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By Muhammad Ahmad Iliasu

When Barr. Ammani recommended Hillary Clinton’s Autobiography ‘Living History’ to me back in 2018, I said to myself where could I find it? Because, among others, one thing was certain; books that are authored across the ocean are not easy to find. And if, in the rare case, they are available, a young student like me was most likely priced out of contention.

Then one day, during one of my trekking braggadocios between Kantin Kwari, Bata to Sabon Gari, I stumbled upon an intensely greying old man of modest stature, smiley and incredibly alert and mobile for a man of his age. What pulled my attention to his makeshift shop wasn’t him, but rather the large book carrying the face of Herbert Hoover – USA’s 31st President.

At that time, there were a lot of debates in our Macro class in BUK on Buhari’s Protectionist policy. And with Yanis Varoufakis’s dominance on my bookshelf, how protectionism backfired against Hoover as stated in his ‘Global Minotaur’ became of great interest to me. I didn’t only want to know all about protectionism in the 1930s but the whole lifetime of President Hoover and his administration.

Therefore I stepped to the old man, pointed at the book and asked ‘how much is that one, Baba?’ ‘It’s price is two-thousand five-hundred Naira, boy’ – he replied. I responded ‘what?’ – almost terrified by its incredible cheapness, even though I didn’t have that amount at the time. To which he incredibly remarked ‘if you are truly serious, I will leave it to you at one-thousand seven-hundred Naira’. I laughed and borrowed the money from my boss’s change to settle the payment. I asked him once again ‘do you by any chance have Living History?’ The old man smiled and said ‘That will be Hillary Clinton’s Autobiography. I sold it two days ago. But I have ‘Women in Charge’. He put my curiosity into perspective with that response. Because I didn’t think he would know that instantly. And from then my relationship with him became very close. I admired his familiarity with books, genres and authors. And he became fond of how much I was willing to spend on books.

Interestingly, we never exchanged contacts. I usually stopped by his place anytime my boss sent me to Sabon Gari. And whenever he had a book he knew I’d like, he would keep asking his customers if they knew one big lad from the core metropolis who is crazy about books – I knew that because he asked three people who knew me and passed the message.

Beyond the unbelievable cheapness of his books, what made Alaji Garba special wasn’t his eagerness to sell, but knowing what his customers wanted to buy. He had a way of profiling people’s interest perfectly. For example, anytime he had an autobiography of a famous leader or historical figure he would try his best to see me acquire it. I recall how he kept the biography of Joseph Stalin waiting for weeks even though many wanted to get it ahead of me. Funny enough, I didn’t know who Stalin was at that time. He just believed I would like it. And he was right.

From him I acquired more than 20 biographies of US presidents including those of Washington, Maddison, Jefferson, Lincoln, FDR and Reagan. I first heard about The Bourbons, House of Windsor and The Bolsheviks from him. Better yet, he supplied deep readings on them. I got classics authored by Rousseau, Locke, Homer, Byron, Marx, Calder, Orwell, Dante and Dumas from Alaji Garba.

He introduced me to the artistic savagery of Mario Puzo’s Mafia and the boiling horror of Stephen King. I know Jenni Calder and her father Angus Calder because of Alaji Garba, and thanks to that I know Thomas Carlyle and whoever he mentioned in his analysis of Heroes. I’ve forgotten to mention the book “Heroes” by Jenni which Alaji Garba gave me almost for free, the very book whose analytical dexterity formed the earliest foundation of my ability to conflate history with literature, personality with reality, and what an author seeks to achieve with every detail of his book.

On the afternoon I bought Eisenhower’s biography, Alaji Garba gave me ‘Thirty Centuries of Command’ for free. And beyond acquiring familiarity with the military-industrial complex, the misinformations in the Thirty Centuries of Command on Sultan Muhammad al-Fatih rattled me into reading the history of the Ottoman Empire since Sulayman Shah and Ertugrul up to Lawrence of Arabia and Mustafa Kemal Attaturk.

Indeed, I am nothing without my bookshelf, and my bookshelf would be nothing without Alaji Garba’s heavenly supply. There are five times more books on my shelf that were supplied by Alaji Garba than any other bookseller. And he’s probably only edged by Jakara City on the quantity of my readings supplied. The poor man, whom I truly loved, probably had no idea what he was doing jumping from one shadow to another under a bridge with those small sacks of old treatises. He was probably just trying to put food on his table, unsure of who next will buy, and whether that will be enough to pay the fare home. But he was more than that. And I wish he knew it. I wish he knew how many lives he changed with that materially unrewarding trade. I wish he can get recognition for the volume of knowledge he worked very hard to put into the hands of people who otherwise would never have gotten the chance to get.

I wish he knew how much I loved him and how much I understood his efforts and how much I admired him and his trade. I wish he knew how people like him inspire me to be great despite having no independent ambition to be so, just so that when I tell their story to the people who should’ve known them it will bear some weight. I write, partially, so I could tell the stories that may never be told. And Alaji Garba’s is truly one of a kind. May Allah rest him in His eternal peace. May ‘Iqra’a’ rescues him from the wrath on the day of judgement. For certainly very few have dedicated more to the love of reading.

Muhammad Ahmad Iliyasu is Strategic Communications Officer at the Center for Fiscal Transparency and Public Integrity. He can be reached via his email: Muhada102@gmail.com

By Anwar Usman

The Nigerian Army has expressed serious concern over the scanty number of applications from Southeastern states for its 2025 recruitment exercise.

This was revealed by Brigadier-General Chima Ekeator, leading the recruitment enlightenment team on Sunday, inEnugu stating that Kaduna State has seen over 3,000 applications, while Enugu has only around a hundred, a trend observed across the region.

He urged Southeast youths to apply in greater numbers to fill their allocated quotas.Ekeator said that, “Our people are losing what rightly belongs to them. Each year, whenever a slot is being allocated to our people, we keep noticing that the number of applicants from our side is usually very poor.

“Take for example, Enugu State was given about 200 slots, but the people who made it were never up to 100 due to poor application. This has also become a recurring decimal in other states in the South East.

He further stated that “Today’s statistics on the number of applicants show that Kaduna has about 3,000 applicants, while Enugu is still battling with about a hundred; and by the time we are through with screening, you will not have enough to recruit from the state.”

He disclaimed the allegation that people of South East origin were being killed in their numbers in the Army because they were the first to be sent to the battle fronts.

He added that the region was also holding strategic positions in the Army presently.

Earlier, the Commissioner for Youths and Sports Development, Barr. Lloyd Ekweremadu regretted that the problem had persisted despite the collective efforts to reverse the trend and called for a review of modes of advertising the opportunities and the need to provide more details about the benefits of serving in the Army.

He stated that, “While seated here, I was just trying to conduct very quick research and it appears this same problem is happening worldwide and militaries across the world are deploying more cutting-edge strategies for recruitment because we are talking about the new generation that you communicate in a different way from the past”.

He stated Governor Peter Mbah’s readiness to ensuring that the state filled its quota, describing the military as a noble and highly respected profession across the world.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema has been elected president of Gabon, securing more than 90% of the vote in the country’s first election since the 2023 military coup that brought him to power.

General Oligui Nguema, who led the ousting of longtime leader Ali Bongo Ondimba in August 2023, had been serving as transitional president. His victory marks a significant milestone in Gabon’s political transition following the end of the Bongo family’s 56-year rule.

The provisional results, announced by electoral authorities, indicate overwhelming support for Oligui Nguema, though opposition figures have raised concerns about the fairness of the process.

The election is seen as a pivotal moment for the central African nation as it seeks to restore democratic governance and stability.

By Murtala Sani

The challenge faced by Comrade Aminu Abdussalam Gwarzo during 2023 gubernatorial election was big.

The opponents that rose against him included the former Deputy Governor of Kano State who was also the first APC Chairman of the State, Eng. Abdullahi Tijjani Muhammad Gwarzo, the grassroot politician that adopted Jehovah Witness-like door to door political campaign in order to win against the Comrade during the election.

Three powerful incumbent commissioners from different powerful wards waged war against the Comrade. Commissioner of Environment who is also a good friend of Ganduje’s daughter, Dr.Kabiru Ibrahim Getso, used his power to ensure the downfall of the Comrade during the election. Commissioner of Youths and Sports, Kabiru Ado Lakwaya, who was also the President of NYCN Kano State Chapter, mobilized his aluta boys to articulate APC agenda before the election just to bring down the Comrade. Commissioner of Budget and Planning, Alhaji Ibrahim Dan’azumi Gwarzo, a master strategist, used his old political wisdom and wits in fighting the Comrade during the election.

Three Managing Directors were not left behind in hacking the Comrade with their political axes:

1) MD. REMASSAB, Abdullahi Mu’azu (Babangandu) who is now the member representing Gwarzo/Kabo at the Federal House of Representatives, the APC moniepoint, made sure that money was circulating all over Gwarzo local government to pin down the Comrade during the election.

2) MD. WRECA, Mallam Munir Ahmad, decided to persuade voters with his Ibrahim Shekarau’s type of style of politics by using spiritual quotations to persuade voters to turn down the Comrade during the election.

3) MD. Zoo, Alhaji Sa’idu Gwadabe, used his political connections to smash down the Comrade during the election.

Former member Kano State House of Assembly representing Gwarzo Constituency, Hon. Sa’idu Kutama was conspiring against the Comrade during the election. Former as well as current member representing Gwarzo Constituency at Kano State House of Assembly, Hon. Haruna Kayyu, was busy castigating the Comrade during the election.

The Chairman of Gwarzo Local Government, Eng.Bashir Kutama, engineered all the ten elected councillors and the surpervisory councillors along with his appointed special advisers from various wards of Gwarzo Local Government to tear apart the Comrade during the election.

On the other hand, the four times Senator representing Kano North Constituency in the Senates, Senator Bello Hayatu Gwarzo who manned the seat of Chief of Whip in the Senate,was mercilessly whipping the Comrade with his PDP-APC laced political party to bend down the Comrade during the election.

From the outside, Murtala Sule Garo, the influencial Commissioner of Local Government Affairs and Deputy Gubernatorial candidate of Kano State was throwing political bombs on the Comrade through his political soldiers during the election in order to crush down the Comrade during the election.

Again, the two times Senator representing Kano North Constituency as well as the present Deputy Senate President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Senator Barau Jibril, was pouring palliatives to the electorates in order to dig a political grave for the Comrade during the election.

Still, his opponents had to add with tearing votes and smashing polling boxes to see his end during the election. At that moment, the highest political figure behind the Comrade was two times former member representing Gwarzo Constituency at Kano State House of Assembly, Hon.Rabi’u Saleh.

Yet, like a legendary Dramendra of the Bollywood, the Comrade dispersed all of them to become legally elected Deputy Governor of Kano State along with Eng.Abba Kabir Yusuf as the elected Governor of Kano State.

Comrade Gwarzo is really Gwarzo.

Murtala Sani writes from Gwarzo, Kano State.

Innā li-Llāhi wa-innā ilayhi rājiʿūn.

The passing of Prof. Khurshīd Aḥmad marks the end of an era in the intellectual development of contemporary Islamic thought, particularly in the fields of al-Iqtiṣād al-Islāmī (Islamic economics) and al-Mālīyyah al-Islāmiyyah (Islamic finance). 

A polymath, visionary, and tireless reformer, Prof. Khurshīd Aḥmad was one of the most distinguished Muslim thinkers of the 20th and 21st centuries. His scholarship, activism, and public service bridged the worlds of theory and practice, faith and governance, tradition and modernity.

Born in Delhi in 1932 and later migrating to Pakistan following the partition, he pursued higher education in economics and law. He eventually earned a Master’s in Islamic Studies and a PhD in Economics from the University of Leicester, United Kingdom. He was not merely an academic in the conventional sense; he was an intellectual activist whose writings and public engagements profoundly shaped the global discourse on Islam and economic justice.

His Legacy in Islamic Finance

Among his many contributions, Prof. Khurshī Aḥmad’s most outstanding intellectual work in the field of Islamic finance is arguably his foundational role in articulating and systematising the theoretical framework of an Islamic economic order, particularly through his seminal work: Islam: Its Meaning and Message (edited by Khurshīd Aḥmad, first published 1976).

This edited volume contains his essay  “The Islamic Way of Life”, which not only presents the ethical foundations of Islam but also outlines the spiritual, social, and economic dimensions of Islamic governance.

More specifically related to economics is his earlier and pioneering treatise: Islamic Economic System: A Socio-Economic and Political Analysis (1970). This work laid down the theoretical underpinnings of al-Niẓām al-Iqtiṣādī al-Islāmī and served as a cornerstone for the subsequent emergence of Islamic banking and financial institutions.

In Islamic Economic System, Prof. Khurshīd Aḥmad delineates a clear moral and functional distinction between the capitalist, socialist, and Islamic paradigms, advocating a system well entrenched in tawḥīd, ʿadl, and mashwarah.

He was also instrumental in the formation of the International Institute of Islamic Economics (IIIE) at the International Islamic University, Islamabad. He advised several governments and Islamic financial institutions in conceptualising and implementing Sharīʿah-compliant economic policies. His influence continues to shape policies in countries like Pakistan, Malaysia, and Sudan, and in global institutions such as the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB).

Prof. Khurshī Aḥmad’s intellectual legacy transcends geographical and disciplinary boundaries. He championed a vision of Islamic economics and finance not merely as an alternative system but as a holistic worldview embedded in divine guidance and aimed at achieving justice, equity, and human dignity.

May Allāh (Subḥānahu wa Taʿālā) forgive his shortcomings, reward him with Jannah al-Firdaws, and accept his works as ṣadaqah jāriyah. His writings will continue enlightening scholars, guiding policymakers, and inspiring future generations.

Dr. Oyekolade Sodiq OYESANYA wrote from the Department of Religious Studies, Tai Solarin University of Education, Ijagun, Ogun State, Nigeria.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

As politicking for the 2027 elections gradually gains momentum, both new and familiar scenarios will inevitably emerge. Nigeria’s political landscape is dynamic and often shaped by geopolitical factors, and 2027 will be no exception.

The truth is, despite its internal wranglings and historical baggage, any coalition that does not have the PDP as its central pillar is unlikely to achieve the kind of national spread required to win a presidential election in Nigeria. The PDP, with its extensive grassroots network and long-standing presence across all six geopolitical zones, remains the only opposition party with a truly nationwide structure, even if its influence has somewhat waned in recent years.

Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, notable third-force figures from the 2023 elections, lack enthusiasm for any clearly defined coalition. Obi appears ready to pursue the presidency again, but the conditions that fueled his surprising 2023 performance- particularly the support from urban youth and disenchanted Christian voters— have significantly waned. This support was initially driven by fear over Tinubu’s Muslim-Muslim ticket, which caused concerns among Christians. Today, that fear has faded, and ironically, the Muslim-Muslim arrangement includes more Christian participation in government than anticipated.

Kwankwaso, on the other hand, appears to have adopted a more pragmatic, localised approach- ‘ state capture. Kwankwaso’s posture suggests a strategy of quiet autonomy: “I have Kano; let me control it. I won’t interfere with you, and don’t interfere with me.” This ‘state capture’ mentality may give him relevance at the regional level but severely limits his national appeal.

President Tinubu, meanwhile, has carelessly  or perhaps inadvertently squandered the political capital that the APC enjoyed in the North from 2015 to 2023. During that period, the APC could count on overwhelming support from northern voters , often to the extent that votes from a single state could nearly cancel out those from entire geopolitical zones elsewhere. That dominance was largely tied to a geopolitical strongholds strategy . Tinubu’s failure to maintain and galvanize this strategy will eat up the APC’s traditional votes in the North, which are very key for the APC’s return to a second term.

Furthermore, Tinubu has, whether knowingly or not, revitalised the dormant CPC bloc — a faction of the APC that once represented the ideological and political base of Buhari’s loyalists. Now, with the central leadership perceived as disconnected from northern interests, the CPC bloc sees an opportunity to reassert itself. In regions like the Northwest, particularly, this could lead to a realignment of loyalties, with Tinubu’s influence weakening in favor of those viewed as more authentically representing northern interests. 

Nepotism is nepotism. While Buhari’s nepotism was largely regional and driven by northern priorities, Tinubu’s appears more ethnic and focused on Lagos, which could prove politically costly if not urgently recalibrated. That said, Tinubu still has time and political tools to course-correct before 2027, if he chooses to use them wisely.

The current coalition promoters, however, appear to be relying on an outdated strategy. The 2015-style bandwagon movement, built around the idea of ‘change,’ is unlikely to resonate with voters in 2027. Buhari’s eight-year presidency has left a mixed legacy, with many citizens feeling disillusioned by the unmet expectations. The old formula simply won’t work again.

In 2027, two key elements will determine electoral success, not only at the center but also in the states: substantial resources, both financial and structural , and science. The days when charisma and rhetoric alone could deliver victory are over. Any political group serious about winning must adopt a data-driven strategy. This entails conducting thorough research into voter behavior, turnout patterns, demographic shifts, and regional voting strengths. 

It also requires understanding the psychology of the electorate, particularly among young voters, who now constitute a decisive segment. Apolitical political scientists, data analysts, and behavioural experts will play a more vital role than ever before. Without this approach, even the best-funded campaign could fall flat.

Finally, it is important to accept that the coalition model of 2015 and the voting behavior of 2023 are not likely to repeat themselves. Nigeria’s political terrain has evolved, so to speak . As of today , although tomorrow is uncertain, the three major blocs heading into the 2027 elections appear to be Tinubu’s APC, the PDP, and the rest . It is shaping up to be a near-zero-sum game. 

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

‎By Abdulhakeem Yetu Zakari

‎Despite growing awareness, sexual exploitation continues to cast a dark shadow over the entertainment industry in Nigeria and elsewhere. Behind the glitz and glamour, many aspiring talents face coercion, harassment, and abuse in their pursuit of success. Stronger policies, accountability, and systemic change are urgently needed to create a safer industry.

‎Sexual exploitation in entertainment is an open secret that has persisted for decades. It manifests in various forms, from coercion and harassment to outright trafficking. Vulnerable individuals, often young and inexperienced, are preyed upon by those in positions of power. The “sex-for-role” culture, in which opportunities are exchanged for sexual favors, remains alarmingly prevalent. Those who resist or speak out risk being blacklisted, experiencing retaliation, or even being driven out of the industry entirely.

‎The entertainment world thrives on connections, and unfortunately, this has allowed predators to operate with impunity. Victims, fearing career sabotage or public shaming, often remain silent. The imbalance of power between industry gatekeepers and struggling artists makes it even harder to challenge abusive behaviours.

‎The #MeToo movement, which gained global traction in 2017, was a watershed moment. Survivors courageously came forward, exposing influential figures like Harvey Weinstein and forcing the industry to confront its deep-seated issues. This sparked widespread discussions, policy changes, and an increased demand for accountability.‎

Despite the above strides, exploitation remains a pressing issue. While some perpetrators have been held accountable, many still evade justice. Survivors continue to face obstacles in their pursuit of legal recourse, with cases often dismissed or settlements used to silence victims.

‎Ending sexual exploitation in entertainment requires more than just conversations, it demands concrete action:

‎Stronger Legal Frameworks – Governments and industry regulators must enforce stricter policies against workplace harassment and sexual exploitation. Clear legal consequences should deter potential offenders.

‎Whistleblower Protection – Survivors and witnesses should be able to report abuse without fear of retaliation. Anonymous reporting systems and legal safeguards are crucial.

‎Industry Accountability – Entertainment companies must adopt zero-tolerance policies for misconduct, conduct thorough background checks, and establish independent oversight committees to investigate allegations.

‎Empowering Victims – Access to legal aid, mental health support, and career counselling can help survivors rebuild their lives. Platforms that amplify their voices must be encouraged.

‎Changing the Culture – Education on consent, power dynamics, and ethical professional relationships should be integrated into industry training programs. A shift in mindset is necessary to dismantle the normalisation of abuse.

‎ The fight against sexual exploitation in entertainment is far from over. Every stakeholder, from industry executives to audiences, plays a role in demanding transparency, justice, and respect for all talents. Only through sustained pressure and institutional reform can we ensure an industry where success is based on talent, not exploitation.

‎It is not just a matter of morality but of fundamental human rights. The time to act is now.

‎Abdulhakeem Yetu Zakari is an intern with PRNigeria. He can be reached via abdulhakeemzakari7@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

A fatal accident involving two DAF trucks claimed one life and left two others injured in the early hours of Sunday, April 13, 2025.

The crash occurred around 2:00 AM in Magama Gumau Town when a sand-laden truck rammed into a stationary broken-down truck.

The impact sparked a fire that engulfed both vehicles, killing 23-year-old Usman Magaji and injuring two others.

Police and emergency responders from the Toro Divisional Headquarters swiftly arrived, extinguishing the flames and rescuing the victims.

The injured were rushed to Toro General Hospital, where Magaji was pronounced dead.

The Bauchi State Commissioner of Police, CP Sani-Omolari Aliyu, psc(+), mni, urged drivers to obey traffic regulations, stressing the need for proper warning signs when vehicles break down.

He also ordered a thorough investigation by the Central Motor Traffic Department (MTD).

Authorities continue to warn motorists against reckless driving to prevent further tragedies.

By Uzair Adam

A United States District Court in Washington, D.C., has directed the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) to release information concerning Nigerian President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

The decision was delivered on Tuesday by Judge Beryl Howell, who ruled in favour of Aaron Greenspan, an American activist pushing for public disclosure of documents relating to alleged investigations involving Tinubu and one Abiodun Agbele.

According to Premium Times, Judge Howell dismissed the argument by the agencies that withholding the documents was necessary, describing it as “neither logical nor plausible.”

Greenspan had filed the suit under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), arguing that the FBI and DEA violated the law by refusing to release the requested documents within the timeframe stipulated by the Act.

He alleged that the records relate to previous federal investigations into the Nigerian leader and his associate.

In 1993, Tinubu reportedly forfeited $460,000 to the U.S. government after law enforcement linked the funds to suspected proceeds of narcotics trafficking.

This issue resurfaced during the 2023 presidential election legal battle when opposition candidates Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi questioned his eligibility.

However, the Presidential Election Petition Court upheld Tinubu’s victory.

Judge Howell ruled that the FBI and DEA’s use of ‘Glomar’ responses — which neither confirm nor deny the existence of records — was improper.

The court found that the agencies failed to justify their decision under FOIA exemptions and acknowledged that both Tinubu and Agbele had been subjects of prior investigations.

The judge added that the plaintiff successfully demonstrated that the agencies had already publicly acknowledged relevant information, thereby waiving their right to withhold it.

The ruling marks a partial victory for Greenspan, setting the stage for the possible release of sensitive documents tied to a decades-old controversy involving Nigeria’s current president.

By Uzair Adam

Borno State Governor, Babagana Zulum, has sympathised with victims of a deadly explosion suspected to have been triggered by Boko Haram insurgents along the Maiduguri–Damboa highway.

The attack, believed to have been caused by an Improvised Explosive Device (IED), claimed the lives of eight civilians and left 21 others injured on Saturday.

The victims were travelling in civilian vehicles when the blast occurred.Fourteen of the injured sustained serious injuries, while seven others were treated for minor wounds at the State Specialist Hospital in Maiduguri.

Speaking during a visit to the hospital, Governor Zulum described the incident as deeply regrettable, noting that Borno had not witnessed an IED-related attack in over a year.

“It is unfortunate this is happening now. We haven’t witnessed an IED attack for over a year,” the governor stated, pointing out that the highway had been closed for a month before the tragic incident.

Zulum expressed grief over the loss of lives and extended condolences to the families of the deceased.

He reiterated his administration’s unwavering support for the Nigerian military and other security agencies, urging them to step up surveillance along the highway to avert further attacks.

He stressed that the state government would continue working closely with the federal government and security forces to address the security challenges posed by insurgents.

“I assure the people of Borno that, ‘Insha Allah’, under my leadership, we will not allow the security situation to worsen,” he added.

The governor also pledged to strengthen community-based security efforts, particularly by supporting the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) and youth volunteers involved in counter-insurgency operations.

Commenting on a recent security meeting held in Abuja with military chiefs, Zulum said the discussions were fruitful, especially concerning the resurgence of Boko Haram activities.

“We met with the service chiefs in Abuja and received assurances from them that they would do everything possible to manage the situation,” he said.

The Borno State government has called for stronger collaboration between local intelligence networks and security agencies to improve early warning systems and prevent similar attacks in the future.