Opinion

By Mukhtar Jarmajo

The new administration in Kano has embarked on a commendable mission to reclaim the lands around schools that were allegedly wrongly sold out by the past government. Such action is important for the protection of public resources and the promotion of quality education. However, demolishing the shops built around the schools may not be the best approach to solving the environmental crisis created by the encroachment.

While it is understandable that the new government wants to send a strong message to potential land grabbers and illegal developers, demolishing the shops may cause unintended consequences that could hurt both the affected traders and the government. For example, many shops were legally acquired by small business owners who may have invested their life savings and borrowed money from banks to establish their businesses. Destroying their livelihoods without proper compensation or alternatives could lead to social and economic unrest.

Furthermore, destroying the shops may not solve the problem of encroachment. Once the shops are gone, the empty spaces may attract new forms of illegal settlements or waste dumping, further depleting the environment and posing health hazards to students and residents. Therefore, a more strategic and holistic approach to Kano’s environmental and economic challenges is needed.

One possible solution is to engage architectural and environmental experts to design sustainable solutions that could improve the safety, aesthetics, and functionality of the schools and the commercial spaces around them. For example, the shops could be redesigned to allow more natural ventilation, lighting, and greenery, enhancing the microclimate and reducing the need for air conditioning and artificial lighting. The shops could also be integrated with the schools’ curricula and activities to promote entrepreneurship and civic engagement among students and teachers.

Another solution is for the government to acquire the shops and lease them out to qualified and responsible entrepreneurs who could operate them under certain conditions, such as payment of rent, taxes, and adherence to environmental and safety standards. Such an approach could generate revenue for the government, support small businesses, and foster a culture of responsible commercial activity in Kano.

Preserving our schools and small businesses requires a collaborative and creative effort from all stakeholders, including government officials, planners, architects, investors, traders, and residents. We must resist the temptation to resort to destructive means of solving complex problems and instead seek sustainable and inclusive solutions that benefit our communities and environment.

The demolition of shops around schools in Kano may seem like a quick fix to the encroachment problem, but it is not a wise or ethical solution. Instead, we should explore innovative and sustainable ways to protect our public resources, promote quality education, and support responsible entrepreneurship. Let us preserve our schools, our small businesses, and our dignity.

Jarmajo wrote from Wuse, Zone 2, Abuja. 

By Muhammad Salisu

In 1973, there was a bank robbery in Stockholm, Sweden. The robbery turned into hostage-taking. The hostages, however, later became sympathetic defenders of the perpetrators. This incident and its aftermath would later lead to the coinage of the psychological disorder known as Stockholm Syndrome.

A similar incident happened in which an American named Patty Hearst was kidnapped by a terrorist organisation called Symbiotic Liberation Army. Ms Hearst became sympathetic to the organisation and joined them in bank robberies.

Recently, in Nigeria, a train was attacked by bandits, and many of the train’s occupants were kidnapped. One pregnant victim was later released. However, in an interview, she defended the kidnappers’ actions. She literally became their mouthpiece.

Kidnapped victims may defend their kidnappers due to so many reasons. For example, it may be out of fear and so on.

Turning to the Nigerian political parlance, the Nigerian political class has, since time immemorial, held their masses hostage. The rulers loot public treasures; people are enslaved and impoverished. The ruling class enrich themselves and their families at the mercy of the masses. However, you find the masses who are the victims supporting the rulers.

In Nigeria, there are many reasons why people glorify those who enslave them. It may be to get what to eat; it may be because the ruler is from one’s family, religion, political party, region, or tribe. It may also be a clear case of Stockholm Syndrome!

Muhammad Muhammad Salisu wrote via muhdibnmuhd@gmail.com.

By Ukasha Rabiu Magama

The lives of the commuters passing through Jos-Bauchi road to other states in the Northeast and Northcentral regions are in precarious situations due to the gully erosion that washed away the road in Narabi, Toro local government of Bauchi state.

The affected area has already been declared dangerous by the residents. Though the site has been closed-off with stones and a red rope to serve as a warning signal to motorists, they are still managing to pass through at a low speed because there is no alternative.

Nonetheless, the Federal Road Maintenance Agency FERMA should hurriedly aid commuters by repairing the affected area before it is damaged entirely and cause havoc to motorists flying the roads daily.

It’s good for the FERMA to know that the way is the only way linking the entire north-central and northeast. Also, the Agency is aware that the road is among the busiest roads in Nigeria. Meanwhile, if FERMA refuses to fix up the ashed-away area hurriedly, it will affect and endanger the lives of thousands of commuters and stop motorists’ movement entirely. 

Similarly, it’s undoubtedly that the Bauchi-Jos road has become a dead zone for commuters because of the severe potholes along the road. This has been continuously claiming the lives of innocent commuters daily.

Annoyingly, the Bauchi-Jos highway is among the roads recording high rates of accidents in Nigeria. Given this, the federal government approved 348 billion in 2018 for the dualisation of the road from Akwanga-Jos-Bauchi to Gombe. This is to reduce the risk of accidents along the road, but more needs to be done on the ground to actualise the project.

Therefore, since the protection of the lives and property of every citizen is bestowed upon the government’s shoulders, it is significant for the FERMA to urgently intervene by repairing the washed-away area; this is to save innocent lives. Also, since the outgoing president cannot fulfil his promise, we are drawing the attention of the incoming president Ahmad Bola Tinubu to dualise the road; hence the need is to save lives and properties.

Meanwhile, we need FERMA’s urgent intervention before the new administration settles. If not, lives are at stake, and only God knows what will happen if the road is damaged completely.

Ukasha Rabiu Magama writes from Magama Toro, Bauchi state.

By Abdulhaleem Ishaq Ringim

The enactment of the Petroleum Industry Act 2021 was intended to mark a significant shift in the regulation of the downstream petroleum sector. The act aimed to align petrol prices with market dynamics, phasing out the fuel subsidy regime. However, despite the planned full deregulation in February 2022, the government continued to allocate funds for subsidies, leading to financial strain and mounting debts.

Under the Petroleum Industry Act, the government ought to have terminated fuel subsidies and allow petrol prices to reflect the general market rates six months after its enactment. However, the government continued to provide for subsidy costs in its budget. Due to financial constraints, the government could not back the subsidy provisions in the 2022 and 2023 budgets with financing, resulting in unpaid subsidy costs. The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), acting as the supplier of last resort, offset these costs. This resulted in the accumulation of debt of N2.8 trillion for the government in the process.

The new President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has pronounced the termination of the subsidy regime. This is in line with the law and is further necessitated by the inability to finance subsidy commitments since February 2022. The removal of subsidies means that petrol prices will now fluctuate based on market dynamics rather than being fixed. 

While the arguments continue on whether the announcement approach was systematic or not, it has to a certain extent, saved the country from the intense speculative buying activities that would have resulted from scheduling the announcement and other implications that would have marred such gradualism. I consider it a welcome development and commend the President for such uncommon courage, which has been missing in the governance space for long. 

However, the repercussions extend beyond price adjustments. The rise in price will naturally raise the costs of transportation, which will, in turn, further pressurise the country’s inflation rate. The government’s lack of resources to offset subsidy liabilities since February and the outstanding debt to NNPCL means there will hardly be any room for reinvestment, including allocating funds for palliatives or post-subsidy shock alleviation. Moreover, it is crucial to note that even when the government was able to offset the subsidy costs, it relied on borrowing rather than revenue to cover the costs, exacerbating the financial burden.

With the subsidy officially and finally gone, the government must prioritise strategies to repay NNPCL’s debt of N2.8 trillion and other subsidy-related debts while refocusing on the productive sectors of the economy and social welfare. This commitment demands immediate attention, as the accumulated debt poses a significant liability and might impede the effective utilisation of government revenues.

An encouraging prospect arises from the current situation as we grapple with outstanding subsidy debts. Once the government’s financial circumstances improve, its focus will permanently shift away from the subsidy regime and towards prioritising crucial areas such as education, health, infrastructure, and other significant sectors. This shift is anticipated and underscores the government’s intention to allocate resources towards enhancing public value and renewing national hope. 

Meanwhile, the government should advisably prioritise the enhancement of public transport systems and collaborate with state governments to improve mass transit systems and infrastructure, especially by incorporating more diesel-based buses into the stock of public transport vehicles in their various states. The situation should also serve as an incentive for state governments to renew focus on developing Bus and Light Rail Transit systems. 

To consolidate this hard decision, the government should consider the privatisation of state-owned refineries to enhance efficiency and promote private sector participation in the downstream sector. By opening up the refineries to private investment, the government can improve their operational performance, output and overall local refining capacity. As the Dangote refinery gets ready to begin operations, the government should also support other private oil-refining projects like the BUA refinery in Akwa Ibom.

Additionally, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) should explore the possibility of an initial public offering (IPO) to raise capital and expand its operations. Emphasising the development of the gas sector could also be beneficial, considering its potential for revenue generation and reducing dependency on imported fuels.

Abdulhaleem Ishaq Ringim is a political/policy/public affairs analyst. He writes from Zaria and can be reached via haleemabdul1999@gmail.com.

By Mohammad Qaddam Sidq Isa (Daddy)

Regardless of the expectation and anticipation with which the new administration in Nigeria is being greeted, there is no better time than now to embark on efforts to address the underlying challenges that have always undermined the credibility of primaries, hopefully by the 2027 election season, relevant legislation and methods will have been duly reformed.

Towards every election season, people lament the scarcity of suitable candidates for elective positions, which they also rightly attribute to the systematic manipulation of the party nomination process by powerful vested interests within the parties, who impose candidates on the electorate via charades in the name of party consensus or primaries by some hand-picked party delegates.

Public officeholders and other party elites use the instruments of power and public resources at their disposal to ensure the emergence of their political associates, in addition to themselves, of course, as party delegates with a mandate to elect party candidates, on occasion typically characterised by systematic vote buying deals between delegates offering their consciences (if any) for sale. Deep-pocketed politicians jostle to outbid one another.

That has discouraged many conscientious individuals with the potential to turn things around in their respective jurisdictions given the mandate from getting into politics, for they rightly wouldn’t bootlick any so-called political godfather or bribe any greed-motivated delegate. After all, many like-minded individuals have ventured into politics but ended up frustrated at the hands of party manipulators. In contrast, many others of similar calibre have compromised their moral principles to join the corrupt elite they have previously often castigated.

Consequently, the electorate is left with the dilemma of choosing amongst candidates with notorious pasts for gross incompetence, massive corruption cases, and even court convictions against many of them. The average voter, therefore, betrays his underlying frustration by voting for the highest bidder amongst the candidates or voting for whoever his immediate political master endorses, with some hope that the candidate will win. His master will be rewarded with some political appointment or other privileges, for him (voter) to be occasionally rewarded with peanuts by the master throughout his stay in office or continuation of his privileges.

Only a few votes with a conviction may still not be in order anyway, for it might be influenced by one manipulative tactic or another.

Ironically also, there is general indifference in all segments of society. Even democratic activists and advocates for good governance, who are supposed to be particularly committed to demanding, among other things, the reform of the party nomination process, have been largely and inexcusably indifferent. They only rant in futility when it’s too late, i.e. when birds of a feather flock together have emerged as their respective parties’ candidates. Many have become mere attention-seeking opportunists hiding behind activism to extort political appointments and other privileges from the politicians they have criticised in return for their loyalty.

Even the few voices of reason in society only urge the electorate to vote for the so-called best of a bad bunch among the candidates, if any.

Now, until relevant legislation governing the party nomination process and the methods of conducting it are reformed in such a way that it guarantees maximum transparency in the process, the kind of change Nigerians wish for under democracy will never be achieved.

Instead of chasing shadows, therefore, it’s high time that genuine advocates for good governance and other concerned groups and associations embarked on a concerted campaign to demand the reform of relevant legislation to abolish the current corruption-laden delegate primaries and consensus and adopt a direct and transparent primary where all party members are eligible to vote, as the only legal method of nominating party candidates at all levels.

The imperative of demanding such reform represents a challenge that puts Nigerians’ yearning for good governance to the test. If the next general election doesn’t achieve the reform, then the yearning is simply not genuine enough. 

However, even when realised, it’s naive to assume it’s unmanipulable. Vested interests within parties will keep trying to manipulate it. Yet, when sustained, it will undoubtedly make the quest for good governance more achievable, enabling people at various levels to push for and secure the emergence of the best amongst them as parties’ candidates for various elective offices.

That way, Nigerians will be able to break free from the grip of party delegates to freely elect the calibre of people with the capacity, credibility, inventiveness, and passion necessary to turn things around in the country.

Though the beneficiaries of the status quo will vehemently resist and undermine any attempt to reform it, they will eventually succumb to the collective willpower of the people, provided they remain passionate, resilient, and determined enough.

Mohammad Qaddam Sidq Isa can be contacted via mohammadsidq@gmail.com.

By Prof. Abdussamad Umar Jibia

It is no longer news that Alhaji Bola Ahmad Tinubu has taken over as the President and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Nigerians are always happy when there is a change of leadership because we are a hopeful people. It doesn’t matter that we have been disappointed and had our hopes dashed many times over. Most of us believe that it shall be different this time around. Nigerians believe that the hardship that immediately greeted the inauguration of President Tinubu due to removal of oil subsidy is only temporary. This only shows how optimistic our hope can be.

Party stalwarts who have participated in campaign and are important enough to be remembered by Mr. President are even more hopeful. Offices shall soon be shared. Ministerial appointments, advisors and other aides of the President, Boards membership, headship of Government agencies are some of the ‘gifts’ given to individuals who have shown enough commitment to the project of selling Mr. President and his party to Nigerians.

Another way in which politicians compensate states that gave them a large number of votes is situating infrastructural and empowerment projects. 

To become the President of Nigeria, Asiwaju, a National candidate, polled  8,794,726 votes  to defeat Atiku Abubakar and 16 other candidates, some of whose influence does not transcend their states of origin. Out of this number of votes, more than thirty percent came from the North West. Thus, if political support is important to Tinubu, and of course it is, he has an obligation to thank the people of North West and to practically acknowledge that they are his people.

Now, how is Tinubu supposed to compensate the North West? To answer this question it is important to note that only an insignificant few of the more than two million voters mentioned above are politicians who are expecting contracts or appointment to public offices from President BAT. Thus, while those appointments and contracts may or may not affect commoners in the North West, there are things that affect their lives for which they need the attention of Government.

President Tinubu has taken over at a time when banditry has exhausted and impoverished an average villager in the North Western part of Nigeria. Banditry began as cattle rustling by people who believe that only they have the right to own cattle. It then metamorphosed into full scale armed robbery and occupation. As I m writing this, there are many communities under bandits’ control. Many of them decided to submit willingly out of frustration since their Government has failed to provide them protection.

For communities that have not submitted to the bandits’ authority, the attacks continue.

To rationalize banditry, a number of false narratives have been created and spread by bandits and their sympathizers. For example, it is common to hear people saying that banditry was brought about by the unfair treatment given to nomadic Fulani for decades. Thus, according to this narrative, what we are witnessing today is a backlash of this unfair treatment. Some years ago, I had a reason to write a rejoinder to a group of Islamic scholars who bought into this narrative and, instead of calling on the Government to deal ruthlessly with bandits, were asking for fair treatment of nomads.

I don’t know of any group of Nigerians that is not complaining of unfair treatment. In fact, Nigerians, especially the proletariat, have for long been unfairly treated by the elites and the system they control. Does that mean every Nigerian should acquire arms and become armed robber? Surely no. Injustice does not justify crime. This narrative is thus faulty in every ramification. It is unfortunate that some people in Government have been deceived into accepting it.

Another narrative is that banditry taking place in the North West and North Central geopolitical zones is a fight between Hausa farmers and Fulani cattle-rearers. This is even as we saw travelers who are not Hausas being intercepted and burnt alive. We also saw Fulani cattle rearers  who refused to join criminal gangs being attacked and killed in their homes. Yet, the immediate past central Government bought into this narrative and asked Governors of the affected states to negotiate with bandits. If nothing else, those negotiations exposed the identity of the criminals. They appeared before press cameras and confessed their crimes and gave conditions to Government. They continued with their crimes almost immediately after the 2016 and 2019 peace accords. 

Another false narrative is that banditry is being executed by foreigners from other West African countries. Yet, during the failed peace negotiations all the bandit leaders were Nigerian Fulani whose ancestry is well known. In fact, all the bandits known to be operating in the North are like that. Now that they have occupied many rural communities their identities are even more exposed. 

This is the number one problem of the North Westerner that Tinubu should confront even if it means stepping on some of the biggest toes in this country.  Fortunately he has come at the same time with Governors who are interested in fighting crimes. In particular, the new Governors of Katsina and Kano have shown early signs that they mean business as far as crime-fighting is concerned. Working with them closely would help President Tinubu. Zamfara that has been serving as the hideout of bandits has also a new Governor.

Professor Abdussamad Umar Jibia wrote from Bayero University, Kano. He can be contacted via aujibia@gmail.com.

By Abdurrahman MN

Many of us have undoubtedly noticed the alarming increase in phone-snatching cases in the Kano metropolis over the past few months. However, in recent weeks, a concerning shift has occurred. We are now witnessing more audacious attacks that have resulted in the loss of several lives.

It appears that some criminals have abandoned their usual tactic of targeting victims who refuse to surrender their phones and have adopted a new strategy of incapacitating victims from the start before making off with their phones and valuables. The police have also released images showing the growing sophistication of the criminals’ custom-made weapons, which inflict severe injuries and can lead to the quick demise of unfortunate victims.

Following the reports of numerous deaths resulting from these incidents in recent weeks, a groundswell of calls for action has emerged on social media. However, it has become evident that the authorities responsible for addressing this problem are woefully ineffective in fulfilling their mandate and instilling a sense of security in the terrified populace. This call for action was not directed at them but at ordinary people who have grown weary of the escalating terror and pervasive uncertainty accompanying each new case. It is a plea for individuals to take matters into their own hands and punish the culprits as they see fit through vigilante justice and mob action.

I do not intend to delve into the underlying criminal motives of these hoodlums and the terror they have inflicted upon our minds, as many have exhaustively discussed and understood. Instead, I would like to address the legitimacy, extent, and extremes of the resulting extrajudicial punishments meted out by the public.

As theorised by Max Weber, the state holds a monopoly on violence. In exchange for relinquishing their right to inflict harm upon each other, individuals entrust the government with the responsibility of maintaining sustainable peace and order through the imposition of laws and legitimate use of force (incarceration, penalties, etc.). When the state fails to uphold its end of the social contract, individuals resort to taking up arms to protect themselves.

Regarding the legitimacy of such actions, I recall writing about the case of Deborah’s blasphemy and subsequent lynching. I still firmly maintain my view on the illegitimacy of jungle justice. According to Islamic and Nigerian legal provisions, dispensing justice without legal authority is a grave offence. However, there is a crucial distinction between the original crimes committed in the two cases (Deborah’s blasphemy and phone snatching): the threat to life. In the latter case, the victims face a potentially lethal assault, whereas the former represents an affront to the collective conscience of the Muslim faithful.

The permissibility of self-defence against a threat to one’s life is not the point of contention; logic and law permit the defence of one’s life when under attack. The critical issue here is determining the limit of self-defence and when a retaliatory attack exceeds the boundaries of self-defence.

There is a significant difference between a victim of theft who harms or kills their assailant in self-defence and a mob that ruthlessly lynches the assailant after the fact. While amputation or physical punishment, as seen in some cases, is gruesome, it is still preferable to murder and serves the same intended lesson. Under Sharia provisions, a victim of an attack is only permitted to retaliate with the necessary force to protect themselves and repel the assault. For example, responding with a forceful blow to a spell that could be dispelled with a simple slap would be wrong.

Therefore, it is understandable and alarming to witness people advocating for the outright murder of anyone caught stealing a phone. Some individuals are explicitly advocating for the “slaughtering” of the culprits upon capture. This raises concerns about the kind of person who would consciously attempt to take another human life, even if the victim had committed an offence deserving of punishment. How would such an act affect (or corrupt) their conscience in the long run? Wouldn’t entrusting justice solely to the masses, without the necessary checks and limits, spiral out of control and harm innocent individuals?

Yes, I agree that the current trend of mob action will likely deter hoodlums and reduce the recurrence of such incidents as we are witnessing today. However, what happens when people are emboldened to take physical action against any perceived wrongdoing? Do we possess enough moral rectitude to prevent ourselves from crossing reasonable boundaries in our frenzy?

The government is responsible for safeguarding our lives, property, and conscience by taking decisive action against these hoodlums. Such action would serve as a powerful deterrent to potential offenders, discourage criminal attempts, and spare the masses from the traumatic ordeal of violent mob action.

While the act of jungle justice in this instance may yield short-term positive results where the obligated authority has failed, I believe that ultimately, restoring that power to the hands of the state would serve us better. Unfortunately, destroying the walls of legal fortification and moral conscience may come back to haunt us. I fear that when the monster we are currently encouraging has no more prey to pounce upon, it may turn its salivating jaws toward us now that we have stripped away the protections provided by the walls we dismantled ourselves.

In conclusion, the rise of phone robbery and the subsequent resort to extrajudicial punishment highlights the failures of the authorities to ensure the safety and security of the populace. While the public’s frustration is understandable, we must be cautious about the extent and extremes of vigilante justice. Instead, we should strive to hold the government accountable and demand effective measures to combat crime, ensuring a fair and just society for all.

Abdurrahman MN writes from Kano and can be reached via abdulmnasir99@gmail.com.

Dear Sir,

First and foremost, I must offer my humble congratulations on your election victory. By electing you into this exalted office, the people of my dear Kano State have no doubt placed their tomorrow’s trust in you to lead us with compassion and dedication towards a better, prosperous future, and we are hopeful that you will rise to the occasion.

Dear Abba Gida-Gida, as you take on this vital role, we urge you to prioritise the needs of the good people of Kano above all else. 

Kano faces numerous challenges, including economic inequalities, healthcare disparities, educational deficiencies, traffic congestion, and dilapidated roads, which become hazardous for drivers, pedestrians, and cyclists: increased crime rates, environmental degradation and strain on public services like schools and hospitals. We require a leader committed to tackling these issues head-on and finding lasting solutions that benefit all residents, regardless of their background or socioeconomic status.

During your campaigns, you have had the opportunity to mingle and connect with many individuals, giving you a deeper understanding of their struggles and challenges. Therefore I urge you to know their worth and show concern for their well-being.

I must also encourage you to prioritise transparency and accountability in your administration. The people have a right to know how their paid taxes are spent and whatever decisions are made on their behalf. Open communication and free accessibility to your office will go a long way in building trust with the general public.

Finally, we ask that you lead with compassion and empathise with the needs of your people. Our State is diverse, with unique, distinctive opportunities and perspectives that make us stronger and shoulder above our peers.

As Governor, you are responsible for ensuring that all residents feel seen, heard, cherished and valued. By working together, we can create a brighter future for all.

Once again, congratulations on your election. We look forward to working with you to make our state the best.

Abbas Datti wrote from Kano via abbasdattibashir@gmail.com.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana 

An expert in agricultural economics will soon be chairing the National Economic Council, NEC. Kashim Shettima is an economic strategist whose skills in profit and wealth maximization earned him accelerated promotions in the banking industry. 

Apart from the inimitable Jim Ovia, the founder of Zenith Bank, nobody professionally grew faster than the Vice President-Elect, who championed the cause of Zenith Bank’s growth.

Shettima’s eye-catching performance in the banking system endeared him to the then Governor of Borno State, Dr Ali Modu Sharif, who first appointed him as Commissioner of Finance and Economic Development in 2007. He would later become Commissioner of Agriculture as well as Commissioner of Health, and Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs.

Every transition in Shettima’s life is merit-based. He doesn’t get things on a platter of gold.

The former banking guru is known for his honey badger courage, who never hesitates to attack animals much larger than itself, including lions and crocodiles.

Shettima knew the consequences of standing with his boss, President-elect Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, at the time, all abandoned him, but the lion’s bravery in him motivated him to stand by what he firmly believed in. His bravery is worthy of emulation because he always hunts big and gets them. 

The former Governor, in his campaign, has explicitly spoken about the issues affecting this country and extensively suggested realistic mechanisms with which the problems of unemployment and insecurity would be addressed. His focus is largely on the youth, the leaders of tomorrow. 

Like Tinubu, who used his global-certified skills in profit and wealth maximization and management to transform a super slum Lagos into Shangri-la, Shettima similarly rehabilitated Borno when he was governor. The state was overwhelmed by insurgents, but he never feared rebuilding and reforming every facility they destroyed. 

Even strategic attacks on his convoy didn’t stop him from travelling to LGAs to give them hope, reconstruct their houses, and sympathize with them. 

Nigeria is suffering from massive unemployment, insecurity, and a poor road network, among other developmental challenges. I am confident Shettima and Tinubu will rewrite Nigeria’s story in the most brilliant way.

Lawan Bukar Maigana writes from Maiduguri and can be reached via email: lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

By Maryam Idris Bappa

Introduction

It was May 2023, and as I surfed the net for ideas on how to spend children’s day with my family, I imagined that my parents had likely not undergone this dilemma. I also realised it had been a decade since I considered myself part of Children’s Day. But, of course, I had once been a child, and I had once been celebrated. This prompted me to take a trip down memory lane to recall my childhood experiences.

The fact is that as of the early 2000s, there was no internet, to begin with. There were hardly any mobile phones in Nigeria or GSM,  as it was referred to back then. So scouting the net for activities was not a practice. Moreover, it was in the mid-2000s that landlines were domestically replaced with the GSM. So any planned activity had to be offline. And the news had to travel within a certain social circle.

News of any fancy activity was restricted to fancy neighbourhood kids who had arranged visits to fancy kids’ fairs, amusement parks and the rest of the hullabaloo typical of the elite social classes in their well-laid-out residences.

As for me, living in a neighbourhood of people from different socio-economic backgrounds meant I had to mingle with what was available. The only place where Children’s Day stimulated jubilee was the Western cultured school I attended outside the neighbourhood. This is because a foreigner co-founded it. The school organised march pasts by carefully selected participants who were expected to participate in school for the parade that day. The rest of us were given leave to remain home as a public holiday.

As one of the children staying home on Children’s Day, I vividly have no recollection of any activity significant to the occasion. Both my parents were working-class citizens who were exempted from the break. Nonetheless, any day off school was never a day wasted. Aside from that, the neighbourhood I grew up in comprised families of different social classes. Some with more exposure than others. That was where my home stood.

My Home

I lived in a few places in my childhood right before teenagerhood. But where my earliest conscious and vivid memories sprouted was from the age of five, when we moved to Gyallesu, Makama Road Zaria. There we lived until I became a decade old.

As mentioned earlier, my neighbourhood, Gyallesu, was a mixed neighbourhood of different socio-economic classes of families.

My home, a semi-detached three-bedroom duplex, comprised four families of similar cultural lineage. Like many post-colonial houses, the design had all rooms opening to living and dining quarters. With an indoor kitchen opening to a backdoor. There were also boys’ quarters of tenants of different ethnic groups, many of whom were students of an  FCE nearby. 

There was also a businesswoman who was very fond of me. As a tiringly interrogative child, I would arrest her time immediately when she returned from a journey and eagerly listened to her travelogues while munching on her gifts. She was good company, and I would spend many times in her single bedroom.

The other rooms that housed male student tenants were off-limits on adult orders. I was allowed only polite hellos, and any long conversation had to happen in the compound, under the vast open sky. The reason, which I assume many of you will know. But that is a different topic.

I also had friends within my compound.  The family we shared a wall with had a daughter roughly my age. We would play together in the mix,  attend Islamiyya, and sort out our differences. She was my best friend, and we would explore the neighbourhood outside the confines of our sizeable green-gated compound.

My Neighbourhood

Outside the compound of my home was a street I was not familiar with the name of. This access road ran abreast of my house to the east and west, joining the FCE and Makama roads.

Therefore, my closest neighbours were those along the same access road, on the same and opposite lane. Most houses there were working-class families whose children attended the same school as mine. We would sometimes go together or return the same. On the opposite lane was a polygamous home, a shop, a pharmacy and other homes. The families there were a bit different from ours. Quite content to keep to themselves.

The heart of Gyallesu was the Makama road, which stood perpendicular to one end of our street and was a tarred road bustling with majorly commercial activities. Along it stood provision stores, pharmacies, tailoring shops and a community school. Naturally, children attending the school would face a certain stigma and sometimes object of whispered ridicule by the more affluent kids. But how could the bullies have understood that those kids enjoyed decent education,  closer proximity and cheaper fees?

An essential presence in Gyallesu stood at the end of Makama Road. It was called the Banadeen gate, a security entrance gate to our neighbourhood. One that would be helpful in incidental unrest when the notorious Shi’a leader, also a resident of our neighbourhood, put up personal defences right at the gate. The Shiite presence would pose an internal threat constantly to the residents, yet a comfort during the external invasion. Moreover, the gate would only admit workers after clear identification, an added security point.

So, the neighbourhood contained most of the basic amenities necessary for daily activities. Moreover, security was good, and education was also an integral factor, for at its borders were the Ahmadu Bello University Kongo and the FCE.

One thing was sure. Gyallesu, in the early 2000s, was a very good neighbourhood with room for everyone. Its secure atmosphere allowed children to mingle freely within its streets. In those times, the best memories of my childhood were engraved.

The Chronicles

The choice of the word ‘Chronicle was indeed intentional. For in a child’s mind, the memories that stand out the most were those with the most adventure and mischief.

To say there were many memories of my childhood in Gyallesu is understated. But in the turbulence of these memories, as they filled my head with the sweet nectar of satisfaction, were memories that would corner a smile on my lips for one reason or another. Few among them were our play territories, Quranic learning school, extra-curricular activities and my earliest personal achievements.

1. Play territories

The first thing you should know about children playing in a neighbourhood is that their guardians always set limits or boundaries. The rush, unfortunately, was on breaking them.

Beyond our approved area of play, we would speedily cycle beyond the approved speed limit considered safe by our parents. This violation did not stop at going beyond approved distances but also to dangerous places.

Remember the water hole Simba and Nala went to after being told strictly by Mufasa not to? Yes, we could take our freshly air-pumped bicycles down dangerously steep slopes to go to a river our parents were likely not aware of its existence, spending hours practising jaw-dropping dares.

Thinking of the imagined thrashing we would get if caught was not worthy of stopping us. So we went anyway.

Children will be children.

2. Quranic learning school.

Mischief can be found everywhere, even in the least likely place. My compound friend and I were no exception.

Off Makama Road, we would take the road to our Islamiyya on foot, happily crunching at our remaining break funds we used to buy local delicacies and eat during lessons, which was, of course, frowned upon by teachers.

But the biggest mischief we would put up was finding a reason to race home after lessons. We ensured this by looking for trouble from one person or the other, who clownishly chased us off before my friend’s brother intervened and then threatened to report us back at home. But we would call off his bluff as we thought we also did him a favour by giving him a chance to play the hero of saving us.

We would hide any bruises gained from the ordeal from our parents to prevent further chastise.

3. Extra-Curricular Activities

When I say extracurricular activities, I imagine something productive we would engage in outside school and play.  

For me, this came as a collective effort by the children of my compound to engage in agricultural activities. We all painstakingly participated in planting mangoes and yams for our imagined consumption shortly. But, alas, our dream was to be short-lived as the neighbourhood goat would intervene and eat up our young sprouts, despite our attempts of barbed wire-fencing the young shoots.

This planted anger in our hearts and enacted our intentions for revenge. But, as fate would have it, the accused goat was caught in action. We took turns torturing the goat, which I would not explain. But in the end, it avoided our territory, and we never planted again.

Thinking of the incident brings satisfaction and shame to my now-adult mind. I have learned that the best memories may not always be the strongest but also the worst.

4. Personal Achievements

Above age five, I was beyond being celebrated for milestones. It had to come from something I did in school, at home, or religiously. This memory was from my first attempt at fasting.

At the age of 8, my competitive nature, typical of children, pushed me into attempting 13 hours without food or water.

As a first-timer, the hailing of my siblings and peers got me through the first 10 hours before my biological clock ticked time for protest.

I fought against all pleas and threats to complete the last hour of my fast. Fortunately for me, the Adhan for breaking fast was called just as the silver cup of pap I downed after finishing a plate of Akara touched the table. My mother declared that my fast was valid against the adverse remarks of my disappointed peers.

If you are wondering why I consider this a personal achievement. It is because I think my trial is my most outstanding achievement. The fact that I had not allowed myself to be peer-pressured into my self-prophesied untimely demise was a testament to my strong will and independence.

Conclusion.

Children’s Day may be celebrated differently among different generations. But every childhood is unique per individual.

Now a mother, the childhood I envision for my children is one I hope that someday they remember and cherish the experiences and lessons gained from it.

Happy children’s day to all the children, youth, adults and aged.

Maryam Idris Bappa can be contacted via bappamaryam6@gmail.com.