Northern Nigeria

By Muhammadu Sabiu

Some villages in Zamfara State’s Zurmi LGA have to pay a “compensation charge” of varying amounts.

Aliyu Buhari, a resident of Moriki, one of the settlements in the local council, claimed that the bandits had demanded payment of the levy through released hostages before allowing villagers access their farmlands.

According to Buhari, some villages have paid the bandits and reached a reconciliation agreement with them.

He also noted that people in Moriki are actively striving to increase the tax.

He was quoted as saying, “People living in Moriki ward were asked to pay the sum of N20 million to be able to enjoy some level of peace.”

There have recently been reports of abduction in the state as the bandits have yet to demand a ransom for some of the abductees.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

Hausa Intangible Heritage Revival – Overture to the Symphony

When Gillian Belben, the British Council’s new Director in 2004, wanted to introduce a truly unique project in enhancing the cultural relations between Britain and Nigeria, a series of initiatives were proposed. One of them was Connecting Futures – a project that linked youth in Britain and Nigeria through music, films, debates, social advocacy and the arts.

I was involved in the film and music projects. In the music domain, we wanted to create a music ensemble that would revolutionize traditional Hausa music – an endangered performing art. The reason for its endangerment was its griot-based nature. Traditional Hausa musicians were seen basically as praise singers – singing the praises of rich, famous, infamous patrons who pay them a lot of money. The changing Hausa society in the 21st century saw the disappearance of such griot musicians – as no one had the money (or the gullibility) to pay to hear their praises, except politicians – thus making such performances short-lived and, fundamentally, non-artistic. I was the Chairman of the defunct Center for Hausa Cultural Studies, based in Kano. The Center and the British Council liaised to develop a project to create a sustainable focus for Hausa traditional performing arts, at least for as long as the Connecting Futures project lasted. There was no government input in this – we did not seek any, nor do we expect any, despite the existence of the History and Culture Bureau (HCB) in Kano.

Gillian and I were interested in contemporary European music of multiple-instrument ensembles and decided to recreate an ensemble of Hausa musicians playing different instruments. This was unheard of in Hausa ethnomusicology since, traditionally, Hausa griot musicians tended to stick to only one instrument (stringed or percussion). However, with the advent of ‘modernity’ in traditional performing arts, some Hausa club musicians started combining string instruments (kukuma mainly) with percussion – drums and calabashes. Examples include Garba Supa and Hassan Wayam. For more on this, see Jacqueline Cogdell DjeDje’s brilliant Fiddling in West Africa.

We were not interested in modern synthesizer music with its sampled sequencers of sounds that modern Hausa ‘nanaye’ singers arrange to form melodies and then transposed lyrics over the beat, often with female autotuned voices – all mimicking Indian film soundtrack singers. This production mode earned their genre the name of ‘nanaye’ – girlish (not female, incidentally!) music.

In our project, we envisaged four different instruments working in harmony to produce at least an acceptable ‘post-modernist’ Hausa traditional griot music – without the praise singing. We sent out notices requesting expressions of interest from interested musicians, mainly griot. Many ‘nanaye’ singers came, and we turned them away – we wanted musicians, not singers –none of the nanaye singers could play any traditional instrument. Auditions were held with those who can play a specific traditional instrument, and we first chose three: sarewa (flute), kukuma (fiddle), and kalangu (drums). Because there were many varieties of drums, we added duman girke ‘conga’ drums. All were to be played by males, as was traditional in Hausa traditional performing arts. That was when Gillian decided to up the ante by insisting on a female musician join the four young men.

This was a tall order for many reasons. Hausa women are not accustomed to playing musical instruments, especially in public. There were, of course, exceptions. The late Hajiya Sa’adatu Barmani Choge and Hajiya Uwaliya Mai Amada both had ‘calabash orchestras’ and performed in public. You can find further readings on her life and performance at the end of this. Currently, in 2022, Choge’s children and former bandmates have continued the tradition of performing in public – mainly at weddings and naming ceremonies. They used to perform during political campaigns, but the bad publicity and accusations of improper behaviours put paid to that.

Both Uwaliya and Barmani were in advanced age and could get away with pretty much everything. Getting a young Muslim Hausa woman to join young males and perform in public was genuinely challenging. However, Gillian was determined to do it, so we focused on the instrument the female band member could play. The only viable one was shantu – an aerophone. This was a female musical instrument, which, together with the bambaro (mouth harp), has all but disappeared.

Eventually, we found Fati Ladan, a lady living in Kano but originally from Niger State, who was one of the ƙoroso dancers attached to the History and Culture Bureau (HCB), Kano. The HCB already have a shantu ensemble, made up of much older women who perform during opening ceremonies at government events – adding a bit of classic flavour to the settings before the long speeches start.

Fati could not play the shantu herself but was willing to learn, especially from the existing shantu ensemble at the HCB. She eventually became adept at it. In the next stage of our project, we added her to the earlier group of four male musicians and called the group Arewa. But since the fronts man of the band was Nasiru Garba Supa, the son of the legendary kukuma player, Alhaji Garba Supa, we later referred to the band as Nasiru Garba Supa and Arewa. You can watch Fati’s solo performance, which I recorded and edited in 2014 in Kano, at https://bit.ly/3DF1Hfk.

The shantu, a percussion tube used by Hausa women, found its way to North Africa due to the trade in enslaved women (for more, see Ames and King, Mercedes). The Kanuri ganga (double-headed cylindrical drum) and the Hausa and Songhai instruments of the same name are North African borrowings from West Africa. An extremely large variant of the shantu, called languru (sharing a name with a language learning and dictionary app) and also referred to as shantu, is played by male Fulɓe.

Interestingly, the languru is similar to the alphorn, a wind instrument that is a national symbol of Switzerland. It has been used by Alpine farmers for hundreds of years as a form of communication in mountainous regions, although now it is simply a musical instrument. During the 18th centuries it was regarded as a beggar’s horn, since it was most often played by impoverished shepherds in the cities, obviously using smaller versions. The Fulɓe languru is also a wind instrument and played during festivities in gatherings of the Fulbe in the evenings after the cattle has been squared away either in corrals or designated areas. The smaller shantu used by women is a tubular shell of a long, narrow gourd, open at both ends; often decorated with patterns burned on, or cut into, the outside shell. It is held in the right hand and beaten in a variety of ways by the seated player, including the following:

• Stamped with its lower end against the inside of the right thigh, or against the calf of the right leg.
• Stamped with its upper end against the open palm of the left hand
• Tapped with its outer shell against the shin bone of the right leg
• Tapped with the lip of its lower end against the ground
• Tapped on its outer shell with rings on the fingers of the right or left hand
• Used singly or with one or more other shantuna in the statement of zambo (innuendo), as in waƙar kishiya (song of co-wife), karin magana (proverbial sayings), etc., through the imitation of speech tone and quantity; used solo or with one or more other shantuna in the accompaniment of song
• Used by women for social comment (e.g., by a co-wife in criticism of her partners) or for informal music-making.

Nasiru Garba Supa’s Arewa and Fati performed many concerts for the British Council over a period of two years, generating a lot of interest and accolades due to Fati’s often solo slot given during any performance. Since the concerts were family affairs – involving the whole family to attend – many young people were fascinated by Fati’s shantu playing.

Gender Rebellion and Shantu music – The QAC Troupe in Historical Perspective

Generally restricted mainly to elderly women playing it to amuse themselves, the shantu was made a choice of musical performance in all-female secondary schools in northern Nigeria in the 1970s. For the most part, they performed during school activities – graduation, cultural days, national events, etc. Once the students graduate from the secondary schools, they simply retire the shantu to what would pass for attic. However, perhaps remembered by people in their sixties, the prominence of shantu as an instrument in public performance was catapulted into legitimate public entertainment in the early 1980s by students of Queen Amina College (QAC), located in Kakuri, Kaduna, northern Nigeria, especially the 1984 graduating class. They were encouraged to use it as part of the then cultural revival in secondary schools. The main reason for their popularity was rehearsed perfection. Perhaps not surprisingly, they were more frequently featured on NTA Kaduna cultural variety shows.

However, soon enough they started drawing criticisms due to their increasingly bold, and what was seen as anti-cultural, performances. Perhaps carried away by their popularity, they became more experimental in their choreography. One of the performances on their setlist was Gantsare Gaye. Accompanied by the deep bass-like hollow sound of about 10 shantus, the dancers energetically move their derrières in an obscene movement of sexualized dance routine (mainly referred to as ‘gwatso’/thrust). Although the 1980s was a liberal decade (and almost twenty years before Sharia was launched in Islamicate northern Nigeria), the sight of teen girls performing such obscene dance routines on public Television drew critical reaction and condemnation in newspapers and from Muslim clerics in Kaduna and Kano. The QAC girls were undaunted, however, knowing fully well that they had the full protection of their powerful parents, the girls themselves eventually marrying into equally powerful influential homes, with quite a few of them becoming powerful themselves. QAC was an elitist school and thus created a cultural disjuncture in the performance of the girls. Interestingly, it evolved from a Catholic missionary educational tradition – thus giving multiple readings to the girls’ performances. The college was established as the Queen of Apostles College Kaduna by Catholic Missionaries in 1940, becoming Queen Amina College when it was taken over by the Kaduna State government in 1970s following government takeover of missionary schools.

Their defining creative moment was at the International Market for Film and Television Programmes, organized by the Nigerian Television Authority, held at Durbar Hotel, Kaduna, from 27th to 31st March 1983 (NTA IMPT ’83). Part of the festival included performances by various artists – and the QAC girls were requested to perform on stage for 15 minutes. Their troupe consisted of 22 performers – 12 call-and-response vocalists and dancers, and 10 shantu players who also called the chorus. There were no percussion instruments, with the bass sound of the shantu being sufficient enough.

Through trawling various Facebook postings, I have been able to identify some of the performers – now all grandmothers and in their mid-50s! They included Fatima Umar Wali, Halima Waziri Digma, Maryam Tinau, Maryam Adamu, Hauwa Suleiman, Aishatu B Musa, Rabi Tinau, Binta Tukur, Binta I Kaita, Fatima Musa, Fatima Usman, Mairo Mu’azu, Amina Musa, Zuwaira Abubakar, and of course, others, actually mentioned in some of the verses.

Their setlist for that festival was made up of five songs, plus intro and outro skits. The main songs were Karyamaye, QAC, Alhaji Lawal Kalabayye, Ko da Rabo, Gantsare Gaye. The song structure of their performance did not fall into the classic intro, verse, pre-chorus, chorus and bridge, associated with modern, basically English songs. They adopted the framework of chorus, verse, chorus – in a call-and-response pattern, typical of traditional songs in northern Nigeria. The chorus was also the song’s hook. Only one song had an opening doxology of one line (Karyamaye). Sleuthing on Facebook comments about the uploaded videos of the performances reveal that Alhaji Lawal Kalabayye was named after their food contractor! He apparently did a good job to warrant having a whole song devoted to him!

The opening song of the performance, after a few seconds of the intro skit, was their masterpiece: Karyamaye (a made-up word to provide vocal harmony). This was an invective song targeted at their public culture critics. The first (and actually, the main) verse is transcribed below:

To bismillah, jama’are, Arrahmani/People, we start in the name of Allah

Mu ƴan Hausa, da mu ƴan Shantu/We, the Hausa and Shantu club

Da ba ruwan mu da kowa/ Those who are not bothered

Ba ruwan mu da kowa/We are not bothered

Sai dai a gan mu a bar mu/See us, and leave us alone

Sai ko hararar  nesa/Your dirty looks only at distance

A cikin duniyar nan, Wallahi/ In this world, by Allah

Muna da masoya, kana muna da maƙiya/We have fans and we have haters

An ƙi jinin mu, kamar a sa mana kananzir/They hate us, wishing to pour kerosene on us

A ƙyatta ashana a jefa/And lit [the fire to burn us]

Ba’a san mu kamar a kashe mu/The haters want to see dead

Ga rijiya a saka mu /Or throw us in deep wells

Ko a samu warin gwano/Or make us stink like black stink-ant

Daga hange sai leƙe sai ko harar nesa/Watching afar, hating with dirty looks

Wataran sai labari/It’d be all over one day

…       

Ku san mai san ku/ Kana kusan mai ƙin ku/Know your fans/ Know your haters

Koda dare ko rana/ koda cikin ƙabari ne/Night or day, even in the grave

Koda ruwa ko iska/ koda cikin duhu ne/Through storms, even in the deepest darkness

Karyamaye, with full booming sound of 10 shantuna (pl.) with outside air energetically sucked down the aerophone provided a perfect percussion to their voices, and really demonstrated the power of the shantu in well-skilled hands. It is this rehearsed, almost flawless perfection that stood them better than other girl troupes in their immediate vicinity (e.g., Kurmin Mashi girls shantu troupe, also in Kaduna). Their verse was full of insouciance, defiance and pride in their art and identity; for instance:

Mu ƴan Hausa, da mu ƴan shantu/We, Hausa and shantu players

Perhaps, even aware of their delectable beauty, they cocked a snook at their unapproving but silent admirers:

Sai dai a gan mu a bar mu/ Sai ko hararar  nesa/

The line is basically saying, look, but we are untouchable – you can only hate from afar. As I indicated earlier, the second performance, Alhaji Lawal Kalabayye, was named after the school’s food contractor, as confirmed by a former Home Economics teacher at the College, Mrs Lasfir Tasalla Andow, in 2019. The song, however, did not mention Alhaji Lawal himself, although the first lines of the song salute farmers – an obvious reference to food, and tangentially, to Alhaji Lawal!

Ina jin hausin mutumin ba ya zuwa gona/I am annoyed at a person who detests farming

Sai ya zauna a tsakar gida sai ka ce turmi/Always at home like some fixture

The song, however, further reaffirms the Hausa identity of the performers because they went through a cycle of profiling various ethnic groups – essentially pointing out the bad character traits of the groups, justifying their unwillingness to allow their daughters to marry them because of the profiled reasons they gave. For instance:

Ina da ƴata ni baza na bai wa Zagezagi ba/I will not marry off my daughter to Zaria people

Fate da safe, fate da yamma, kamar mayu/Yam porridge all day, like hexers

Ina da ƴata ni baza na bai wa Fulani ba/I will not marry off my daughter to the Fulani

Uwa a daji, uba a daji kamar kura/Both mother and father in wilderness, like hyenas

Ina da ƴata ni baza na bai wa Beriberi ba/I will not marry off my daughter to the Kanuri

Uwa da tsagu, uba da tsagu kamar ƙwarya/Both mother and father with facial marks, like calabashes

Ina da ƴata ni baza na bai wa Yoruba ba/I will not marry off my daughter to the Yoruba

Suna da kuɗi, amma a kwano suke kashi/They are wealthy, but they poop in their dishes

Ina da ƴata ni baza na bai wa Katsinawa ba/I will not marry off my daughter to Katsina people

Uwa masifa, uba masifa kamar sauro /Both the mother and father are too fiery, like mosquitoes

Ina da ƴata ni baza na bai wa malamin bana ba/I will not marry off my daughter to modern Malams

Yana wazifa, hannunsa na shafa ƴan mata/While being devotional, they also fondle little girls

These stereotypes, of course, fall within the purview of joking relationships in forms of playful taunts between citizens of various cities that made up the old kingdoms of northern Nigeria. Such relationships are often based on ancestral pacts forbidding conflict or war between specific communities, and imply that the members must love one another and provide assistance where needed. The lyrics were therefore not meant to condemn or belittle any community or groups.  

It was surprising that Kano, with its almost manic commercialism, escaped this stereotyping – even though most of the girls were not from Kano, but perhaps their songwriters (most likely their Hausa subject teachers) were from, or affiliated with Kano! Whatever the case, their trenchant, non-politically correct lyrics cast them with an independent and spirited veneer that demands either acquiescence or indifference from the public. The ethnic groups of Yoruba, Kanuri and Fulɓe each came under their taunts. The Yoruba came into the picture because of Ilorin, considered one of the ‘bastard seven’ Hausa city-states (banza bakwai), although the historical narrative used Yoruba as a generic term; but it was only that Ilorin had a historical connection to the core Hausa states. Even respected Islamic teachers did not escape their barbs – – being accused of alleged sexual abuse of children under their care. This created a picture of betrayal of trust by those in charge of child care. Perhaps due to the constant radio criticisms of the girls by the cleric establishment in especially Kaduna and Kaduna, the performers felt obliged to point out that everyone has a bad spot, no matter how morally upright.

Alhaji Lawal Kalabayye ended with an acknowledgement of the support of their establishments in their art:

Teachers ku lura ku gane/Our teachers, be wary

Ƴan gulma suna nan/Gossipers abound

Yan baƙin ciki na nan/Haters are present

Gasunan dan su rabamu/Wanting to divide us

Wallahi baza su iya ba/By God, they will not succeed

They closed their performance with the song – and dance – that drew the ire of the public culture in northern Nigeria: Gantsare Gaye. The refrain was:

Gantsare gaye, gaye never go straight/

The sexual innuendo was clear in the ‘straight’ part of the chorus, and performing it in public took their art to a new level. The performance is available at https://bit.ly/3Eh0dYJ, with the ‘gantsarewa’ starting at tc1.01. ‘Gaye’ referred to what might be called ‘the dude’ – urban, transnational, metrosexual and sophisticated young man. Influenced by African American superstars such as Michael Jackson, young men in the north of Nigeria took to Jackson’s fashion and street cool. The Hausa ‘gaye’ (stylized from guy) was immortalized by the griot, Ɗan Maraya Jos in his song, ‘Ɗan Gaye Mugun Bawa’/The Badass.

Each of the girls was called out in the chorus to come and do the obscene gwatso dance – something that would probably make them blush later in their middle age years! Indeed, an unverified anecdote I once heard in Lagos decades after the event, was that one of the participating ladies phoned NTA requesting the TV station to stop repeated showing of the clip (which was part of archival cultural entertainment) because she said it was embarrassing.

The stage performance of Gantsare during the festival was more energetic than in the muted TV studio versions and an additional defiance to their critics – with total approval of their school.

Overall, regardless of the judgement on their performance, they did reflect an authentic female, and what I may even refer to as proto-teen feminist defiance. Certainly, the QAC girls had lent flair and elegance to a tradition of gendered performing art which counts as an intangible cultural heritage. Their granddaughters, by 2022, were the Gen Z cohort, and armed with TikTok, Snapchat and Instagram, rather than the shantu, carried the self-expression and defiance to a whole new level as petulant, entitled generation, and certainly without the cultural authenticity their grandmothers had.

Shantu Jazz Fusion and the Mezcal Jazz Unit

The Kano State History and Culture Bureau (HCB) subsequently established its own shantu troupe, made up of more mature ladies and keeping the spirit of intangible heritage alive. I had the opportunity to watch them perform live at the Emirates Palace Hotel, Abu Dhabi, UAE, on 1st October 2009 as part of the preparations to the conference on preservation of musical heritage of various cultures, Hausa being one of those chosen. I was with them in the dressing rooms backstage where I interviewed them, and later recorded their performance. A little bit of it is at https://bit.ly/3GBaSQG. A second Hausa act at the concert was Nasiru Garba Supa, who also performed, although without Fati and her shantu because by then Fati had left the band after getting married, although HCB retained her in some capacity.

Earlier in February 2009, the French Cultural Centre in collaboration with Alliance Française, Kano, organized a Kano Music Festival, Kamfest 2009. This was to bring French and Nigerian artists together for a three-day music festival. One of the French bands was Mezcal Jazz Unit, a jazz band formed in Montpellier, France. The band had established a reputation as being a fine jazz band and creating crossover fusion recordings with artists from various cultures worldwide.

The HCB shantu troupe was also featured at Kamfest 2009. While each band performed separately, a segment was created where a jam session was performed fusing MZU’s jazz improvisations with the HCB shantu sounds and vocals from the players. This creation must be seen as a real bridge between the two cultures via both authentic and peaceful exchanges, through music. Two cultures, two countries, one music!

Mezcal Jazz Unit, whose identity is maintained by regular confrontation with musical groups from all horizons, was one of the rare groups capable of engaging in smooth and fluid artistic collaborations that appear spontaneous. Their quartet was based on the clearly established principle of openness, allowing for a continuous invitation of “jazz” and “non-jazz” artists. This spirit inspired Mezcal Jazz Unit to formally record with the shantu ensemble in February 2009, just before the KAMFEST festival. The result was a CD, recorded in Kano, but mastered, pressed and marketed in Paris. The CD was simply titled Shantu. Released in 2010, it is available at https://apple.co/3zEMdGR, although some videos of the performance are also available at https://bit.ly/3DBDLcm.

Recently, the shantu has started coming back as part of female entertainment, especially during wedding ceremonies, as reflected in quite a few TikTok uploads of various shantu performances during ceremonies. Perhaps tired of the synthesizer love songs typical of modern Hausa singers (not musicians, since the singers rarely create the music accompanying their song) a revival of Hausa intangible cultural heritage is probably happening.

Preservation of the Hausa Intangible Cultural Heritage in Performing Arts

According to UNESCO, intangible cultural heritage includes the practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, skills – as well as the instruments, objects, artefacts and cultural spaces associated therewith – that communities, groups, in some cases, individuals recognize as part of their cultural heritage. Hausa female musical performance certainly are part of this heritage and is fast disappearing. There quite a few reasons for this.

First, music generally is frowned in Hausa societies. It is widely considered a low-class occupation (Smith has a good thought on this) – despite the immense popularity of both traditional griot and modern electronic (synthesizer) performing artists. This has the unpleasant outcome of relegating music and musicians to the background of any debate on social development.

Secondly, the subject matter of most musical performances also creates a distaste in the genre. With extremely few exceptions, Hausa performers are basically praise singers – singing the praises of politicians who pay them millions to praise them or denigrate their political opponents. This has contributed to lowering the image of musicians in the society. Rarely do musicians approach the art as an aesthetic process independent of client or patronage status.

Third, and mainly for women, public performance in predominantly Muslim communities is frowned upon because the audiences are not her muharrams – i.e., males with whom there is no possibility of any marriage. Salamatu Mai Gurmi, a female gurmi player, found a way around this by taking her husband along to her performances with his full permission. After all, the performances do put food on the table, as it were.

Fourth, the preservation of musical heritage requires a sustainable input in terms of concert dates, tours, record deals, publicity, distribution and marketing, etc., processes with not only required expertise that is absent among local, especially female, performers but also exposure – with attendant security risks – that will not make it possible for women to participate, no matter how talented. Currently, Barmani Choge’s female grandchildren have sustained their grandmother’s musical heritage in Funtua, Katsina State, but living in penury and lack of both individual and government support. I have instituted a project to get one of them to a studio and record her songs – which will be uploaded to YouTube for all to hear. Salamatu Mai Gurmi, from Bauchi, plays the gurmi on invitation to naming and wedding ceremonies, accompanied by her husband and playing to mainly female audience. She performed solely for the camera at https://bit.ly/3gkPKDS

Five, private female-only performances do take place in various places – for instance, the Sakaina (broken calabash as instruments) performance in the Kano Emir’s Palace in the past. However, such performances are not public, even though they are part of the intangible heritage to be preserved. There is a need to create public equivalents, even if restricted to private female audiences, of these performances, especially among older women.

As we focus on the preservation of the Intangible Cultural Heritage in the performing arts domain of the Muslim Hausa female, the main thrust of such preservation falls on the National Institute of Cultural Orientation (NICO), a UNESCO country partner representing the Federal Ministry of Information and Culture.

Thus, NICO can sustain its revival movements as a form of cultural activism that uses elements from the past to legitimate change—change comprising not only a reversion to past practices but innovation. Therefore, a series of initiatives are needed to preserve the intangible heritage of the shantu performance.

The Institute could initiate a policy dialogue involving public culture representatives – clerics, youth organizations, community leaders – that will fashion out an acceptable re-insertion of shantu music as accepted public performance. This is because the issue of the public visibility of the female within Islam has to be balanced out. Of course, there are many young women in Hausa societies who are currently performing as singers (though not as musicians) in the public domain. Yet, traditional instruments, in the hands of women and in public arena does tend to rub some people in the Islamicate culture of northern Nigeria the wrong way. Dialogue is critical to everyone being on the same page.  

At the same time, NICO could institute a competition among girls and young women and clustered by age for shantu playing, with prizes for the best three within each group. The songs needed not be on relationships – they could over all spectrum of human behavior, with prizes awarded for the best performance in each category – and such rewards to include marketing and promotion of the output.

Finally, the success of the crossover genre embarked by the Mezcal Jazz Unit and shantu clearly points to the future of such crossover improvisations. For instance, amada performers can be integrated with both shantu and gurmi players for a series of fusion concerts. This will create new innovations in Hausa female music and certainly provide a welcome alternative and exposure to a performance genre that is fast being smothered by synthesized sounds.

Select Bibliography

Adamu, Abdalla Uba. “Tribute to Hajiya Sa’adatu Ahmad Barmani Choge, Griotte, northern Nigeria, 1948-2013.” The Annual Review of Islam in Africa, University of Cape Town, South Africa, Issue No. 12/13, pp. 166-172, 2016.

Adamu, Abdalla Uba. “Womanist ethos and Hausa domestic ecology: A structuralist analysis of Barmani Choge’s operetta, Sakarai ba ta da wayo (Useless woman).” In S. Abdu (Ed.). Poetry and Poetics: Proceedings of the 5th Conference on Literature in Northern Nigeria. Bayero University Kano: Department of English and French, pp. 93-120, 2008. 

Almajir, Tijjani Shehu. 2022. Sigogin Waƙoƙin Shantu da Tasirinsu a Rayuwar Hausawa. Bayero University Kano. Kadarkon Adabin Hausa: A Festschrift in Honour of Professor Sa’idu Muhammad Gusau. Forthcoming, 2023.

‌Ames David Wason and King, Anthony V. Glossary of Hausa Music and Its Social Contexts. Northwestern University Press, 1971.

Ames, David Wason. “Professionals and Amateurs: The Musicians of Zaria and Obimo.”  African Arts, vol. 1, no. 2, pp. 40-45+80+82-84, 1968.

‌DjeDje, Jacqueline Cogdell. “West Africa: An Introduction.” In Ruth Stone (Ed.). The Garland Handbook of African Music. New York: Routledge, pp. 166-197, 2000.

DjeDje, Jacqueline Cogdell. Fiddling in West Africa: Touching the Spirit in Fulɓe, Hausa, and Dagbamba Cultures. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2008.

Erlmann, Veit. “Notes on Musical Instruments among the Fulani of Diamare (North Cameroon).” African Music: Journal of the International Library of African Music, vol. 6, no. 3, pp. 16-41, 1983. https://doi.org/10.21504/amj.v6i3.1166.

Jatau, Phoebe. “Shantu Songs: An Example of the Oral Heritage of Hausa Women in Kaduna State.”  In Saleh Abdu and Muhammad Badmus (eds.), Writing, Performance and Literature in Northern Nigeria. 2nd ed. Kano: Bayero University Press, pp.166-182, 2006.

Kassam, Margaret Hauwa. “Some Aspects of Women’s Voices from Northern Nigeria.” African Languages and Cultures, vol. 9, no. 2, Gender and Popular Culture, pp. 111-125, 1996.

Kofoworola, Ziky and Yusef Lateef. Hausa Performing Arts and Music. Lagos, Nigeria: Department of Culture Federal Ministry of Information and Culture, 1987.

‌Mack, Beverly Blow. Muslim Women Sing. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004.

MacKay, Mercedes. “The Shantu Music of the Harims of Nigeria.” African Music: Journal of the African Music Society, vol. 1, no. 2, pp. 56–57, 1955. https://doi.org/10.21504/amj.v1i2.255.  

Musa, Umma Aliyu. “Promoting women empowerment through songs: Barmani Choge and her performances.” Journal of African Languages and Literatures, vol.1, 2020, pp.89-109, https://doi.org/10.6092/jalalit.v1i1.6735.  

Smith, Michael Garfield. “The Hausa System of Social Status.” Africa, vol. 29, no. 3, pp. 239–252, 1959.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

Nigerian Military has revealed the names and identities of terrorist commanders destabilizing the northern part of the country.

On Monday, the Defense Headquarters released the names of 19 men allegedly culpable for terrorism in the North. 

According to the Director of Defense Information, Maj-Gen. Jimmy Akpor, the names were released so that members of the public with genuine information about the insurgents would contact the military. 

The military also promised a cash reward of five million naira to persons with genuine information. They urged the public to contact 09135904467 to share the information.

The names released by the Defense Headquarters include the names of the following persons : 

SANI DANGOTE – ORIGIN: Dumbarum Village. Zurmi LGA of Zamfara States.

BELLO TURJI GUDDA – ORIGIN: FAKAI Village of Zamfara State.

LEKO – ORIGIN: MOZOJ VIllage, Mutazu LSA of Katsina State

DOGO NAHALI – ORIGIN: YAR TSAMIYAR JNO Village. Kankara LGA of Katsina State

HALILU SUBUBU – ORIGIN: SUBUBU Village in MARADUN LGA of Zamfara State.

NAGONA – ORIGIN: ANGWAN GALADIMA in ISA LOA of SOKOTO State.

NASANDA – ORIGIN: Kwashabawa, Village in Zurmi LGA of Zamara State.

ISIYA KWASHEN GARWA – ORIGIN: KAMFANIN Daudawa Village of Faskari, Katsina State.

ALI KACHALLA aka ALI KAWAJE – ORIGIN: KUYAMBARA VILLAGE in Danaadau MARU LGA of Zamfara State

ABU RADDE – ORIGIN: VARANDA Village in Batsari LGA Katsina State.

DAN-DA – ORIGIN: VARANDA Village in Batsari LGA of Katsina State

SANI GURGU – ORIGIN: VARANDA Village in Batsari LGA of Katsina State

UMARU DAN NIGERIA – ORIGIN: RAFI VIllage. MADA District in GUSAULGA of

NAGALA – ORIGIN: MARU LGA of Zamfara State

ALHAJI ADO ALIERO – ORIGIN: YANKUZO Village Tsafe LGA of Zamfara State

MONORE – ORIGIN: YANTUMAKI Village, Dan LGA of Katona Stata

GWASKA DANKARAMI – ORIGIN: SHAMUSHELE Village in Zuri LGA of Zamfara State

BALERI – ORIGIN: SHINKAFI LGA of Zamfera State

MAMUDU TAINANGE – ORIGIN VARANDA Village in Batsari LGA of Katsina State

By Abba Abdulwahab Danmaraya

Congratulations to all my colleagues and friends who have recently finished their National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme. I wish you success in your career, and may Allah bless the certificates you have acquired. Your number is too enormous for me to follow each of you and extend my wish but when you come across this piece, bear in mind that it’s for you.

As you achieve another record/milestone in your life journey, I want to advise you to embrace skills and apprenticeship and engage in any small business that comes your way. When you do that faithfully with God’s blessings, the big and lucrative ones you so desire may come to you.

You don’t need to be told about the hardship people experience in Nigeria. The saturated labour market and the job racketeering that’s going on in the country are under the watch of those who can make things right, but since it favours most of them and their loved ones, they allow it to continue the bad way.

You shouldn’t be carried away by the mentality of some graduates and refuse to work hard. Instead, get as much connection as possible, learn new things and improve the quality of your thought by thinking outside the box.

Today life has proven to us it is not only about how hard you work but also how brilliant you think/work. The certificates you possess don’t matter in getting you a job in most places in Nigeria if you have connections but also you can also be welcome to so many places if you can offer many things, create and work smarter.

Even on this social media, when used correctly and with caution, you will meet with many things, people, and items that will help shape and mould you to be a better version of yourselves. With your smartphones, you will learn a lot, and you can also generate more money and maximise your income when you manage your time and thought.

Abba Abdulwahab Danmaraya wrote via saniabdulwahabdanmaraya@gmail.com.

By Hassan Idris 

As students of sociology and criminal justice, we can’t debunk the fact that social control is a compelling discussion subject in the criminal justice system.  There has not been any society that exists without a social control mechanism to oversee the behaviours of its members. The Nigerian police, my discussion subject, is regarded as the ‘gatekeeper’ of the criminal justice system because it’s the nearest social control mechanism to the people. However, social control is unarguably the most preponderant static aspect of every human society. It’s the prerequisite for maintaining decorum, orderliness, and stability, which becomes a vital thing for every human society to develop a social control mechanism, be it formal or informal, to oversee the behaviour of the members of the society and bring about development and stability.

Marshall, in 1996 defined Social control as “the process of keeping individuals in check, moderating their behaviours, and maintaining social order”. Social controls tend to encompass the strategies and mechanisms put in place to oversee the behaviours of the members of human society. Social control is the birth of human social relationships which may be informal (comprising written norms, values, or customs) or formal (typically practised by the personnel of constitutionally acknowledged agencies. But we cannot discredit that formal and informal social control mechanisms are derived from the habituation and rationalization that arises from repeated interaction. 

Okoye, in 2011 posited that the word” Police” comes from the Latin word politic, which means” civil administration”.  However, the first Professor of Criminology in Nigeria from the Prestigious Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria-Nigeria, Professor Odekunle, in 2010,  defined the police as “the government officials most proximate to crime, temporally and procedurally, and the leading figures in crime prevention, control and law enforcement processes”. The fundamental objectives of policing in society are to provide security, or at least a social and psychological feeling of security, for a majority of citizens, in a majority of places, and for most of the time. The police, the “gatekeeper” of the criminal justice system in all contemporary societies, is the most apparent agent of formal social control. This is why Bittner, in 1990, asserted that “social control and reactions to deviance are intimately bound up with the functions of the police because they all address the central problem posed by events or behaviour which ought not to be happening”. 

However, the fact remains that the police assist other social control agencies through many of their actions. The paramount role the police play in ensuring societal laws, norms and values are kept and regulated made it one of the cogent institutions of the criminal justice system. Most Nigerians would not refute that the police institution is the nearest institution with regular contact with the people, making it distinctive amongst other criminal justice institutions. The uniqueness of the police clenches the evidence that its decision and action on the street or in society is vital to the existence of the criminal justice system. The police are the “gatekeeper” of the criminal justice system, and it decides who moves into the system and who comes out. Therefore, every action or activity carried out by the police have myriad and huge implications for the criminal justice system and other institutions.

Furthermore, to understand the contemporary Nigerian police and the anti-people administration they portend, it’s paramount to trace back to the history of policing and the colonial policies that influenced the current bureaucratic policing we have today. The history of policing predates the modification of the police as a permanent occupational group within bureaucratic institutions providing the primary state response to crime and disorder.  In the past, before the emergence of the contemporary police we have today, it was traditionally the duty of all adults in the community, especially male adults, to prevent, control, and guide people from internal and external inversion and aversion. However, the emergence of the state with its wide bureaucracies brought about centralization, hierarchical authority, power structure and professionalism and the traditional strategies of policing were transformed from everyone’s business to the state business.

The historical emergence of the conventional police over the globe occurred independently; nevertheless, the historical emergence of policing in Nigeria is categorized into three. The first category is the pre-colonial category which policing then includes the use of cults, messengers, secret societies and palace guards. Crime surveillance and curtailing then in Nigeria were executed by indigenous institutions which are regionally based.  The Northern and Southern Districts of the country’s system of policing were established on centralization and formalization. In the Northern parts of Nigeria, monopolized by the Hausa-speaking ethnic group, the Dogarai was employed as the bodyguards of the Sark( Emir or King). They refine full-time policing in the community. Under the leadership of the Dogarai, the Sarkin Dogarai was charged with capturing and disciplining offenders and protecting the town from internal and external invasions. Similarly, in the Yoruba-speaking ethnic group of Western Nigeria, the Ilari, Emese, or even the Aguven was responsible for apprehending or arresting criminals.

In the secondary category, which is the colonial period, the system and principles of policing changed and became anti-people. The vitality of establishing the formal police by the colonial masters was essentially to serve and protect their commercial interests and not the people. It’s a reason we have brutal and anti-people policing in Nigeria today. I’ll justify that in the next paragraph when I’m discussing the post-colonial category of policing. The third category, which is the post-colonial category, the leftover system in the pre-colonial category, which is anti-people policing, was still carried to this period, even when the colonial masters left, and this is evidence of why the style of law enforcement used by the Nigerian police today is not for the masses. 

The Nigerian police, without a doubt, have lost confidence in the hearts of the people, and there have been accused of unnecessary arrest and even breach of law. But we can’t deny that the Nigerian police from inception was built upon the wrong foundation because the British established a predatory police administration for Nigeria for the fundamental purpose and strategy of sustaining, promoting, and ensuring the socio-economic and political orientations and occupations of the colonial masters. 

In conclusion, the current pervasive feelings of insecurity and the near-total breakdown of law and order as a result of the upsurge in different criminal activities, like terrorism, kidnapping, armed robbery, political assassinations, and ritual killings, in Nigeria is an indictment of the failure of the Nigeria police force as the most visible agent of formal social control and the gatekeeper of the criminal justice system in the country. However, despite these shortcomings, the Nigerian police force remains a vital pillar through which conformity and maintenance of order are installed.

Hassan Idris is a sociologist and poet and sent this article via idrishassan035@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Aminu and Uzair Adam Imam

A Senior Lecturer at the Department of Mass Communication, Bayero University, Kano, Dr Ibrahim Siraj Adhama, has urged journalists to fact-check figures to change the narratives by the media that paint Northern Nigeria black. 

Adhama stated this at a One-Day Workshop for Early-Career Journalists on Reporting Northern Nigeria, Fake News and Journalism Ethics organized by a Kano-based online media organization, The Daily Reality. 

The workshop, which was held at Bayero University, Kano, was organized by the management team of The Daily Reality Newspaper to groom journalists in Northern Nigeria on reporting.

He said our northern reporters should have apparatuses to re-examine statistics by the World Bank and IMF, among others, before reporting them for public consumption. 

Adhama, who spoke on “Issues in Reporting Northern Nigeria: A Framing/Agenda Setting Perspective, said the north was represented in media as economically and educationally backward with a high number of out-of-school children. 

He said, “We need to stop swallowing statistics about us. Most of these statistics by the World Bank, IMF, etc., will never favour us. 

“Thus, we should have an apparatus to re-examine them before reporting them,” he added.

Speaking on how those reports affect Hausa-Muslim northerners and, by extension, other ethnic groups, Adhama maintained that all the things we read about us in the Southern media were in themselves, despite claiming objectivity, subjective.

By Aminu Mohammed

This article may ruffle feathers and annoy some people, but it is done with good intentions. I have observed youths’ excitement and political campaigns for presidential candidates on different social media platforms. In some cases, friends and associates have turned to foes for having opposing views on their candidates. Some even terminate a business relationship because of politics.

Indeed, I am aware of the difficulties faced by the people, especially the increasing cost of living worsened by inflation. Nigerians are suffering because of the bad economic policies of the present government and the ongoing depreciation of the Naira, which has plunged millions of people into poverty. In other words, people’s living standards are getting worse, as life was better a decade ago than now.

First, I want to clarify that I’m not too fond of politics and have no interest in any presidential candidate for the 2023 elections. However, as a Nigerian, I am a bit worried about how our people campaign for their candidates on social media platforms. Some clerics have gone to the extent of warning people not to vote for candidates outside their region. Unfortunately, the northern youth have not learnt any lesson in the last seven years.

The fact of the matter is that the current structure and governance system only benefits the elite and their cronies, as well as a coterie of aides, while most people are pauperized. The northern youths who are dissipating energy on these presidential candidates should note that the elite do not care about them but their aggrandizement. The northern political elites are hiding under the name “Arewa” to deceive the masses while using proceeds of corruption to buy properties in London, Dubai, New York, Kuala Lumpur and Paris.

Have they pondered to ask why public universities were closed for eight months, and the elite did not see the urgency to address the plight of the striking lecturers? Has the life of an ordinary northerner improved in the last seven years, although President Muhammad Buhari is in power? Was there any economic transformation in the North in the previous seven years? In my 12 years of experience as a journalist in Nigeria and my interaction with politicians and government officials, I have concluded that politics will not rescue the North, but only an attitudinal change towards entrepreneurship and commerce will change the narrative.

Attitudinal change towards entrepreneurship/commerce

I have never seen a society transformed based on political patronage. I have never seen a prosperous community due to its people being fixated on political power. So let me clarify that our fixation on political power will not save the North. It will not take millions of children out of the streets or rescue our economy.

Our focus should be on improving our economy, empowering women through education, and creating businesses and initiatives that will improve the general well-being of our people. I have seen many cases of global transformation based on entrepreneurship and commerce. For example, we have all witnessed China’s transformation based on the manufacturing and development of small and medium-scale enterprises. This is also the case with countries in South East Asia such as South Korea, Malaysia and Singapore. Thus, emphasis should be placed on the youths’ personal development and self-reliance. The idea of depending on politicians for handouts instead of pursuing self-reliance in the North should be de-emphasized. No society has prospered based on such practices of handing out peanuts to hangers for survival.

 Acquisition of vocational/ digital skills

Our focus and pursuit of political power have never helped us in the past, and they will not help us going into the future. It only helped to enrich the northern political elite and establishment at the expense of the majority. What will save us is a society with an amalgamation of empowered youths equipped with the requisite education and modern skills relevant to the global economy.

I want to reiterate that our youth should learn vocational skills to support themselves and stop wasting their time blaming their relatives for not helping them or sitting in “Majalisa”. Academically inclined people should learn digital skills offline or online to get remote jobs or fend for themselves. They can also learn digital skills for free on platforms like Coursera, Simplilearn, Udemy, and Udacity, among others. I am appealing to northern youths not to waste their time antagonizing friends and associates over these charlatans masquerading as leaders.

Aminu Mohammed is at the Kiel School of Sustainability, Chrtistan Albrechts Universität zu Kiel, Schleswig Holstein, Germany. He can be reached via gravity23n@gmail.com. 

By Sulaiman Maijama’a

Almajiri System, over the last few years, has come under intense pressure, greeted with mixed reactions by stakeholders, especially in northern Nigeria. Many people have written many pieces on the negative consequences of the system, ascribing it to be one of the underlying causes of poverty, hunger, and insecurity, among other social vices in northern Nigeria. For this reason, it has been a topic of debate. Some call for repositioning the system, and some agitate for its total abolishment. In contrast, others argue that it should remain as it is today.

Undoubtedly, the present-day Almajiri system is, to a greater extent, different from what was obtainable in the pre-colonial era, hence the need for a review. Before British colonisation, the system, aside from the authorities’  high recognition and promotion, had enjoyed the support of other major stakeholders, such as the community, the parents and the pupils. So also, the whole financial burden of the system was being taken by the authorities with public funds. These indicate that the Almajiri system in those days was somewhat formal and, therefore, more organised.

However, the magnitude of the attack the system has now come under has given it a distorted image. It has developed a stereotype in some people, so much so that on the mention of the word “Almajiri”, the first connotation that comes to mind is negativity – illiteracy, poverty, hunger, dishonesty, insecurity and all sorts of social vices.

The word “Almajiri” is a derivative of an Arabic word, “Al muhajirun”, which could be traced right from the migration of Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) from Makka to Madina. Those who migrated with the prophet to Madina were called ‘Al-Muhajirrun’, meaning migrants. In Nigeria, the word “Almajiri” refers to those, usually teenagers, who are sent by their parents from respective villages and settlements to urban centres in the quest for Qur’an knowledge.

2014 UNICEF report estimated the number of Almajiri conservatively to be 9.5 million in Nigeria, predominantly in the northern part. If all of them were a nuisance, as widely believed by some people, the situation of our region would be worse than we could imagine. 

There is no doubt that there are bad eggs among them, which applies to every category of people. But, as much as bad eggs, there are equally good ones among the Almajiris who have passed through the system and become successful in different facets of life.

Almajiris excelled

Adamu Garba, a former Nigerian presidential aspirant, in an interview with the Punch Newspaper, says the Almajiri system in northern Nigeria produced some of the wealthiest men, including Africa’s pride, Aliko Dangote and the founder of BUA Group, Abdul Samad Rabiu, amongst others. Garba said he was once an Almajiri before he acquired Western education.

When asked whether the Almajiri system promotes terrorism, Garba said Boko Haram has no connection with the Almajiri system because of the dichotomy between Islamic denominations in northern Nigeria. “So, it is very unlikely that you have an Almajiri man becoming a Boko Haram,” he told The Punch.

Garba also mentioned that many business giants are products of the Almajiri system. “Again, if you go to [the] Kano market, most of the rich people in the market are Almajiri. They came through Almajiri, they were able to get [the] necessary training in the Almajiri institutions, and they were able to get to where they are.”

Similarly, several renowned Islamic scholars were once Almajiris. A typical example is Sheik Muhammad Bin-Uthman.

Testimonies from people

Some people interviewed narrated how their encounters with some Almajiri lefts them with a memorable impression.

Abdullahi Muhammad, a resident of Kobi, an Almajiri-dominated area in Bauchi, narrated how an Almajiri once returned his valuable lost items.

“I once forgot my valuable properties around my house. I gave up finding them, but to my surprise, an Almajiri found and returned them to a nearby mosque. It was announced after a couple of days. I claimed ownership and recovered my items intact. I was surprised [at] how honest the boy was.”

In an interview, Aisha Abubakar, a housewife in the Kobi area in Bauchi, revealed that she had two little Almajis coming to help her with housework.

“Two little Almajis come daily to help me with some housework — they fetch me water, wash clothes, and sometimes I send them on an errand. I give them food and sew them clothing when they go home during holidays. For the past two years, they have been coming. They are honest”, she said.

Maryam Abdullahi, another housewife in the Gwallaga area, Bauchi, said she retained an Almajiri who, apart from helping her with housework, teaches her little children Arabic alphabets.

“I have an Almajiri that comes on Thursdays and Fridays to give Qur’an lessons to my children. I’m happy now that my children are good in the Arabic alphabet and Qur’an recitation, courtesy of the lesson they receive from this boy ( the Almajiri). I cannot thank him enough.”

When asked how honest and disciplined she finds the Almajiri, she said, “I send him uncountable times with money to buy foodstuff and other items, and I always find him unblemished.”

Murtala Aminu (Ɗankasuwa), a trader in an Almajiri-dominated area, when asked how he finds the Almajiris around him, he asserted that their stay in the area is a blessing.

“They recite the Qur’an every blessed day and night. This gives us tranquillity and peace of mind. In addition, we cite them as an example for our children to emulate their hard work searching for knowledge. Many of them memorised the Qur’an by heart. What could be more delightful?”.

We take good care of Almajiris under our watch — Almajiri teachers

When interviewed, some Almajiri teachers revealed to us how they strictly manage the Almajiris under their tutelage to be well brought up and face the realities of life early.

Mallam Muhammad Shafi’u Inuwa, an Almajiri teacher in Sabon Gida Tsangaya school, said, “under our school, we have about a  hundred Almajiris. We raise them early in the morning to take classes between 5:00 am and 10:00 pm. In the afternoon, we allow them to work to earn a living. At night, between 8:00 pm and 10:00 pm, is also time for classes. We ensure that all the Almajiris return to their apartments when it is time for sleeping.”

On his part, Mallam Khamisu Ali (Gwani), another Almajiri teacher, said, “we try in this Tsangaya (Almajiri school) to imbue in them (the Almajiris) the spirit of hard work. Moreover, we encourage them to be self-reliant because to work and earn a living is better than to beg; that is why we allow them on school-free days (Thursdays and Fridays) to acquire skills.”

When asked whether the parents of the Almajiris come to check on their wards, Mallam Gwani said, “we are in contact with their parents. We face some challenges regarding this, but plans are underway to make it necessary for every parent to come in person and check on their wards at certain intervals.”

Regarding learning efficiency, Mallam Gwani stated that they had produced brilliant reciters, some of whom memorised the Qur’an by heart as teenagers.

Some Almajiris do not beg nor chant for food

In their efforts to face the realities of life and actualise self-reliance, some Almajiris interviewed claimed to have never begged nor gone to houses chanting for food

In this interview, a teen Almajiri, Zaharadden  Manu, explained how he sustains his life by harnessing and utilising the skill he learned back home before he was taken to Almajiranci.

“Every day after school hours, I go around nearby communities to do shoe shining, and it earns me a living. Then, on Thursdays and Fridays, I fetch water to housewives for food or money”, he said.

Musa Aliyu is an ambitious Almajiri who reconciles Qur’an learning and hand work. When asked where he sees himself in the decade, he said, “I see myself in the future as an educated person and a business owner with employees under me. I pursue this dream to the best of my ability.”

It was observed that on school-free days, markets and commercial centres get populated with Almajiris who do different works to earn some money to live on.

Give Almajiris the atmosphere to harness their full potential – Educationist

Comrade Abdullahi Yalwa, an educationist lecturer with the Department of Crimes Management and Control, Abubakar Tatari Ali Polytechnic, Bauchi, opined, “I think that abolishing the system may not be realistic or so easily achieved. What should be done is to review and revise to align with realities. There is a correlation between nature and nurture, and the two must synchronise to give an effective and responsible person. If one is bound to succeed if given a better condition, he would be double or triple or would be in the book of record for the exceptional display of talent.”

Comrade Yalwa further said, “to maximise the benefits and reduce or eliminate the negative effects of the system. Parents need to be responsible by sponsoring their children when searching for knowledge. They should give them enough resources to manage themselves, visit them periodically, give them what they need in terms of their basic need and also appreciate the person taking care of them in order not for him to use them as slaves.”

On what the government and relevant authorities should do, Comrade Yalwa recommended that “the Almajiri teachers ought to be registered by the government, and a maximum number of students should be allotted to each, and they should have the basic necessities, especially accommodation facilities, where people have a responsible and decent life.”

Maijama’a is a student at the Faculty of Communication, Bayero University, Kano and wrote via  sulaimanmaija@gmail.com.

By Abdussamad Ahmad Yusuf

It was Wednesday evening, and the clock was ticking to 6:00 pm. Alongside two friends, we were joined by another friend’s friend reminiscing my 44 days stay in Abuja, the Federal Capital — the longest I have stayed off Kano.

It’s a roadside discussion, and all topics have the freedom to cross our minds. So we present, discuss, argue and analyze. We sometimes even pass verdicts and judgments.

In Kano, it is Majalisar Bakin Titi, the roadside parley. It is a local gathering of men. In the local roadside parleys, unless in some exceptional circumstances, there is segregation of age, group, social and even economic status. While there is Majalisar Attajirai, the wealthy’s parley, there is that of the humbles, nobles to that of ‘Yan caca, the gamblers’. Men branched in the majalisa after work or after market hours in the evening. For the youth, joblessness and idle-mindedness have made their conversation almost an all-day affair.

It’s easy when you talk of youth or a range of bachelors, rest assured, women and girls have to find a way to dominate the discussions.

Habu would begin showing the girl in blue that her Atampa cost six thousand, the bag two, her veil eight hundred; putting everything she wore averagely kept at Fifteen thousand. She was of humble background and not suitable to be “settled with”, he concluded. Marrying her means you have to struggle all your life to satisfy your needs and hers’ and expect nothing from her side or her parents. Is it crass materialism or the new normal? Anyway, it’s a roadside parley, not an academic or intellectual forum.

Until the beginning of the 1990s, marriage is contracted on the mutual friendship between two families of the intending couples, for settling disputes, generally to stiff bonds or forge new ones. Therefore, the material benefit does not count as much, even at the community, not a familial level, where crowd-achievement due to communal lifestyle is more prevalent than the individualist materialism in prevalence today. 

This permeation of a materialistic viewpoint of life has degraded the standard of familial life seen manifest in roadside discussions, more unfortunately, stemming from the Manyan Gobe, leaders of tomorrow who are nurturing an ignorant standpoint for the nucleus of society: the family.

The Habu thesis painted above shows the complexity of young man’s  ‘misthinking’ wealth, status and rank for fancy and expensive dress and accoutrements. Sadly, it has reduced young girls of marriageable ages to racing for material possessions; an iPhone – the latest in the market, expensive ‘Vatik’ Atampa, posh shoes for kece raini, ‘being above equals’.

These are the ‘yan mata Roadside Discussions extolled to the high heaven, and about-to-marry young men internalize as the best description of a woman to seek her marriage. It is no longer about the Ladabi (obedience, and I am not being apologetic to the ‘alpha’ men), kunya (modesty and good manner), hankali (sobriety), mutumci (humanity toward others) and  Karamci (generosity), in addition to what zamani, current dynamic brings; industriousness, economic dexterity, education (in the western sense or the karatun boko) and may be tech-friendliness.

The Roadside parleys are a hub to discuss which girl has the curviest hip, who has a bosom chest and who walks beguiling, and identifying who has Girman kai, ego in the community. The one egoistic, closely when interrogated, one would discover she is the one who is not trading her teeth for beautiful smiles at any of these near-jobless men, what they will turn out to brand Rashin kamun kai, not modest. The best of the times, if any,  is one that discusses, often prejudicial perspectives, who is mutuniyar kirki, a good girl and who is not.

Many girls dodge passing by roadsides parley to skip their topic brought up unsolicited and to evade the roadside social appraisals and analyses of their lives.

What I will not close, however, without telling you; beautiful marriages have been tied from Roadside Discussions, even though, one may argue equally, many have been dissolved thanks to Roadside Discussions. But, the paradox notwithstanding should not deter young men and women from being the best they can be so that the best comes their way.

Abdussamad wrote in from Kano and can be reached at Abdussamadahmad69@gmail.com

Sule Abubakar Lucky Mark

What aphorism could have more aptly encapsulated Atiku’s socially divisive, searing and bigoted mannerism better than the saying in William Shakespeare’s play – ‘Much Ado About Nothing’ – which goes thus: ‘Would rather be a plain-dealing villain than an honest flattering man.’? By being a ‘plain-dealing villain’, Shakespeare means to be strict and yet upright so that people could even swear that despite your ever-growing strictness, your uprightness is still intact. So, in summary, it means to be a sharp model of rectitude.

And, being ‘an honest flattering man’, on the other hand, means, in a nutshell, to be tactically implicit in your wording so that no one’s ox would ever be gored, i.e., to be politically correct!

And so, I’ve always wondered why Atiku Abubakar, who intends to rule a multi-ethnic and multi-religious country like Nigeria, would be trapped in a circle of ‘honest flattery’ in his political voyage, and the most surprising thing is the fact that he does this without remorse. If you want to rule people, you should instead be a ‘plain-dealing villain’ than an ‘honest flatterer’, for it is in your ‘plain-dealing villainy’ they will know whether you would express deep concern about their collective plight or not in case you eventually become their leader.

On 16 October 2022, in an interactive session, Atiku reportedly told the Northern Elders Forum in Kaduna, ‘…I think what the northerners need is someone who is from the north and also understands the other parts of Nigeria, who has built bridges across the country. This is what a northerner needs. He doesn’t need a Yoruba candidate or an Igbo candidate.’ – Punch newspaper.

Atiku’s geo-ethnic bigotry and supremacism can be likened to what Shakespeare described in the play above as ‘mortifying mischief.’ And this ‘mortifying mischief’ of Atiku, if he is not adequately cautioned for it, could fan the flames of deep cleavage among Nigerians.

A presidential candidate who is said to be a ‘unifier’ should not carelessly shout an ethnic slur on/against other regions. He is expected to strengthen the dwindling bond of our existence and not weaken the already ailing breath of the fatherland. A patriotic ‘unifier’ should not play the ethnic card in the north and play ‘the unifier card’ in other regions. That’s sheer hypocrisy!

In his usual ethnocentric delusion, Atiku has always played ostrich when it comes to pressing national issues. On 12 May 2022, when some homicidal youths took the life of Deborah Samuel at Shehu Shagari College of Education, Atiku quickly posted on his verified Facebook account and condemned the illegal act. Still, after some people threatened that they would not vote for him, Atiku shamelessly removed the condemnatory post he had made earlier. That act alone has a subtle undertone: Atiku is in thrall, and he has no guts to pilot the affairs of this country!

And who knows if William Shakespeare also had Atiku Abubakar in mind when he described one of his characters in that same play: ‘Thou wast ever an obstinate heretic in the despite of beauty.’ In Atiku’s case now, despite his undeniable beauty, seemingly athletic figure, etc., he is still a rash reprobate. And if you are still inwardly an ‘obstinate heretic’, as a man, despite your beauty, especially in contemporary Nigerian society, you cannot be a reliable leader. Your government will be fraught with fabulous fraud and a glittering facade!

At this critical stage of national politics, people must be careful as they make their choices because they are in the hands of manipulative political musketeers who masquerade like angels with their honeyed rhetoric and empty promises. And if Nigerians are not careful, they will later have to find an answer to Birago Diop’s rhetorical question in his poem, which goes thus:‘If we cry roughly of our torments, what hearts will listen to our clamouring’?

Sule Abubakar Lucky Mark sent this article via suleabubakarmark2020@gmail.com.