By Ismail Hashim Abubakar
The coming of the current President, Bola Ahmad Tinubu, on May 29, 2023, was not the beginning of the ongoing hardship that Nigerians have been grappling with. His predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari, elected with high hopes, introduced severe and draconian policies such as the closure of northern borders, which Nigerians consistently condoned due to their optimistic sentiments towards the exceedingly and unanimously celebrated integrity of the former army general.
The masses and different sections of civil society, including religious leaders and respected elites, rejected slight censure of his policies. There were genuine reports of people being corporally attacked and penalised by mobs for openly criticising Buhari, who spent almost two-thirds of his eight-year regime being excused, exculpated and defended until people finally got convinced that the man was no better than other politicians.
Bola Ahmed Tinubu had a tough time becoming President owing to his many dark records and the stigma with which especially northerners viewed him. His eight-year rule as the governor of Lagos state (1999-2007) was a period that witnessed a series of massacres of northerners in Lagos and neighbouring towns within the same Southwestern geopolitical zone. These senseless mayhems were primarily engineered and perpetrated by the OPC militias, who were said to be connected to his alleged political brigandism. This significantly made Tinubu almost infamously unsellable to northern electorates when he showed his ambition to become Nigeria’s president in 2023.
Perhaps Tinubu was fully aware of this or was at least made to know by his northern political allies and loyalists. That was probably why, as part of image-deodorizing strategies, Tinubu paid serial visits to Ulama, especially those who might have been earlier wary, sceptical and apprehensive of his patriotism, nationalism, vision for unity, morality and religious uprightness.
How I wish one of the religious leaders present when Tinubu paid homage to respected Shaykhs in Kano soliciting for support and courting for votes had politely but point-blank told him that due to the experiences of northerners in the crises that erupted in Lagos and Southwest, our people would never accept him until he accepted to do some conciliatory moves which might assuage the age-old void and the stigma our people viewed him. One of them was to advise him to institute a committee that would investigate the OPC massacre of northerners in October 2000, present an estimation of the lives and properties lost and pay for their compensation. He should also charge the committee to offer recommendations to forestall future occurrences and forge unity and cohesion among diverse non-Yoruba ethno-religious groups and their host community living in the Southwest. I do not doubt that although this would sound politically awkward, it would have reminded Tinubu that these religious leaders were concerned with the plight of their people. He would eventually accept any other request for nation-building that northern leaders would have tabled before him as a condition and prerequisite for his election.
Tinubu was able to successfully navigate these hurdles when the Ulama finally accepted him and joined his campaign train, partly due to the apparent reason for promoting a Muslim-Muslim presidency. In one short video clip uploaded on Facebook, one religious leader claimed that it was the Ulama who had insisted that Tinubu must relentlessly contest for presidential post in the 2023 elections, even after he was determined to withdraw from the race (the clip is available herehttps://www.facebook.com/reel/1198771691128341/?mibextid=pX794QQbNUXe42Mf.). All of this combined to prove that the Ulama were instrumental in catapulting Tinubu to the highest political office in the country and would expectedly have weighty words in his government.
The removal of subsidy on the very day Tinubu was sworn in, followed by similar other thoughtless and capitalist policies, had quadrupled the hardship of the masses, drastically shelving the middle class in Nigerian society and forcing people to live in perpetual agony and unprecedented misery. People now eat leaves and grasses that would otherwise only be suitable for animals. Conversely, people in government were busy allotting themselves hefty allowances and big remunerations to ascertain their luxurious lives at the behest of citizens. The president procured a multibillion Naira jet and stupendously expensive yacht from the country’s treasury, besides other juicy and crazy packages, hastily designed and approved within a year of assuming office.
All this while, several efforts have been made by various constituencies to admonish leaders, including the Ulama, who, in their pulpits and other public platforms, called on Tinubu’s government to soften its harsh policies and make life bearable for the poor. As this went on deaf ears, about a month or so ago, winds of mass protest started blowing all over the spaces and skies of the country, signifying that Nigerians have been pushed to the extreme of the wall where they could no longer withstand the increasing stroke of hunger.
Although with barely-known leadership and organisers, the protesters’ demands are obvious and revolve around the reinstatement of fuel subsidy, ending insecurity in all its manifestations, fighting corruption, increasing minimum wage, etc. As soon as plans to hold the protest were laid bare, the northern Nigerian cyberspace became inundated with jurisprudential deliberations on the legality of protest in Islam, with the most popular faces among the Ulama, including those who allegedly endorsed and supported the candidature of Tinubu condemning the move, declaring protest as haram and forewarning the public of its costly consequences. Only a few known clerics have issued statements that support the protest, and their views seem to have been vetoed by their counterparts in the other camp.
This worsened the situation as youths anxious to demonstrate their grievances through the protest interpreted the anti-protest fatwa as an attempt to thwart the masses from checking on and holding leaders accountable. Fingers of blame were brandished by youths against particularly scholars who openly campaigned for Tinubu and others who are known to have partisan loyalty to the ruling party, All Progressive Congress (APC) or have even served in any capacity under the APC-led state or federal government. The youths kept calling on the Ulama to form a united front, meet the president, and advise him to restore the fuel subsidy.
In the psychology of most of the youths, since it was the Ulama who insisted that Tinubu must run, despite his alleged plan to recant the decision, but he finally bowed to the pressure of clerics, the latter have the power to force the president to make a U-turn on the removal of fuel subsidy. In the same vein, since the clerical establishment has been wielding enormous clout and their words “are” (or ought to be) highly respected in the Muslim north, the Ulama did not hesitate to voice their opinions on the planned protest, with little or no recourse to the psychology of the youths or an in-depth consideration of the precise reality of the majority of the youths. Some youths, in fact, never believe that most Ulama are passing through similar situations or do not have a full sense of their difficulty. And because the youth sometimes see some Ulama dining and rubbing shoulders with politicians, they concluded in the protest that they were helpless, with no one among elders to stand with or speak for them. Thus, they had no option but to come out en masse to protest.
In addition, while the youths could recall a leading voice among the Ulama participating in prior protests without any condemnation similar to what was ringing in their ears, they considered the fatwa a clandestine cover given to President Tinubu. This was even conflated when the utterances of some Shaykhs sounded to be encouraging and emboldening the planned crackdown of the protest by Nigeria’s law enforcement agents, without in most cases, warning the security to protect human rights and be cautious of the sanctity of life. The protest has turned chaotic, with dozens of lives and properties worth millions of Naira lost. Still, the articulations of some Ulama reveal a disconnect with the plight of the masses.
In my opinion, instead of the blanket condemnation of the protest, which was planned to be peaceful, albeit operationally difficult, the Ulama should have, in the first place, infiltrated the youths and hijacked the movement and, even if momentarily, emphasised to the government that they recognised peaceful protest as a constitutionally-sanctioned right and means of channelling grievances to authority. Had the youths seen religious leaders in this picture showering their blessings on the movement, they would have behaved more orderly, regained their confidence in the clerics and listened to any order that the Ulama might have issued to them, including possibly postponing the protest for some reasons.
Scholars would have cashed in on the exuberance of the youths as a weapon to force the government to do the needful instead of appearing to have disowned the youths and cursed their movement. Since the reverse is true, the youths still feel that the federal government might have already felt encouraged and correspondingly justified not to listen to them but to also even embark on a mission to stop the protest with excessive force since the youths would be operating under an anathematised umbrella which lacked the blessings of men of God. To restore immediate sanity and stability in the strained relationship between the Ulama and the youths, the latter forming the large chunk of their following and being the backbone of any society, I below offer a few recommendations:
- The Ulama, particularly those whose anti-protest fatwas are circulating, should convene an emergency public lecture to, in vehement and uncompromising language, condemn the crackdown of protesters, warn security agencies to desist from the ongoing brutality against protesters and innocent citizens, remind them of the right of the protesters to demonstrate, call on the government to institute an investigative panel and pay compensation for families of the people killed by Nigerian security, including both among the protesters and the innocent people shot ruthlessly inside their homes.
- The Ulama should advise the government to recant its position and work towards simplifying life for Nigerians. It should immediately start by restoring fuel subsidy and reversing all financial policies that raise the price of the US dollar against the Naira. They should warn the government of possible degeneration that may escalate to anarchy if the government remains dogged and recalcitrant in responding to this request.
- The Ulama should avoid making public comments that may sound like they are absolving politicians of their commissions and omissions while discharging their duties. In line with this, the Ulama should be meticulous and extra-cautious in their dealings with politicians and political leaders. As the latter have gone far in dislodging the influence of traditional leaders, they may go to any length to destroy the career of a cleric who is not careful and gives in to their devilish desires and selfish political interests.
- The Ulama should further take the lead or accordingly guide the next measures, steps, and remedy processes that the youths are planning to resort to in place of the protest, which is fizzling out. These include the organisation of mass prayers, orientation on the need to resort to recall lawmakers and sensitising the public to strategise the public for future elections.
- Youths and protesters should avoid issuing generalised, unverifiable allegations against the Ulama and desist from making scathing comments about their persons. They should wholeheartedly accept their views or honourably reject them in favour of contrary opinions. All this should be done in good faith.
- The protesters should be careful not to allow mischievous elements within and outside the country to hijack the protest to promote perpetual conspiratorial ambitions in the land. In line with this, they should outright stop calling for a military coup and desist from waving the flag of any country.
- Muslim scholars and intellectuals need to create a forum to deliberate Nigeria’s political climate vis-à-vis Islamic leadership provisions and formulate a political vision and working formula that will take into account Islamic political values and the existing realities of Nigeria’s political setting.
- Last but not least, the federal government headed by Bola Tinubu should be cautious of its move to use force to quell dissent and remember that it is a democratically elected institution and not a military junta. Therefore, it must listen to its citizens and work towards ameliorating their conditions. It should focus on discharging its mandate and avoid meddling in the affairs of the state in a way that jeopardises its security. It should allow state governors to manage their affairs and intervene positively without the littlest detrimental political motives.
Ismail Hashim Abubakar wrote from Nouakchott, Mauritania and could be reached via ismailiiit18@gmail.com.
