Nuhu Ribadu

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Department of State Services is set to prosecute former Kaduna State governor, Nasir El-Rufai, over alleged cybercrime and national security violations.

The trial is scheduled to begin next Wednesday at the Federal High Court in Abuja. The case will be heard by Justice Joyce Abdulmalik. The assignment followed a directive by the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, Justice John Tsoho. The News Agency of Nigeria confirmed the development.

Court filings indicate that the DSS lodged a three-count charge marked FHC/ABJ/CR/99/2026 against the former governor. The agency accused him of unlawful interception of communications and acts said to threaten national security.

According to the charge sheet submitted on Monday, the DSS alleged that El-Rufai intercepted telephone conversations belonging to Nigeria’s National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu.

Prosecutors stated in the first count that the former governor allegedly made an admission during a live appearance on ARISE TV on February 13. They claimed he said that he and unnamed associates intercepted Ribadu’s phone communications. The offence allegedly contravenes Section 12(1) of the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) Amendment Act, 2024.

The second count alleged that El-Rufai associated with a person who carried out the interception and failed to notify security authorities. Prosecutors said this action is punishable under Section 27(b) of the same Act.

In the third count, the DSS accused El-Rufai and other suspects still at large of deploying technical systems that endangered public safety and national security. The agency alleged that the actions created fear among Nigerians through the interception of classified communications.

The charges come amid ongoing probes by federal anti-corruption and security agencies.

Earlier in the week, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission detained the former governor over separate corruption allegations. He was granted administrative bail around 8:00 p.m. on Wednesday. Shortly after, the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission took him into custody.

ICPC spokesperson, John Odey, confirmed at the time that the former governor remained in the commission’s custody as investigations continued.

Operatives of the ICPC also searched El-Rufai’s residence on Aso Drive in Abuja during a late-night operation. Sources described the action as part of an expanding corruption investigation.

The commission did not release details about the search or items recovered. However, El-Rufai’s lawyer, Ubong Akpan, criticised the operation. He alleged that due process was ignored and his client’s fundamental rights were violated.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

Nigeria has seen political fallouts before, but few are as unsettling as the growing public rupture between Nasir El‑Rufai and Nuhu Ribadu. What makes the moment troubling is not merely the personalities involved, but what their dispute threatens to do to national cohesion, public trust and the already fragile boundary between politics and security.

If two men who once symbolised reformist zeal and institutional courage now choose a path of mutual destruction, they should pause and reflect—on their faith, their region, and the national interest. Because stripped of rhetoric and television soundbites, this is no longer about governance, security reform or leadership ethics. It is the bare-knuckle politics of succession, alignment and survival ahead of the next election cycle.

There was a time when this clash would have been unthinkable. Both men emerged from the same political generation shaped by the reformist moment of the early 2000s under Olusegun Obasanjo. El-Rufai, the outspoken technocrat as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, and Ribadu, the dogged anti-corruption crusader as Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, were once celebrated as “Obasanjo’s boys”—symbols of a new order that promised discipline, accountability and institutional renewal.

They shared proximity to power, similar access to the president, and a reputation for fearlessness. Their friendship appeared not only political but personal—jolly, confident, mutually reinforcing. That such men could become open adversaries a decade later is not just strange; it is genuinely shocking.

What, then, went wrong? Part of the answer lies in the nature of Nigerian elite politics, where alliances are often forged by circumstance rather than conviction. Power rearranges loyalties. Ambition redraws friendships. And as the political terrain shifts, yesterday’s allies can quickly become today’s obstacles.

But there is a deeper, more consequential problem. When elite rivalries migrate into the realm of security narratives and intelligence insinuations, the damage goes far beyond the individuals involved. Allegations and counter-allegations—especially those touching on surveillance, coercion or misuse of state power—can corrode public confidence in institutions that should remain above partisan struggle.

This is why the current El-Rufai–Ribadu episode deserves sober national reflection, not cheering from partisan sidelines. Nigeria is a country where trust in institutions is already thin. Security agencies operate in an environment of suspicion, insurgency and widespread fear. When senior political actors publicly weaponise security claims—whether substantiated or not—they risk weakening the very structures holding the state together.

It is also important to situate this dispute within the broader northern political landscape. Both men command followings. Both are seen, rightly or wrongly, as voices of influence in the region’s political future. Their feud therefore does not remain personal for long; it reverberates across communities, factions and aspirations. In a region already grappling with insecurity, poverty and political fragmentation, elite infighting of this nature sends the wrong signal.

Faith, too, imposes restraint. Public officials who openly profess moral and religious values must recognise that conduct matters, not just intent. Politics may be a rough trade, but there are lines that, once crossed, are difficult to redraw. The public expects elders of the political class to rise above personal grievances when national stability is at stake.

None of this is to deny that grievances can be real, or that power can be abused. Whistleblowing has its place. Accountability is essential. But there is a difference between principled dissent and public escalation that inflames tension, invites speculation and drags sensitive institutions into political theatre. Mature democracies resolve such disputes through discreet inquiry and institutional processes, not media duels.

Perhaps the most sobering lesson here is how quickly reformist legacies can be overshadowed by personal wars. History is rarely kind to public figures who allow ambition to consume perspective. Nigerians may forget policy details, but they remember conduct—especially when it appears reckless or self-serving.

As the country edges closer to another election cycle, the temptation to settle scores early and loudly will grow. That is precisely why restraint is needed now. The question is not who wins this clash, but what Nigeria loses if it continues.

El-Rufai and Ribadu have both served the Nigerian state at critical moments. Their names are etched into recent political history. They owe the country—and perhaps themselves—something better than mutual ruin. Because when elephants fight, it is not the elephants that suffer most, but the grass beneath them.

Nigeria cannot afford to be that grass.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicate writer based in Abuja.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) has called on former Kaduna State governor, Nasir El-Rufai, to forward proof of his allegation concerning the purchase of a poisonous substance to the Department of State Services (DSS) for investigation.

The reaction followed claims by El-Rufai that the National Security Adviser’s office, led by Nuhu Ribadu, procured thallium sulphate, a toxic chemical compound. He had also alleged that the substance was sourced from a supplier in Poland and demanded clarification over the reported transaction.

Thallium sulphate is known to be a highly poisonous, colourless and odourless substance capable of causing death even in small quantities.

In its response, ONSA dismissed the allegation. The office urged the former governor to provide any evidence in his possession to the DSS to enable a detailed probe.

A formal reply to El-Rufai was issued in a letter signed by Brigadier-General OM Adesuyi on behalf of the National Security Adviser. The correspondence was dated February 13, 2026, and acknowledged an earlier message from the former governor.

“I have the honour to present the compliments of the National Security Adviser and to acknowledge receipt of Your Excellency’s correspondence received on 11 February 2026 requesting clarification regarding the alleged procurement of approximately 10 kilograms of Thallium Sulphate by the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA).

“The correspondence further indicated that information concerning the purported procurement is reportedly available to the political opposition leadership. In this regard, I am directed to respectfully convey that ONSA has neither procured nor initiated any process for the purchase of such material, and has no intention of doing so.

“However, I am further directed to state that the allegation has been formally referred to the Department of State Services for a comprehensive investigation. Your Excellency and other parties involved, who may possess relevant information relating to this claim will be duly invited by the Service to provide any evidence that may assist in an in-depth investigation, establishing the facts and ensuring due diligence.

“Please accept the assurances of the esteemed regards of the National Security Adviser.”

Sources indicated that an initial attempt to deliver the letter to El-Rufai’s Abuja residence was unsuccessful. Security personnel on duty reportedly declined to receive the document. They said the chief security officer was absent and could not confirm when the former governor would be available.

The correspondence was later delivered on Sunday. It was received and signed by the head of security on behalf of El-Rufai.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) has issued a stern rebuke to former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai, dismissing his claims that the government pays ransoms to bandits as “baseless” and “false.”

The statement, released on Monday, comes in response to an interview El-Rufai gave on Sunday where he alleged that ONSA coordinates a policy of payments and incentives for criminals.

“The attention of the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) has been drawn to comments made by the former Governor… he alleged, falsely, that the ONSA coordinates a policy of payments and offers incentives to bandits. This claim is baseless,” the statement read.

ONSA firmly stated that at no time has it or any government arm under the current administration engaged in such practices, adding that it has consistently warned citizens against paying ransoms.

The security office outlined the government’s dual strategy of “decisive kinetic operations alongside community engagements,” crediting this approach for the improved security and “relative peace” now experienced in previously terrorized parts of Kaduna like Igabi, Birnin Gwari, and Giwa.

The statement highlighted the elimination of notorious bandit kingpins such as Boderi, Baleri, and others in Kaduna, as well as the recent apprehension of leaders from the terrorist group, Ansaru.

In a strongly worded conclusion, ONSA described El-Rufai’s denial of these security gains as “unfair and deeply insulting” to the memories of fallen security personnel.

It urged the former governor and all political actors to “desist from dragging national security institutions into partisan battles,” emphasizing that the fight against banditry is a “collective struggle, not a platform for political point-scoring.”

By Muhammad Abubakar

The National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, has paid a courtesy visit to Professor S.A.S. Galadanci in Kano, describing the meeting as both inspirational and encouraging.

Ribadu, who was in the city to offer condolences to the Dantata family, took the opportunity to visit Prof. Galadanci, the second Nigerian ever appointed as Adviser on National Security—then known by that title.

In a post shared on his social media handle, Ribadu referred to Prof. Galadanci as a “pacesetter” in the field of national security and a father figure with longstanding ties to his family.

“I was humbled by his confidence in our modest efforts and his profuse prayers for me and our country,” Ribadu wrote.

The visit, he said, provided valuable lessons and motivation as he continues in his current role.

By Uzair Adam 

Amid growing security concerns across the country, members of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) on Wednesday held a closed-door meeting in Abuja with the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, and Minister of Defence, Mohammed Abubakar.

The meeting, chaired by the NGF Chairman and Kwara State Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, took place at the NGF Secretariat. 

Among the governors in attendance were those of Anambra, Akwa Ibom, Oyo, Kwara, Osun, Plateau, Lagos, Nasarawa, Ekiti, Ebonyi, Kogi, Ondo, Imo, Cross River, Ogun, and Edo states.

Although the agenda was not officially disclosed, the gathering is believed to be connected to the escalating insecurity in parts of the country, particularly the recent deadly attack in Yelewata, Benue State.

Earlier in the day, President Bola Tinubu visited Benue and met with stakeholders at the Government House in Makurdi, where he condemned the killing of over 100 residents in Yelewata. 

He directed the Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, and the Chief of Defence Staff, Christopher Musa, to apprehend those responsible.

Sources confirmed that the Abuja meeting involved briefings from the NSA and the Minister of Defence. 

The Secretary to the Government of the Federation, George Akume, traditional rulers, and former state governors were also present at the Makurdi meeting.

President Tinubu queried the lack of arrests and urged the heads of the Department of State Services (DSS) and the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) to ramp up intelligence efforts to bring the perpetrators to justice.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The National Security Adviser (NSA), Malam Nuhu Ribadu, has commended the leadership of the Nigeria Customs Service, the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC), and the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) for their collaborative efforts in curbing illicit drugs and other prohibited items.

During a meeting at his Abuja office on June 3, 2025, Ribadu recognised the three agencies for their roles in a recent operation that led to the destruction of 206 containers and one trailer-load of illegal pharmaceuticals and narcotics.

He also confirmed the completion of an extensive investigation involving 50 additional containers, describing the exercise as a benchmark for effective cooperation in national security.

Praising the dedication of all parties involved, Ribadu said, “This is an acknowledgment of the good work you’ve been doing. Nigeria is changing. It won’t be business as usual anymore. We’ll go after the criminals who bring these poisons into our country.”

The Comptroller-General of Customs, Adewale Adeniyi, noted that the Service had previously declared a state of emergency on the smuggling of illicit pharmaceuticals.

He explained that close coordination among the agencies, with support from the NSA’s office, made it possible to swiftly detect and eliminate dangerous products.

“We are stronger together,” Adeniyi stated. “And we will remain vigilant to ensure these substances never make it into the wrong hands.”

Director-General of NAFDAC, Professor Mojisola Adeyeye, said the operation was in line with Nigeria’s National Action Plan against drug abuse and the importation of unregistered pharmaceuticals.

She revealed that over 1,300 security personnel had been mobilised under the NSA’s orders to support Customs, NAFDAC, and NDLEA operations nationwide.

“These unregistered and unwholesome products are a danger to our women and children,” she cautioned.

“Our continued collaboration with Customs and NDLEA is saving lives.”Representing the NDLEA Chairman, Shadrac Haruna also pointed to the impact of an inter-agency committee set up by the CGC.

He noted that the committee had significantly helped in intercepting drugs and dismantling illegal storage facilities.

As part of the event, plaques and letters of commendation were presented to the heads of the three agencies.

The NSA was also handed a Certificate of Destruction for the confiscated items—a symbolic gesture reinforcing Nigeria’s resolve to fight the drug menace.

By Haroon Aremu Abiodun

April is traditionally a month of pranks and laughter. But in Nigeria, the joke was on no one except, perhaps, on a nation whose security architecture is under siege from terrorists, bandits, and kidnappers.

Far from fearing our security operatives, criminal elements across the country displayed shocking audacity, reminding us that the battle for Nigeria’s soul remains bloody and unresolved.

In a horrific display of lawlessness, notorious bandit leader Bello Turji celebrated Eid in Sokoto by executing kidnapped victims, recording and broadcasting the gruesome act without fear of consequences. Across parts of Katsina, Kaduna, and Zamfara, bandits not only continued their reign of terror but have begun levying taxes and operating parallel governments in areas still supposedly under state control.

Compounding public anxiety, National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu made headlines when he advised families of kidnapped victims to “stop paying ransom.” While theoretically sound, the reality is far more brutal. Without swift and credible government intervention, desperate families have no option but to finance their tragedies. Until state forces can decisively rescue captives, this vicious cycle will continue.

In just one month, attacks escalated across Plateau, Kwara, and Benue States, leaving communities in mourning. Boko Haram and ISWAP insurgents resurfaced with deadly ambushes, signalling their continued relevance in Nigeria’s security equation.

April’s bloodshed has revealed operational lapses and a deep strategic and moral crisis. The Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) must urgently intensify efforts, especially by working discreetly with rescued victims to extract intelligence, boost surveillance systems, and dismantle criminal networks worldwide.

While commendable successes by security operatives, such as rescuing hostages and recovering illegal arms, were recorded, they were dwarfed by the scale of atrocities witnessed within just 30 days.

The Department of State Services (DSS), often criticised and even facing calls for disbandment, must seize this moment to redeem itself. Encouragingly, recent commendations from the Plateau State Government and Governor Uba Sani of Kaduna for the DSS’s contributions to curbing insecurity suggest a glimmer of institutional reliability. Their successful arrests of gunrunners and dismantling of kidnapping syndicates are steps in the right direction.

Notably, the DSS also intercepted a British Army Major in Delta State attempting to smuggle 50 AK-47 rifles and ammunition—a major bust, and a signal that the service can perform under pressure. Their ability to withstand calls for the suspect’s release further strengthens public confidence.

Going forward, DSS and ONSA must strengthen collaboration through real-time joint operations, intelligence sharing, and visible outcomes. The Nigerian Intelligence Agency (NIA) also must integrate its overseas capabilities with ONSA’s domestic strategies. Today’s criminals are sophisticated—our response must be smarter.

Beyond the battlefield, Nigeria’s fight against corruption also demands attention. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) must intensify efforts with ongoing arrests of internet fraudsters and by pursuing justice in high-profile cases involving figures like Betta Edu and Sadiya Umar Farouq.

Regarding Aisha Achimugu’s case, the EFCC must adhere to due process and uphold its promise to act with diligence and integrity. Recent arrests, including that of Bauchi State Accountant General Sirajo Muhammad Jaja, show the commission is active, but visibility and transparency are critical.

Despite receiving accolades, such as the Government Spokesperson Award and the Courage in Justice and Transparency Award from the Nigerian Human Rights Community, EFCC must do more to recover funds stolen through schemes like CBEX. Collaborating with Interpol to dismantle international fraud networks and prevent future scams using forged EFCC certificates will reinforce the commission’s credibility locally and abroad.

Transparency is the only antidote to growing public cynicism about the Commission’s integrity.

The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), though laudably organising programs like its stakeholders’ meeting on accountability in local government, must now transition from talk to action. Corruption within Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) remains rampant. A recent ICPC report showed that over 60% of corruption cases involved diverting healthcare funds—a scandal demanding decisive intervention.

April has ended, but the wounds it inflicted are still fresh. If we’ve learned anything, it is that the fear of the Nigerian state must be restored—not with hollow rhetoric, but through coordinated, courageous, and relentless action.

The enemies of Nigeria no longer fear our uniforms, our institutions, or the name “government.”

The time to act was yesterday. Today is already a dangerous gamble. Tomorrow may be too late.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is a PRNigeria Fellow and author. He can be reached via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu 

To many Nigerians, the security allocations in national budgets often appear inflated. Year after year, billions are allocated to the military, defence procurement, intelligence operations, and internal security initiatives.

Yet, the level of insecurity across the country continues to raise eyebrows. The common question remains: “Where is all this money going?” It is a valid concern.

However, beyond the budget lines and official pronouncements lies a more complex reality—one that is often overlooked by the average citizen. The actual cost of warfare and intelligence operations is not just steep—it is staggering.

Take air operations as an example. Military insiders have long noted that flying an Alpha Jet for a single mission can gulp up to a million naira in aviation fuel alone.

This figure excludes routine maintenance, spare parts, logistics, or crew allowances. Multiply these flights across days and theatres of operation, and it becomes easier to understand why security efforts are financially demanding.

On the ground, the story is similar. Armoured vehicles, patrol vans, and tanks require constant fuelling, often idling for hours during missions. Soldiers deployed to remote areas require food, clothing, and equipment.

Medical support must be on standby, and when fatalities occur, families of the fallen deserve compensation. These are not occasional expenses—they are daily operational necessities.

Yet, beyond the financial weight of military engagement lies an even more fragile dimension: intelligence gathering. In parts of the country, particularly the North East, North Central, and North West, attacks by insurgents and bandits continue with frightening regularity.

People often ask: Why aren’t these attacks being preempted? Where is the intelligence? These questions are justified. Comparisons are frequently drawn to agencies like the FBI or Israel’s Mossad, known for preemptive actions.

But intelligence is no miracle tool. It relies on actionable information—gathered, processed, and relayed with accuracy. In many of Nigeria’s conflict zones, such information is scarce.

Locals often fear reprisals and refuse to share what they know. Rural and forested areas remain difficult to monitor due to the absence of surveillance infrastructure.

Moreover, intelligence work is not the sole burden of the military. It requires seamless coordination among the police, DSS, NSCDC, and even vigilante groups. Where this collaboration falters, intelligence fails.

That is not to absolve our agencies of their failings. Reports of negligence, delayed responses, and poor communication abound. However, these shortcomings, while real, are not insurmountable.

Nigeria urgently needs to rethink its approach to intelligence. There must be fresh investment in surveillance tools, inter-agency communication systems, and the training of personnel in modern techniques.

Citizens, too, must become active partners by volunteering timely and truthful information. This war cannot be won solely by the military. It requires collaboration, from the government to the grassroots.

Technology, including drone surveillance and satellite imagery, must be embraced. But more than anything else, there must be political will to treat intelligence not as a side note, but as the beating heart of our national security strategy.

Balanced expectations are also important. While it is tempting to measure Nigeria’s intelligence systems against those of global powers, such comparisons can be misleading.

Nations like the US and Israel have built theirs over decades with enormous financial commitment. Nigeria, by contrast, is still building its base. Still, quiet victories exist—many of them deliberately kept from the public domain for strategic reasons.

Terror plots have been foiled, camps dismantled, and lives saved through intelligence-led operations. These successes rarely make headlines. What are the failures, the losses, and the anguish they leave behind?

That is why we must keep asking questions—but with an understanding of the context. Accountability, yes. But also support, reform, and renewed trust. National security is not a spectator sport. It is a shared duty.

And if Nigeria is to triumph over its many threats, it must first accept that intelligence, not just guns, is its most potent weapon.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu writes from the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) in Abuja.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Before the emergence of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration, Nigeria’s security architecture was grappling with deeply entrenched challenges, particularly in the Northwest and Southeast regions. The situation had deteriorated to alarming levels, with criminal elements and secessionist movements establishing a disturbing level of control in certain areas.

In the Northwest, banditry had evolved from sporadic attacks to the full-scale occupation of territories. Vast stretches of land, especially in states like Kaduna, Zamfara, and Niger, fell under the influence of heavily armed groups. The Abuja-Kaduna highway, which was once a vital economic and commuter route, became a perilous stretch, notorious for frequent kidnappings and ambushes. 

The Northwestern security threats extended further, with the Kaduna–Birnin Gwari–Lagos road effectively shut down due to sustained bandit activity. Even commercial life suffered significantly; the Birnin Gwari cattle market, a major hub for livestock trade, was forced to cease operations under the pressure of violence and extortion.

Meanwhile, in the Southeast, the situation was compounded by the secessionist agitation led by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). Through fear and coercion, IPOB succeeded in enforcing a weekly sit-at-home directive across several states in the region, paralysing economic activities every Monday. Businesses were shuttered, schools closed, and the freedom of movement was severely curtailed, undermining both governance and development efforts.

This was the grim reality that the Tinubu administration inherited. However, at the heart of the renewed fight against insecurity stands a strategic recalibration: what many now refer to as the “Nuhu Ribadu Formula.” As National Security Adviser, Ribadu brought a fresh, intelligence-driven approach to tackling Nigeria’s security woes. With an emphasis on coordination among security agencies, restoration of public confidence, and targeted offensives against criminal enclaves, his methods have begun yielding tangible results.

While challenges persist, especially in remote and hard-to-reach areas, the difference in tone and trajectory is becoming increasingly evident. The Ribadu-led security strategy has not only focused on reclaiming territory but also on addressing the root causes of unrest, be it poverty, weak governance, or community grievances. It is this multidimensional and proactive approach that may well define Nigeria’s path to lasting peace and stability.

Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, the National Security Adviser, has been pivotal in reshaping Nigeria’s national security framework through a clear and strategic vision built on three foundational pillars.

The first is the carrot-and-stick approach, which balances kinetic (military force) and non-kinetic (dialogue, reconciliation, and development) strategies. This dual-pronged approach acknowledges that not all security threats can be addressed solely through force. By combining targeted military operations with community engagement and deradicalisation efforts, the approach aims to neutralise threats while addressing the root causes of violence.

The second strategy is a shift from rhetoric to action, a deliberate move away from endless briefings and political grandstanding towards concrete, measurable outcomes. Under Ribadu’s watch, security interventions are now judged not by promises, but by performance. The focus is on restoring peace, reclaiming lost territories, and enabling displaced persons to return to their communities.

Third is the promotion of synergy and intelligence sharing among security agencies. Previously plagued by inter-agency rivalry and fragmented operations, Nigeria’s security forces are now operating with improved coordination. Through unified command structures and shared intelligence platforms, responses have become faster, more precise, and increasingly proactive.

These strategies have already begun to yield visible results. The recent resurgence of attacks in Plateau and Benue States, as well as isolated Boko Haram assaults on soft targets in Borno and Adamawa, were swiftly countered using the same framework. Rapid deployment of forces, community-based intelligence, and coordinated operations prevented escalation and restored calm.

Still, the road to full recovery is a gradual one. While the machinery of state security has been retooled, the average citizen may not immediately perceive these gains. Part of the challenge lies in the persistence of outdated or unverified reports in some sections of the media, which can paint a distorted picture of the current realities. Nevertheless, those on the ground, especially in previously hard-hit areas, are beginning to sense a shift.

The “Nuhu Ribadu Formula” is proving to be more than just a tactical adjustment; it is an evolving doctrine that prioritises effectiveness, accountability, and collaboration. With sustained implementation and public support, it could well become the blueprint for enduring peace in Nigeria.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja, zaymohd@yahoo.com.