecution if actualized. This belied the widely believed notion that the Yorubas are homogenous and that religion plays a second or third role in their lives. It proves that for a long time, the Muslim majority were silenced into submission out of fear of “social ostracism”. Their passiveness was fully exploited by Christians and misunderstood by northerners.

Now that the passiveness is giving way to the rising tide of Islamic awareness in the region, things are getting clearer that the hyped religious tolerance in that region was indeed the domination of Christians over Muslims.
Ironically, this is coming just as some voices are maintaining a hyperbolic but erroneous assumption that the North is the den of religious intolerance even as facts are contradicting them.

Sheikh Nuru Khalid is among those who seemed to have fallen for this fallacy recently. In his clamour for Interfaith Dialogue, he recently claimed, among other things, that Interfaith Dialogue was necessary now given the bad light in which the terrorist organizations, like Boko Haram, are painting Islam and the high level of religious intolerance in the North.

If the Sheikh is right on Interfaith Dialogue’s effect on religious intolerance, he is very wrong on the Boko Haram claim. He is also very wrong in his charge that Muslims are to be blamed for religious intolerance in the region. Because of all the religious crises in this part of the nation, over ninety per cent were NOT caused by Muslims; they were just defending themselves.

Therefore, to insinuate that Muslims are to blame for religious intolerance in the country is insidious even if said in good faith, because it is a BIG lie.

It is flabbergasting to assume that had there been an Interfaith Dialogue, Boko Haram wouldn’t have happened, because among the reasons the terrorists have for fighting is what they called the systematic downplaying of religious teachings in order to please non-Muslims.

It is evident that both the terrorists and the Sheikh have agreed on the same erroneous definition of Interfaith Dialogue. Both seemed to give Interfaith Dialogue the definition of Syncretism. Many people speak about syncretism while they think they are discussing Interfaith Dialogue.

To differentiate between the two terms, just take the stands of late Nnamdi Azikiwe who said “We must forget our differences”, and that of late Sir Ahmadu Bello (Sardaunan Sokoto) who replied, “No, let’s understand our differences…” What Azikiwe said is syncretism while the stand of Sardauna connotes Interfaith Dialogue.

I don’t think anyone who knows that Muslims are the majority of the victims of Boko Haram or understood their mission will honestly insist that an Interfaith Dialogue would have been an antidote to their aggression.

Finally, while I am not saying (the Muslim) North is totally devoid of religious intolerance (this depends on your definition of the term), it is not true that we are the purveyors of intolerance, rather, we are at the receiving end of religious intolerance. This could be discussed in another piece.

Muhammad Mahmood writes from Kano.

By Salisu Uba Kofar-Wambai

By Abdulahi Majeli, Esq., AICMC

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The Federal University of Technology, Owerri chapter of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) inaugurated a five-person probe panel on September 22, 2021, to assess the procedures used to appoint the Minister of Communication and Digital Economy, Dr Isa Ali Pantami, as a Professor of Cybersecurity. The panel said due process was followed by the governing council and the management of the university in the appointment. The report by the panel is an interesting one considering the heated public debates generated by the appointment.

Most of the people who criticized the appointment were academics. As expected, the majority of those who supported the critics were Pantami’s political adversaries. Pantami’s appointment supporters were either some academics, his political supporters, and those who sat on the fence.

The verdict by the five-person probe panel certainly gives Pantami and FUTO some respite. His political supporters will be delighted, while opponents of the appointment will fire more because the majority of them are academics. Tenacious criticism on issues that concern knowledge is an attitude of academics.

During the first debate, Pantami’s ‘friend’ Professor  Farooq Kperogi said: “There are basically three legitimate ways to become a professor: by climbing the professional ladder in a university; by being appointed to the position from outside academia in recognition of vast and varied industry experience or artistic wizardly in a field; and through a courtesy appointment. Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami’s record does not qualify him for any”.

However, Prof. Tukur Sa’ad, a former Vice-Chancellor, said, countering Kperogi, “A University can decide to appoint an individual to a position either through promotion or straight appointment based on the criteria they set up independent of the National University Commission (NUC).”

Pantami’s political allies and supporters are delighted with the report of the ASUU panel because they see Pantami as a potential vice presidential candidate with many advantages.  To all Pantami’s supporters, his professorship is a big addition to his credentials which his potential rivals don’t have. They believe that Patnami is young, highly educated with a PhD. from the United Kingdom (UK) at Robert Gordon University, Aberdeen.

These supporters add that politically, Pantami is a good ‘material’ to balance a presidential ticket. He is from North-East Nigeria; he fits into the agitation for the northeast to present the vice-presidential candidate in 2023. Moreover, he is a household name in the North-west. They will feel at home with him – he is their cousin.

Additionally, he is an Islamic scholar with vast cult-like followership nationwide. Pantami is Buhari’s strong confidant and ally. The general belief among Pantami’s promoters is; Pantami from the northeast as vice-presidential candidate with any presidential candidate from the south, especially the southwest, will balance a presidential ticket and serve as a strategy for the APC to retain the presidency in 2023.

Nevertheless, academics and oppositions against Pantami’s professorship will continue to hit hard while his political rivals will clap for them. So Pantami and his supporters should be well-prepared for the game.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja. He can be contacted via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Mukhtar Ya’u Madobi

Subject to its wider ramifications, the burden of maintaining security is too cumbersome to be single-handedly by a solitary institution in a heterogeneous country like Nigeria.

Thus, the multi-stakeholders’ approach is often more necessary where there is a rise in security challenges. Therefore, security should be a collective effort of the government plus other state and non-state actors, including the private sectors.

The word ‘security’ simply implies the protection of the lives and properties of people from various forms of threat. It occupies the highest level of priority in the hierarchy of responsibility by the government as one of the core values that the state cherishes as non-negotiable and that does not admit compromise.

The contribution of private sectors in ensuring security can be rendered through various channels, including the construction of security facilities, donations of logistics to security services and providing equipment at their disposal during emergency response situations such as fire outbreaks, accidents, building collapse and natural disasters such as flooding, earthquake, etc.

Other alternatives include community participation in securing their locality in collaboration with police, i.e. the neighbourhood watch or vigilante group, involvement of religious and traditional leaders in disputes resolution among their followers and services provided by the business enterprises to their host communities through corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives.

To that effect, the role being played by the famous Civilian Joint Task Forces (Civilian JTF), through collaboration with the security agencies in countering the violent extremism of Boko Haram terrorists in the North-East (Borno), is very commendable. Such volunteer groups provided invaluable intelligence that led to the uncovering of many deadly terrorist cells and their subsequent elimination.

Now that the terrorists are surrendering, community leaders, civil society groups and NGOs have a greater job to embark on sensitizing the mindsets of the public in de-radicalization, rehabilitation and reintegration of the repentant terrorists into society. This will go a long way in maintaining the security of lives and properties of people.

It is noteworthy that the CSR initiatives of the Aliko Dangote Foundation donated 150 operational vehicles to the Nigeria Police Force in 2018, which was described as the single most significant gift ever by a private sector operator to the police.

In the Niger Delta region, where the problem of insecurity is mainly attributed to the feeling of anger and frustration by host communities due to negligence of CSR initiatives, the oil companies have turned a good leaf by changing the narratives.

Multinational corporations are now actively involved in providing infrastructural facilities such as schools, hospitals, roads, and water supply to their host communities. In the long run, they also designed a special scholarship scheme for the indigenes. They are provided with tuition fees and reading and learning materials to further enhance their educational careers. This initiative has undoubtedly contributed immensely to reducing the militants’ activities and other security tensions in the oil-rich Niger Delta region.

Moreover, several societal figures and organizations were known for their efforts in constructing and rehabilitating security outfits across the country. Recall that, immediately after the #EndSARS protests in which several lives of both civilians and security personnel were lost, many properties were destroyed, police stations looted, their firearms carted away and subsequently destroyed.

The giant private sector-led Coalition Against COVID-19 (CACOVID) procured new equipment for police officers and pledged to rebuild the burnt police stations destroyed during the civil unrest to restore security to the affected locations across the country.

Even the traditional institutions were not left out as Oba (Alhaji) Dauda Ajolola Adebimpe Akinfolabi of Ayedade Local Government Area of Osun State built a divisional police headquarters and the office for the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) office. The monarch noted that the gesture was necessary to protect his people and ensure safety in his community, considering the rising insecurity in the country.

In addition, private security companies are also part and parcel of the security architecture of every country. The responsibility of a private security guard is ‘securing the lives and properties of the client’. The client may be an individual, organization, private institution, government, etc. However, experience has shown that guards can perform additional functions other than just protecting the lives and properties of the client.

Their large number and widespread presence make them a critical part of the security system of the nation. The NSCDC is the ultimate regulator of all private guard companies in Nigeria and has so far licensed over 1000 companies. Almost all residences, offices, schools, shopping malls, parks etc., especially in the city, are staffed by private guards securing their location. To that effect, their number has even exceeded that of the entire Police Force in the country.

Therefore, the government and the security agencies can take advantage of this opportunity to collaborate with private guard companies, especially in areas of intelligence gathering and sharing, training and joint task operations towards securing the country from the activities of criminal forces.

Sequel to that, Nigeria’s Policy Framework and National Action Plan for Prevention and Countering Violent Extremism, produced by the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), retired Major General Babagana Monguno have succinctly acknowledged the role of the prominent private sector in national security.

As they say, Emergency Management is everyone’s business.

Mukhtar sent this piece from Kano. He can be contacted via ymukhtar944@gmail.com.

By Alhaja Adeola Agoro

I read Kperogi’s article with a smile playing around my lips. It brought back the contents of the second chapter of the first part of my (yet to be published) book, ‘Journey to Islam: The Journey So Far’.

While I wouldn’t say Kperogi was totally right in his submissions, I’ll say that I agree with a lot of what he said.
I was born a Christian. I converted to Islam in 2009. I have spent enough time in the Islamic religion to form an opinion about it. I can say what is right or wrong about the religion and those who practise it.

I started writing the book, ‘Journey to Islam in 2017. Then I paused. Life is a journey and you can never really capture it all until the last day, so I said, ‘Let’s see if something will change and I may have to change some things in the book’.

As Jon.Bellion said in one of his songs that I love so much, “Nothing has changed, he’s the same…” From the point of writing that book till now, let me say nothing has changed. So, let me share the second chapter of the first part of that book below:

2’Yerima and Other Influences

Long before my innocent mind began to get conscious of the fire religious strife and crisis caused by displacing people and rendering many homeless, fatherless and sending several to their early graves in Nigeria, I knew about religious marginalisation. I grew up to know about religious sentiments, influences and stigmas.

I grew up amongst a certain class of Christians who considered themselves holy. Going to church on Sunday, coming back to eat jollof rice and chicken and watching good family films like the ‘Sounds of Music’ was a way of life. In those days, we were made to believe that the Christian kids were the ones who wore crisply ironed clothes on Sunday. They were the ones who wore ‘ready-made’ clothes with socks and nice shoes to match. Looking back now, I must admit that it was the highpoint of Christianity to wear the kinds of beautiful dresses with hats to match that I wore on Sundays.

Looking that good meant I was a Christian. Or so I was made to believe. We were the sheltered ones who were not allowed to mix with just any other children in the neighbourhood. We were only heard from the confines of our homes and hardly seen. On the other hand, those who wore clothes sewed with ankara materials, who played outside, who went to Arabic schools or who chanted Arabic language as dictated by their teachers were regarded as considered to be a little lower than us.

The explanation was not really made; we just knew. I knew how the opinions of certain people about you became coloured the moment they found out your name was Mojeed or Shakirat or whatever Muslim name it was. Oh no! It just meant that you must be ill-bred. It meant that your upbringing was not all together complete. In cases where they couldn’t fault you for being half-baked because you were a Muslim, they assumed that you were aggressive and stubborn. In Ibadan where I spent my first sixteen years, Muslims were referred to as ‘Imale’ (followers of the hard religion).

To this day, there is an area in Ibadan known as ‘Imalefalafia’ literarily meaning the ‘followers of the hard religion want peace’.In the Christian family where I grew up, a Christian was more likely to be trusted for anything than an imale. By a stroke of fate, I discovered that most of the people hired for house chores and such other things in my family were Muslims. It went to show that the Muslims around us then were not educated and so had to take the lowest of jobs. I could remember that the woman who did our laundry till I grew up was called Iya Seki (Sekinat). It was just assumed that Muslim families didn’t care about educating their children beyond a certain level.

I can’t remember if anything was ever done to assist them in that regards. In a funny way, it didn’t matter if you were a Baptist or Anglican, if you came for a domestic work and it was discovered that you were a Christian, it used to elicit a level of surprise that you were not educated or that you chose to do some menial jobs. It was certain that your employer would ensure that you either went to school or learnt a vocation. All you to had to do worm your way into the minds of your employers or to get favours was to say you were a Christian. (It might matter though if you were a Celestian or aladura.

You were not quite different from a Muslim in the estimation of the holier-than-thou Christians). But things did not have that kind of colouration the moment I stepped out into the real world. From the moment I left home for my higher education till the moment I embraced Islam, it never mattered to the Muslims I met whether I was a Christian or Muslim or traditionalist before help came my way. All that mattered was the fact that I was a human being. And very much unlike what I grew up to know with somebody preaching to you that you must accept Christ to enter heaven and bearing heavily on your whether you wanted to talk religion or not, the Muslims I met NEVER tried to talk to me about their faith in a you-must-accept-it-by-force manner.

To this day, no Muslim that I met in those days condemned my religion.I would sit and dine with Muslims and we would be talking but the moment it was time for prayer, they would excuse themselves, do their ablution and quietly withdraw to pray without as much as invite you. If you visited them on Fridays, they would leave you in their house, go to mosque to pray and come back to meet you. Not only were they respectful of your religion, they trusted you with their possessions.

I wonder if there are Christians who would leave you in their house on a Sunday when going to church without pressurizing you to go to church with them – whatever your religion or sect.This was my unprejudiced observation until I met Yerima. Sen. Ahmed Sani popularly known as Yerima was the Governor of Zamfara State then.Yerima came into national prominence for the introduction of Sharia Law to Zamfara State. Under him, the Penal Code became more effective and whoever erred or contravened the law faced summary actions.

The name Yerima meant fear to non-Muslims outside his state. It was the general opinion that if you were not a Muslim, you couldn’t be safe near a fanatic like Yerima and in fact, you had no business being in Zamfara. I had started making a mark in journalism when one day, a friend I went to school with called to say she met Yerima’s ADC and discussed the prospects of me coming down to Zamfara to interview the governor. Without thinking about it for a moment, I turned down the opportunity.

Me, Yerima? No way!! As hungry as I was for good stories, I didn’t think Yerima was an area I could approach and I thought I was not the kind of journalist he would want near him for an interview. After all, I was a jean-wearing journalist with braids and totally un-Islamic in all ways.Little did I know that fate was bringing me in contact with Yerima and that was going to be an opportunity to see all Muslims in the same light – accommodating and not condemning of your religion. I met Yerima in the Summer of 2006. I was one of the panellists on a live broadcast of the breakfast show of Ben TV where Yerima was a guest. I had gone there dressed in jeans with my braids pulled up and complete with trainers and clanging bangles.

I looked a complete I-don’t-care type – a yuppy woman. After the television program, along with some other journalists, I went for more exclusive interview for my newspaper and despite Yerima’s stance on Sharia, he didn’t as much as look at me as a sinner for once.

The biggest part of it is that when I returned to Nigeria and applied to be one of his media consultants, he gave me the chance without delay. There I was, a Christian and a woman for that matter!I was treated with much respect and dignity and everybody around him respected me for what I had to offer – my brain.

Whenever I had a job to discuss with him or show him, he would attend to me but he never allowed us to be alone together. And when it was time for prayer, they would all go for prayers and come back to resume whatever I had to show him.

It was around that time that I began to feel naked by not covering my head and body. Something in me told me it wasn’t right. Yerima and those around him preached to me through their behaviours without saying a word. They accepted me the way I was. They worked with me without discrimination and they made me see what beauty there was in Islam.

In those days of surrendering to the silent and beautiful pull of Islam, I couldn’t stop asking myself if any of those I grew up with in my Christian background would be so accommodating. Would they give a Muslim woman a chance to work with them, dine with them, make money and not go to church with them?

Would they have a very attractive Muslim woman around them and not as much as make a pass at her?I doubt. Seriously, I doubt.

From Justice Babatunde Adejumo, President of the National Industrial Court to my mentor and father, Sen. Umaru Dahiru through whom I finally embraced Islam, through whom I went for Hadj, through whom I grew in faith and through whom I have learnt a lot, to Arch. Halima Tayo Alao, to Dr. Mahmuda Aliyu Shinkafi and so many others, I have been given opportunities by a lot of Muslims without any asking for anything in return.

These are all people of deep faith who never asked me to compromise my former religion till I was personally convinced. I am indeed lucky to have seen the light of Islam myself through the conducts of these Muslim people.

These people showed the way to Islam more through deep love and acceptance of everybody whatever your religion than through talks. May Allah continue to guide them in their faith and make them lead more to Him through their conducts, ameen.’

That’s that about the second chapter of the book.

I’ve not come here to say I agree or disagree with Kperogi, but I know that a Muslim will most likely accept you for a job or marriage or anything sooner than a Christian will.

Well…. I stand to be corrected after so many years of holding that belief.

Alhaja Adeola Agoro JP writes from Abuja

Indeed, the collapse of a 21-story building under construction in the Ikoyi area of Lagos State on Monday, November 1, 2021, is unfortunate. Unfortunately, this sad incident occurs in almost every region of Nigeria without proper investigation to determine the actual courses of action and adequate solutions to prevent future occurrences.

As FG is set to reverse the sale of DISCOs and GENCOs, it shows the highest form of corruption and mismanagement that continue to pester in their management. Go to their offices and see mismanagement and corruption personified, poor customer services and daylight bribery, before a meter is issued to a customer and so on.

There are 11 electricity distribution companies in Nigeria. Majority of them violated the agreement they entered with FG. There are over 20 electricity generating companies in Nigeria today but the top six GenCos providing the country with electricity are Egbin Power Limited, Transcorp Power, Shiroro, Kainji/Jebba, Sapele and Geregu. They have also failed to inject money into power generation and are begging government for funds.

Don’t get me wrong. I am not against privatisation of NEPA, but I am certainly not happy with the hurried way the government sold the utility corporation without putting it in good shape so that the private hands that will buy it will have a smooth and easy take up.

I was against selling the power corporation to former leaders, cronies and incompetent men by the Jonathan administration.

The past government didn’t rehabilitate the power plants before selling them. All money set aside were stolen by officials. The government refused to listen. We said they should take a cue from global trend. Almost all countries around the world began their power reforms from different starting points with a long history of handing over relatively well managed power corporations.

In contrast, Nigeria is privatising inherited pieces of the old NEPA systems, a derelict corporation where power generation was allowed to dip below 3500mw .

Nigeria will be the only nation in the world that sold its utility corporation at such an abysmal low power generation level, 3500MW to be precise.

Privatization of the Power and Natural Gas Industries around the world has a starting point which include: industry structure, wholesale market, labour and management relations, regulatory framework, privatization objectives and privatization methods.

Nigeria was so much in a hurry to sell out the entire system without taking a holistic appraisal of the likely consequences of the exercise to the nation.

And this explains why the country will remain in darkness for a very long time!

Aliyu Nuhu write from Abuja, Nigeria.

By Muhsin Ibrahim