Zamfara State

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

Nigeria has fallen into a bitter cycle of violence, with communities caught in a war they neither invited nor comprehend. In four days, at least 145 Nigerians were abducted in Kebbi, Zamfara, and Niger. This included 25 schoolgirls kidnapped in Kebbi, three villagers killed, 64 seized in Zamfara, 16 vigilantes murdered, and 42 abducted in Niger. The headlines are shocking, but the stories are more troubling: rural areas are dissolving under fear, abandonment, and rising criminal violence.

For many Nigerians, these incidents are not isolated tragedies; they are part of a vicious pattern stretching back years. In 2023, during the tense pre-election months, at least 792 Nigerians were abducted in only the first quarter, according to verified data. Today, as political parties warm up again for the 2027 contest, the shadows are lengthening once more. Insecurity rises, rhetoric rises, promises rise, but communities continue to fall.

The Kebbi school attack is particularly symbolic. Once again, the targets were schoolgirls. Once again, a perimeter fence proved more ceremonial than protective. Once again, armed men walked into a public school as though strolling through an unguarded market. According to the police, the bandits arrived at about 4:00 a.m., firing into the air and overpowering the school’s security before escaping with 25 children. A staff member, Hassan Makuku, was killed. A guard was shot. And the students vanished into the vast, unregulated forests that now function as safe havens for armed groups.

The Federal Government has condemned the attack as governments always do, calling it “reprehensible,” promising swift rescue, and directing security agencies to “locate, rescue and ensure justice.” The Minister of Defence described the incident as “totally unacceptable.” These statements are necessary, but they do little for the parents who now spend their days staring at empty bunks and silent uniforms.

Zamfara’s case is no less alarming. Entire families were carted away from Tsafe and Maru LGAs, with reports confirming three deaths and at least 64 abducted in one attack alone. Communities such as Zurmi, Shinkafi, Maradun, Maru and Bungudu have lived under this shadow for years. They pay levies. They negotiate to farm. They bury loved ones. They flee at night. Banditry in Zamfara has evolved into a parallel economy, one that thrives because the state’s presence has weakened, and criminal syndicates now operate with cold confidence.

Niger State’s tragedy further complicates the picture. Sixteen vigilantes were killed, and dozens were kidnapped. These vigilantes are ordinary residents who step in where the state has failed with torches, dane guns and courage as their only armour. They are outmatched, outgunned and overstretched. Yet they stand in the gap because the alternative is abandonment.

What links Kebbi, Zamfara and Niger is not geography but the silence that follows after promises fade and attention shifts elsewhere. Rural Nigeria has become the theatre of a slow, grinding war of attrition. Schools, farms, highways and markets have become targets. Parents now enrol children in schools not by distance or quality, but by safety. Communities now make security decisions based on rumours, not signals from the government.

Reactions from political figures capture a growing national frustration. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar condemned the attacks as “a reminder of worsening insecurity,” pointing also to killings in Plateau, Benue and Kano. The PDP accused the Federal Government of “preferring politicisation to protection.” Security experts have raised deeper worries. Former CP Emmanuel Ojukwu warned that abductions often spike ahead of elections, becoming tools of disruption and intimidation. Another retired CP, Ladodo Rabiu, countered that insecurity has now become permanent, not seasonal, and politicians merely exploit it when convenient.

Both views reveal a brutal truth: Nigeria’s insecurity is no longer episodic; it is structural. It feeds on weak governance, fragile policing, porous borders, fragmented jurisdictions, and an overstretched military deployed incessantly for internal duties it was never designed to handle.

But beyond statistics and politics lies the real crisis, a moral one. Rural Nigerians are bearing the brunt of the state’s slow decay. They pay for security with money they don’t have. They live in fear; they didn’t create. They bury victims they cannot protect. Nigeria is failing them not because officials do not speak loudly, but because institutions do not act deeply.

So where does the problem lie, and what must be done?

First, the country’s security response remains reactive. Troops are deployed after attacks, not before them. Intelligence is gathered after kidnappings, not to prevent them. This cycle guarantees repetition. Nigeria must invest in village-level intelligence networks, not just forest-level firepower.

Second, the state is fragmented. Federal, state and local security efforts exist in parallel but rarely intersect meaningfully. Community policing remains a slogan instead of a functional architecture. Insecurity requires a coordinated chain; currently, Nigeria operates with scattered links.

Third, governance in the North-West has become inconsistent. Some states negotiate with bandits; others fight them; others allow communities to fend for themselves. Criminals easily read these patterns and exploit them.

Fourth, poverty and governance failure feed bandit armies. Unemployed youths become foot soldiers. Unprotected forests become camps. Unregulated mining corridors become revenue lines. No amount of military operations can defeat a criminal economy unless the incentives are dismantled.

Finally, transparency is missing. Nigerians rarely know what works or fails. Operations are announced, but outcomes are not documented. Without accountability, improvement is impossible.

The solutions are not mysterious. Deploy intelligence-driven operations; rebuild local policing; integrate vigilantes into formal security structures with training; secure forests with drone surveillance; regulate mining corridors; strengthen border patrols; ensure swift prosecution of captured bandits; and most importantly, ensure that victims are rescued quickly and consistently.

But no solution will matter unless Nigeria is honest with itself: the country has abandoned its rural citizens, leaving millions to bargain daily with terror. Kebbi, Zamfara and Niger are not just news items; they are warning lights for a nation whose peripheries are collapsing inward.

The question now is not whether the government will condemn the attacks it already has. The question is whether Nigerians will see meaningful change, or whether new tragedies will replace these before this week ends.

Until the state reclaims every inch of its territory physically, administratively and morally, rural Nigerians will continue to live on borrowed certainty, waiting for the next sound of gunshots in the night.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicated commentator based in Abuja.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

Prominent Islamic scholar, Sheikh Ahmad Mahmud Abubakar Gumi, has publicly endorsed the appointment of former Zamfara State governor Bello Muhammad Matawalle as Minister of State for Defence, arguing that his approach to insecurity prioritises dialogue and community engagement over purely military solutions.

In a post shared on his Facebook page, Gumi said security experts have long maintained that communal conflicts cannot be resolved through force alone, noting that military action accounts for “only about 25 per cent” of effective conflict resolution. He described Matawalle as one of the few political leaders who recognised this reality during his tenure as Zamfara governor.

According to Gumi, Matawalle’s outreach to aggrieved groups significantly reduced banditry in the state at the time, reopening major roads and markets that had been shut for years due to insecurity. He cited personal travel experiences along routes such as Gusau–Anka–Gummi and Wurno–Isa–Shinkafi–Gusau, which he said had become safe during that period.

“Cattle markets were opened, and life was returning to normal,” Gumi wrote, adding that the gains were later reversed following what he described as “military non-cooperation,” which led to renewed hostilities.

The cleric argued that Matawalle’s current role at the Ministry of Defence places “round pegs into round holes,” urging Nigerians to set aside “petty local politics” in support of what he called a new federal government paradigm shift in addressing insecurity. He concluded by praying for unity, peace, and progress for the country.

Gumi’s intervention has once again sparked debate, given his controversial role in public discussions on banditry and insecurity in northern Nigeria. While some supporters credit him with advocating dialogue as a pathway to peace, critics have accused him of being sympathetic to armed bandits—allegations he has repeatedly denied.

Security analysts remain divided on the effectiveness of non-kinetic strategies, with many arguing that dialogue must be carefully balanced with law enforcement and accountability. The federal government has yet to officially respond to Gumi’s remarks, but officials have consistently maintained that Nigeria’s security challenges require a mix of military action, intelligence-led policing, and community-based initiatives.

As the administration continues to recalibrate its security strategy, Gumi’s comments contribute to the ongoing national conversation on how best to end violence and restore stability across conflict-affected regions.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Shock and outrage have trailed the appearance of a notorious militia leader, Babaro, at a government-backed peace dialogue in Faskari Local Government Area on Sunday. The bandit commander, long accused of mass killings and sexual violence, arrived at the meeting heavily armed and in a convoy, alongside his fighters.

Witnesses said Babaro and his gang openly flaunted their weapons, taunted residents, and bragged that “nothing will happen to them” despite years of terrorising communities across Katsina and neighbouring states.

Babaro is accused of carrying out some of the deadliest attacks in the region, including the massacre of more than 50 worshippers during morning prayers at Unguwar Mantau Mosque in August. Survivors say the bloodstains of that slaughter are still visible on the mosque’s walls and floor. He is also alleged to have raped women and girls in front of their families, and, together with fellow warlord Kachalla Isiya Akwashi Garwa, killed an unconfirmed number of people, particularly in the Faskari axis.

In Kankara, Malumfashi, and other parts of Katsina, his name has become synonymous with fear, mass abductions, and relentless bloodshed.

The decision to give Babaro and his fighters a seat at a peace meeting has left victims’ families devastated. Relatives of abducted persons, some of whom attended the dialogue, broke down in tears as they watched the same men who killed their loved ones sit at the negotiating table with impunity.

Amnesty International Nigeria sharply criticised the development, warning that privileging armed groups while silencing victims only deepens injustice.

“The mere notion that it is now acceptable for a group of people in Nigeria to carry arms that are solely used to kill people who are never armed is unbelievable,” said Isa Sanusi, spokesperson of Amnesty International Nigeria. “The assumption that those who are carrying sophisticated arms and decorate themselves with bullet magazines can accept peace or are ready to renounce violence is faulty. Nonsense.”

Sanusi questioned how bandits like Babaro continue to obtain weapons and logistical support while victims are left unprotected, marginalised, and ignored.

The Faskari meeting has reignited anger over the government’s controversial peace overtures to armed groups in the northwest, where thousands of people have been killed, abducted, and displaced in a decade-long wave of violence.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Yellow Danbokkolo, the notorious bandit kingpin long feared across eastern Sokoto and parts of Zamfara State, has died from injuries sustained during a fierce confrontation with Nigerian security forces last week.

His death was confirmed by Abdulaziz Abdulaziz, Senior Special Assistant to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on Print Media, via a post on his verified social media account. According to Abdulaziz, Danbokkolo succumbed to his wounds on Sunday.

Danbokkolo, widely considered even more dangerous than the infamous Bello Turji, was linked to numerous deadly attacks in the region. He was the mastermind of the gruesome December 2021 arson attack in Shinkafi, Zamfara State, where dozens of travellers were burned alive.

Security sources say the bandit leader’s reign of terror was sustained by a chronic addiction to pentazocine, a powerful opioid, which he reportedly abused in heavy doses.

Residents of the affected communities have expressed relief at the news, hoping it marks a turning point in the fight against rural banditry in Nigeria’s northwest.

By Uzair Adam  

Fifteen individuals, identified as members of local vigilante groups, lost their lives on Saturday due to an accidental military airstrike in Tungar Kara and surrounding villages in Maradun and Zurmi Local Government Areas of Zamfara State. 

The Daily Reality reports that over 30 others sustained injuries in the incident.  

Residents disclosed that the tragedy occurred after successfully repelling bandits in two separate attacks. 

According to Musa, a resident of Jan-Bako, bandits had invaded the villages on Friday but were driven away by armed locals. 

“On Saturday, the bandits regrouped and returned, but we fought back and chased them out again,” Musa explained.  

While villagers stationed themselves on nearby hills to monitor any potential return of the bandits, a military jet reportedly mistook them for criminals. It launched an attack, resulting in civilian casualties.  

Muhammad Aminu, another local, lamented the tragedy, saying, “After chasing away the bandits, a military fighter jet bombed our people. It is devastating and deeply regrettable.”  

A police officer in Maradun LGA confirmed that most victims were vigilantes and members of the Zamfara Community Protection Guards (CPG) who had been pursuing the fleeing bandits. 

“Their outfits might have led to the mistaken identification as bandits,” the officer added.  

The Zamfara State Governor, Dauda Lawal, extended his condolences to the victims’ families in a statement issued by his spokesperson, Sulaiman Bala Idris. 

While commending the military’s efforts against banditry, the governor described the incident as an unfortunate error. 

“We pray for the repose of the souls of the deceased and will support their families,” the statement read.  

The Nigerian Air Force (NAF) confirmed it had carried out airstrikes targeting bandits in the area. 

In a separate statement, NAF’s Director of Public Relations and Information, Air Vice Marshal Olusola Akinboyewa, said top bandit commanders were neutralized during the operation. 

However, the statement did not directly address the civilian casualties, noting that precision targeting and real-time intelligence were used during the strikes.  

Despite successes reported by the NAF in degrading bandit networks, locals expressed frustration over recurring civilian deaths in military operations. 

This incident brings the total number of deaths from accidental military airstrikes in Nigeria over the past 11 years to 465, according to data compiled by Daily Trust.  

Residents have called for enhanced intelligence-gathering to prevent further loss of civilian lives in the fight against banditry.

By Uzair Adam 

The Nigerian Air Force (NAF) has announced the successful elimination of several bandits during airstrikes in Babban Kauye village, Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, on November 15.  

In a statement issued on Sunday, the Director of Public Relations and Information, Air Commodore Olusola Akinboyewa, disclosed that the operation, under the framework of Operation Fansan Yamma, targeted a large assembly of bandits in the area. 

The airstrikes, part of Operation Farautar Mujiya, were aimed at degrading the operational capabilities of notorious bandit factions in Northwestern Nigeria.  

Akinboyewa noted that intelligence reports had revealed the bandits were planning coordinated attacks on military personnel and civilians in the Tsafe axis. 

Acting on this information, NAF executed a series of airstrikes, resulting in significant casualties among the bandits, including key loyalists of infamous leaders Dan-Isuhu and Dogo Sule.  

“Reports from the ground confirmed the successful elimination of numerous high-ranking members of these groups, delivering a severe blow to their operations,” he said.  

Tsafe Local Government Area has long been a hotspot for bandit activities, with Babban Kauye serving as a strategic safe haven for their operations. 

The recent airstrikes are part of ongoing efforts to dismantle bandit networks and restore peace to the region.  

Air Commodore Akinboyewa reaffirmed NAF’s commitment to collaborating with other security agencies to eliminate threats posed by bandits, terrorists, and other criminal elements across the country.  

The air component of Operation Fansan Yamma continues to intensify efforts to secure the Northwest and ensure the safety of its residents.

By Haroon Aremu Abiodun

As they say, “Uneasy lies the head that wears the crown,” but Bello Matawalle, appointed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as Minister for State Defence in 2023, has risen to the challenge. His tenure in office so far is marked by a blend of persistent controversies and significant achievements, with the latter shining a bright light on his leadership and the impact of his decisions.

As Governor of Zamfara state, Matawalle was reported to have taken stringent measures against banditry and insurgency, which led to some success in the fight against terrorism in the Northwestern region.

As such, it is not surprising that he and Mohammed Badaru Abubakar, another former governor of Jigawa State, were appointed Ministers to supervise the defence sector.

This feat was accomplished through military precision and a strategic, forward-thinking focus on infrastructure revitalisation. Their joint efforts led to the rehabilitation of military barracks nationwide, improving the living conditions for soldiers and their families—a clear demonstration of their commitment to the military’s welfare and the future of Nigeria’s defence sector.

A recent major highlight of Matawalle’s leadership was his role in revitalising Nigeria’s defence infrastructure. He worked closely with the Defence Industries Corporation of Nigeria (DICON) and the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI) to establish a domestic arms and ammunition production facility.

This initiative is projected to save Nigeria $60 million annually by reducing the need to import military hardware, marking a significant step towards self-reliance in defence production.

Matawalle’s focus on defence sector reforms to improve efficiency has also caught attention. His reforms are designed to build a more resilient military by streamlining procedures and holding the system accountable.

One of Matawalle’s standout initiatives was his hands-on approach to addressing the grievances of military personnel. His open engagement with soldiers about delayed allowances and welfare issues demonstrated a rare willingness to tackle the heart of the defence system’s morale, evoking empathy for the soldiers and their struggles.

Despite these accomplishments, Matawalle’s tenure has not been without its controversies. Allegations of corruption and mismanagement, along with disputes over his qualification to run the defence ministry, continue to cloud his leadership. Critics question whether these shadows will define his legacy or if his achievements will ultimately shine through.

Born on February 12, 1969, in Maradun, Zamfara State, Matawalle’s educational background includes studies at Yaba College of Technology and the University of West London. His journey from a teacher to a politician has been marked by resilience and a steadfast commitment to public service.

After a successful stint in the Zamfara State House of Assembly during the Abacha regime, he served as a state commissioner before being elected to the House of Representatives in 2003. His political career reached new heights in 2019 when he became the Governor of Zamfara State following a Supreme Court ruling that disqualified the supposed winner.

During his tenure as governor, Matawalle made efforts to address the rampant insecurity in Zamfara State, a region plagued by banditry and violence. He initiated dialogue with various armed groups and made efforts to implement infrastructural projects across the state, including constructing governor’s lodges in all 14 Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Zamfara.

Matawalle’s career reflects a blend of determined public service and significant scrutiny, particularly regarding his financial decisions as governor.

A fanatical loyalist of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Matawalle’s leadership in various capacities during this period laid the groundwork for his current role in national defence, where he continues to confront external threats and internal controversies.

Matawalle must prioritise transparency and communication to secure his legacy, ensuring the public understands his decisions and reforms. His continued focus on the welfare of soldiers and veterans, alongside his strategic defence initiatives, will be crucial in determining whether his story will be one of triumph or a missed opportunity.

The final chapter of Bello Matawalle’s legacy is still being written. The world watches as he walks the fine line between triumph and turmoil. Will he be remembered as a transformative leader, or will the crown’s weight prove too much?

His legacy teeters on the edge, and only time will reveal whether his story is one of greatness or missed opportunity.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is a Mass Communication graduate and a corps member with PRNigeria Center, Abuja. He can be reached at exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Prof. Abdussamad Umar Jibia

On the 10^th of June 2020 at about 5 pm, armed bandits stormed Kadisau village of Faskari Local Government Area of Katsina State. The bandits, who came on dozens of motorcycles, opened fire on the villagers, killing anyone unable to escape alive. Fifty-seven people, including men, women and children, were killed in the operation that lasted four hours with no intervention from Federal security forces, who were said to be on the highway 5 kilometres away. The criminals later moved to nearby villages, where they killed an additional 30 people.

Ado Aleru, a well-known bandit commander in Zamfara state, led the bandits. Katsina state police command later declared Ado Aleru wanted and put a price of five million Naira on his head.

Two years later, precisely on Saturday, 16^th July 2022, Nigerians were shocked to hear that the man responsible for the murder of innocent Nigerian women and children was turbaned with a traditional title in Zamfara state. 

The turbaning of Aleru was a gathering of some of the most deadly criminals responsible for acts of terror in the Northwestern and North central geopolitical zones of Nigeria. On the ground to witness the ceremony were officials of the Zamfara State Government, including the state Commissioner of internal security. In other words, the turbaning was done with the knowledge and approval of the State Government under Governor Bello Matawalle. Surprisingly, some senior police officers graced the occasion without arresting the person they declared wanted two years earlier.

Soon after the ceremony, the Katsina State Government under Aminu Bello Masari indicated its disapproval of the chieftaincy title conferred on the criminal. It maintained that it was still looking for Ado Aleru.

Years later, nothing changed. The centre remained weak, and life continued. However, the people of Zamfara did what was needed by voting Matawalle out of power in the 2023 election.

If the only atrocity the former Governor of Zamfara State committed was facilitating the conferment of a traditional title to such a deadly criminal, he deserves retirement from Nigerian politics and prosecution after office. Alas! He was rewarded with a ministerial position in the ministry that is supposed to rid Nigeria of terrorists like Ado Aleru. Only in Nigeria. Allah Ya sauwake.

Recently, additional allegations have been made about how the then-governor of Zamfara state hobnobbed with bandits and supported them with the lean resources of the Zamfara people. I am referring to a viral video of a Sokoto-based Islamic Scholar, Sheikh Murtala Bello Asada. Asada, who claimed that he had incontrovertible evidence on all his claims against the former Governor, challenged Matawalle to take him to court. 

Among the allegations Sheikh Asada made against Matawalle is his support of one Haruna Dole. According to Asada, Haruna, a famous bandit kingpin with more than 500 rifles under him, was arrested and taken to Police Headquarters Abuja. Sheikh Asada added that Bello Matawalle, as the Governor of Zamfara state, made a phone call and asked for Dole’s release. The criminal was released to one Bashar, who signed and received the bandit on behalf of Governor Matawalle. He said the document carrying Bashar’s signature and picture would still be available at the Force Headquarters.

According to Sheikh Asada, Matawalle is also a friend of the dreaded bandit Bello Turji. Asada mentioned a visit Turji paid to Zamfara State Government House when Matawalle was Governor. Turji had lunch with the governor, who served him personally. Later, the governor gave him an undisclosed amount of cash and allowed him to return to the bush to continue his criminal activities.

Another bandit kingpin who was friends with Matawalle was Chedi. According to Asada, Matawalle bought a house for Chedi in the Gidan Dutse quarters of Gusau. Uncomfortable with it, residents of Gusau protested and made a mob attack on Chedi and ended his life. Matawalle then ordered the arrest of several people. On the day of their arraignment, overwhelming crowds of Gusau people stormed the court, and Matawalle had no choice but to order the release of the people. It ended there.

In addition to all these, Sheikh Asada listed some criminals who allegedly received Hilux operational vehicles from Matawalle when he was Governor. They include Turji, Aleru and Halilu Sububu.

The allegations are weighty and sum up to one thing: the current Minister of State of Defence deployed to the North West by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to fight banditry, an alleged friend of bandits who supports them financially.

The position of anybody interested in protecting the lives and property of Nigerians would be clear. Mr President should investigate these allegations and, if found true, prosecute the former Governor. Yes, allegations are allegations until they are investigated and found to be true. But if the Nigerian government refuses to conduct a transparent investigation, what would prevent Nigerians from believing them?

But even as investigations are carried out, Mr Matawalle has no business remaining in the Ministry of Defence. Maybe another ministry.

If the executive branch is not ready to take action, where is our National Assembly? Do they believe these allegations against a government official in charge of fighting security are not serious? Go figure!

Professor Abdussamad Umar Jibia wrote from Kano via aujibia@gmail.com.

By Dr. Abdulkadir Lawan

A putatively held belief is that the banditry and crime in the Zamfara region of Nigeria cannot be unconnected to the politics of gold and other natural resources mining. But something deadlier than politics, a stealthy by-product of crude extraction methods at the core of gold mining, might have played a leading role in the increase in crime we are witnessing today in the region. 

In the early 2000s, possibly due to the recent change in rule from a military to a democratic one, a renewed gold interest in Zamfara resulted in a mini gold rush. Women and men in the villages would dig out rock ore and extract the gold through crushing and grinding; the resulting dust was contaminated with lead. Some even brought this newfound work to their homes, contaminating their food, water, clothes, and, most dangerously, children. What followed in child deaths from lead poisoning created an unintended raucous through polio vaccination outreach and ended up inviting several efforts to clean up the areas and treat the surviving children.

It is well known that lead is dangerous, even in small doses. It mimics calcium in the body and can be stored in bones, continuing to poison the body even years after initial exposure. The brain is the most sensitive organ to lead. It basically blocks the release of neurotransmitters, which causes headaches and memory loss, and children are especially susceptible. There is no doubt among scientists that lead exposure can cause permanent learning disorders and behavioural problems.

Studies on baby teeth showed that even lead exposure well below the “safe” level results in delayed learning, decreased IQ and increased behavioural problems. There was a direct correlation between lead in children and the inability to graduate from high school in the US. While the CDC has since lowered the acceptable levels of lead in children’s blood from 60ug/dL to 3.5ug/dL over the years, there is no safe lead level as far as it is known today.

Globally, about 65% of all unexplained intellectual disability are believed to be caused by lead. Many countries have monitored the levels of lead exposure in their children over time. In Nigeria, we have little to no data nationwide. A particular US data, however, shows troubling correlations. 

Violent crimes steadily rose from the 1970s to the 1990s before abruptly declining. The troubling part? A graph of average preschool blood lead levels looked strikingly similar to crime levels roughly twenty years apart. The question was whether kids exposed to higher levels of lead grew up to commit more crimes.

The same pattern appears in Britain, Canada, and Australia. In another study, the lead concentrations in the blood of those arrested for violent and anti-social behaviour could not have been more correlated with their behaviour. This shows that lead is at least very likely responsible for some of the increase in crime. 

Whatever the reason for the resurgence of artisanal gold mining in Zamfara in the early 2000s, children raised in that period were in their early teens and 20s when the country began to witness an upsurge in bandit activities at the start of 2010. Thankfully, considerable clean-up efforts and community sensitisation mean there is an unlikely recurrence of lead poisoning effects on this scale around the region. A decline in violent activities can only then be hoped for. 

Glissading along the same line, the biggest source of lead pollution worldwide was the tetraethyl lead compound that was added to gasoline to make leaded fuel. Nigeria completely phased out leaded gasoline in 2004, as did all other countries between 1986 (Japan) and 2021 (Algeria). Nigeria witnessed a record period of civil violence from the 1970s until about the early 2000s. The current crop of our, in my opinion, clearly cognitive-declined politicians was the most exposed to vehicular lead poisoning in the same generation as the perpetrators of multiple violent religious and ethnic crises.

The dangers of lead had already been known for hundreds of years. In 1786, Benjamin Franklin remarked that lead had been used for far too long considering its known toxicity – “This, my dear friend, is all I can at present recollect on the subject. You will see by it that the opinion of this mischievous effect from lead is at least above sixty years old. And you will observe with concern how long a useful truth may be known and exist before it is generally received and practised on.” 

Scientists decided to add lead to fuel one hundred and fifty years later (i.e., after Benjamin Franklin’s speech). Almost one hundred years after that, the juveniles among our (Nigerian) citizenry were exposed to lead, leaving a nation to wonder why there is so much crime in our time.

Dr. Abdulkadir Lawan wrote via abdullwn@gmail.com.

By Muhsin Ibrahim

A few weeks before the 2023 general elections, I came across a campaign video featuring students sponsored by the Zamfara State Government to study in Cyprus. I criticised the video, stating that students should refrain from getting involved in politics.

It was not wise for the students to campaign for the governor. Although they might have felt obligated to do so, I was concerned about the consequences if Bello Matawalle, the governor at the time, lost the election. Unfortunately, that is precisely what happened.

As I feared, Dauda Lawal Dare, the new governor of Zamfara, abandoned those students. Today, they live in destitution, struggling to feed themselves in a foreign land. Some don’t even have a befitting accommodation. While their precarious situation may not be connected to that video, it might have added insult to injury.

Governments in Kano, Zamfara, or any other state must reconsider sending people to foreign universities. Of course, those universities are often better than our local ones. However, we need to wake up to the current realities. Our currency (i.e., Naira) has lost much of its value, and inflation is higher, among other unfavourable realities.

Irrespective of the political landscape, it is incumbent upon the government of Zamfara to provide for those students. They are, without a doubt, the government’s sole responsibility. After all, governance is about continuity and the welfare of its citizens.

If the government is unable to meet its financial obligations, it is only fair that it brings these students home and enrols them in local universities in Nigeria. This is the least they deserve.

It is high time the government started paying attention to its citizens and acted upon their requests.

Muhsin Ibrahim, PhD, wrote from Cologne, Germany. He can be reached via muhsin2008@gmail.com.