Northern Nigeria

By Usman Muhammad Salihu,

Northern Nigeria stands at a defining moment in its history. Once the bastion of decisive leadership and cultural resilience, the region is now plagued by a crisis of governance. 

The distinction between “leaders of the North” and “leaders in the North” has never been more pronounced. Leaders of the North carry the burden of the region’s progress on their shoulders, while leaders in the North are mere seat-fillers—occupants of political positions without a true sense of duty.

Unfortunately, today’s reality leans heavily towards the latter. The region is flooded with individuals who wear the titles of governors, senators, ministers, and traditional rulers. Yet, their leadership amounts to little more than self-interest, political survival, and personal ambition. 

The result? Northern Nigeria remains stuck in a cycle of poverty, illiteracy, and insecurity, trailing behind the rest of the country on almost every developmental index.

Banditry, kidnapping, and insurgency have become rampant, turning villages into ghost towns and leaving countless families in mourning. Youth unemployment and economic hopelessness have skyrocketed, while education continues to suffer, with millions of children out of school. 

Rather than prioritising sustainable policies, these leaders dish out empty rhetoric, making grand promises while doing little to uplift the people they claim to serve.

Hunger has become a political tool—wielded not as a crisis to be solved, but as a mechanism of control. Those who once enjoyed three square meals now struggle to afford even one. 

Yet, instead of confronting the root causes of poverty, many politicians prefer the optics of distributing bags of rice. They would rather keep the people hungry and dependent than invest in mechanised agriculture, industrialisation, or skills development. 

A well-fed, independent populace questions leadership. A starving one is easier to manipulate. Beyond economic woes, northern lives have become increasingly devalued, even beyond the region. 

The recent horrific killing of at least 16 northern travellers in Edo State is a chilling reminder of the dangers of mob justice and ethnic profiling. These victims, mostly Hausa hunters heading for Sallah festivities, were mistaken for kidnappers and brutally lynched. 

Their truck was torched, their bodies consumed by fire in a scene reminiscent of a lawless state. Such tragedies expose the colossal failure of leadership at all levels. 

A country with strong institutions and responsible governance would not permit the extrajudicial slaughter of innocent citizens. Figures like former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and activist Omoyele Sowore have rightly condemned the killings, while Edo State Governor, Monday Okpebholo, has ordered investigations. 

But the crucial question remains: Will justice be served? Or will this atrocity, like so many before it, fade into oblivion? Meanwhile, traditional institutions that once provided stability and moral guidance in the North have been hijacked by political interests. 

The reckless creation of new emirates and first-class chiefdoms is no longer about strengthening governance—it is about settling scores, wielding influence, and further fracturing the region.

Northern Nigeria is rich in potential, yet without sincere leadership, it will remain shackled to poverty, insecurity, and stagnation. The people must awaken to their power, demanding accountability and choosing leaders based on competence rather than ethnicity, religion, or political patronage.

A true leader does not throw food at his people; he empowers them to produce their own. He does not buy votes with handouts; he builds an economy where citizens can thrive without begging. 

The North needs statesmen who will champion food security, support industrial growth, and create jobs, not politicians who prey on hunger for electoral gain.

Above all, northern lives must matter—not just to those in power, but to the nation. If the cycle of mob justice and ethnic profiling continues unchecked, Nigeria risks deepening its fractures beyond repair. 

Leadership is not about occupying an office but securing justice, progress, and dignity for all. So, the question lingers: Will Northern Nigeria continue to be ruled by leaders in the North who exploit suffering, or will true leaders emerge to break this cycle of failure? 

The answer lies in the hands of the people.

Usman Muhammad Salihu is a PRNigeria Fellow.

By Samaila Suleiman, PhD

Political memoir is an important genre of autobiography. It preserves not only the memories of its author but also serves as a first-hand account of critical policy decisions and political milestones in a nation’s historical journey.

In a country where official records are often incomplete, contested, or deliberately erased, writing autobiographies is more than just a historiographical or literary venture—it is a moral and social obligation on the part of the political class to share their personal truths, address silences, and contribute honestly to the preservation of our national history. 

What lessons can the life of Sule Lamido, who is one of Nigeria’s most principled elder statesmen, offer us about our country’s turbulent and checkered national history, marked by deep-seated contradictions?  

Having been active in the political scene for over four decades, the story of Sule Lamido is hand in glove with Nigeria’s political history, spanning important political transitions and dispensations. 

Following years of thoughtful introspection, Sule Lamido’s long-awaited autobiography, Being True to Myself, will be formally launched on 13 May 2025 at the NAF Conference Centre in Abuja.

With a foreword by Olusegun Obasanjo, Being True to Myself promises to deliver a constellation of compelling insights and thought-provoking revelations on the inner workings of power and governance in Nigeria – a story of unflinching refusal to compromise the ideals and principles that have guided Lamido’s politics since the Second Republic.

The event will be chaired by former Head of State, General Abdulsalami Abubakar, with former President Olusegun Obasanjo as the Special Guest of Honour, and Dr Iyorchia Ayu, former Senate President, as the book reviewer—three eminent national figures whose presence underscores the national significance of both Sule Lamido and his autobiography.

Being True to Myself will surely resonate not only with students of history and politics but with every Nigerian who still believes in the politics of principles and the promise of a better Nigeria.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini 

Bandits have kidnapped Nafisa Usman, a married woman, from her home in Gayi village, Kalgo Local Government Area of Kebbi State.  

The attackers reportedly invaded her residence around 2:00 a.m. on Friday, broke into her room, and took her away without harming others.  

Family sources said the kidnappers, believed to be herdsmen, are demanding N20 million for her release.  

Alhaji Yahya Kuka, Chairman of Kalgo LGA, condemned the abduction and pledged efforts to secure her safe return.  

The Kebbi State Police Public Relations Officer, Nafiu Abubakar, could not be reached for comment at press time.

By Saifullahi Attahir

Although not an expert in global health, the future for Nigeria’s healthcare intervention looks bleak.

Over the decades, we have become overly dependent on foreign aid in managing HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, Malaria, Maternal mortality, and malnutrition. Looking at it critically, it seems only a few medical conditions are not supported by foreign aid. 

Of course, it’s true that these medications would cost a huge chunk of our budget if left to be funded domestically.

As someone who works and mingles in the lower ranks, I have witnessed many sorrowful occurrences;Nigerians and even healthcare professionals do not contribute to improving the situation every day. 

The gross mismanagement, working solely for the sake of remuneration, and how locals can manipulate thingsto ensure that funding for the Polio and measles vaccine campaign keeps coming is abominable. 

Local community health workers eagerly take what little support is available for the poor victims. I have witnessed dozens of people only interested in switching to public health positions to work with NGOs (Non-Governmental Organisations). Everyone rushes toward the available funding for nurses, doctors, anatomists,  scientists, etc.. 

This is apart from an article I read in 2016 by the legendary Sonala Olumhense about the 2010 report by the Global Fund about crude mismanagement of the fund by several Nigerian agencies regarding the money allocated to fight HIV/AIDS, TB, and Malaria.

Ideally, foreign funding should not be eternal; the country must find a way to sustain the programs.

 Public health is well-versed in public-private partnerships (PPPS) and the design of each primary healthcare program so that locals can sustain it. Since day one, this has raised the issue of affordability, which the US should have taught Nigerians how to develop drugs locally at a cheaper rate, so as not to depend on their markets and pharmaceutical companies.

President Trump has already come, and we should expect and prepare for more shocks rather than continual crying out. This should serve as a wake-up call for our policymakers and the President to find a way out.

It’s unlikely the USAID funding would be reversed. We should have prepared for the rainy days ahead.

Saifullahi Attahir, a 400l Medical student of  Federal University Dutse, wrote via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com.

By Sa’adatu Aliyu 

Whenever I think of Nigeria, my mind swiftly veers towards the plot of author Adamu Kyuka Usman’s book “Hope in Anarchy.“ A book that explores the disastrous effects of poverty in Beku City where Ahoka, the main character, finds himself, and how this impoverishment, caused by the enormous economic disparity between the rich and poor, injustice, and political disillusionment, slowly tore into the fabric of society, creating a Republic of criminality and lawlessness, consequently proving that injustice and poverty largely birth insecurity.

Security in a country can’t be underestimated. It is a thread stitching other things together. It is what lets a nation thrive; without it, the potential of a people is diminished, as fear is one of the greatest potential killers. Unfortunately, this menace bedevils our country today, disorganising everything and everyone, causing citizens to lose their lives and means of livelihood. While the state appears to be attempting to tackle this, little success has been recorded, leaving most in utter despair and repeatedly asking: When will this nightmare end?

Similarly, I am writing this piece with the question: When will this mayhem cease? But while also seeking accountability from the government, in addition to challenging them to bring an end to this menace, though I do not want to point accusing fingers at some malicious politician as being in the know of the root cause of this instability or as having direct involvement with the current status quo for one selfish reason or another—primarily to enrich themselves or capitalising on the insecurity to gain political leverage during elections. I firmly believe that we’re not as helpless as we portray.

To quote a PhD student of Political Science, Hamza Aliyu, who is also a political analyst, “Sometimes if there’s a prolonged state of insecurity in a nation, the government is aware of its actors.” Backing former military president Gen. Sani Abacha’s quote, “Any insurgency that lasts more than 24 hours, a government official has a hand in it.” While these claims may be exaggerated, and I do not want to make myself believe such statements, I strongly insist that we cannot continue like this. As such, with the right attitude, there’s a way forward.

And this is why I am calling on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to put necessary mechanisms in place to fight these insecurities presenting themselves in multiple shades: from ethnic and religious tensions to kidnapping. Doing so will certainly elevate his reputation in the sight of the people; otherwise, the current groaning continues. Moreover, it is wise to do so as a leader who intends to recontest in 2027. If Nigerians were to vote for him, on what basis would that be? The bloodbath, harsh economic policies, or delivering to the people based on the 2023 campaign promises? I think it’s time to look beyond the politics of money (vote buying) because Nigerians are tired of having an endless trail of failed leadership.

Additionally, the Northern part of the country remains the hardest hit, and it is disheartening to see the lack of ingenuity of Northern politicians who care more about sustaining their lavish lifestyles along with those of their families. At the same time, their region is aflame, doing very little to develop the region. I’m using this medium to call on the Arewa Elders’ Forum and Northern politicians and businessmen to put self-interest aside and work tirelessly and collectively towards ensuring regional security. 

And among other things, one of the ways forward is reforming the Almajiranci system of education; Almajiris, being citizens who have become easy targets for electoral violence and other acts of criminality, must be integrated into society and equipped with the necessary basic education and skills to become useful citizens of the country.

Insecurity affects everyone, rich or poor. For this reason, they should invest primarily in securing the region and attract foreign investors, in addition to creating a conducive environment for economic development for hardworking entrepreneurial Nigerians, even if this means devising strategies typically unheard of.  

Difficult situations call for drastic measures. Whether Nigeria has failed as a state and people to secure the nation is not up for debate at this point, but prioritising the security of our people and the way forward is the goal.

If this means seeking foreign intervention from well-equipped and well-trained military mercenaries like the Russian Wagner group to train our security personnel and enhance our security apparatus, I think we should take the plunge. Critics, however, might argue that this move is myopic, as doing so is akin to inviting foreign intervention into the country, which has suffered at the hands of colonialism. 

Moreover, arguments like indulging private mercenaries come at a price, mainly that of exploiting natural resources in exchange for security services. As such, the mercenaries might work against, instead of for, the betterment of the country by worsening the insecurity and prolonging it to continue gaining access to solid or liquid minerals, as seen in CAR, Sudan, Libya, and Mali, where the Russian Wagner group has had some presence. An argument that holds water to an extent, but is essentially not solid in the face of the realities staring Nigeria in the face.

Besides, political meddling by foreign powers, especially the United States and its other Western allies, has been constant in Africa. While ideally, this is a time for the continent to be ridding itself of foreign aid in its multifaceted nature, we have failed to give hope and instil confidence in our people.

As a young military leader, Ibrahim Traore seems to be the only leader currently making waves and admirable political reforms on the continent. However, he might not be the best example to cite for some because his leadership is undemocratic. But who cares about democracy? While the governance system is suited for the West, we Africans must find a system that works to drive significant change and development, fostering capacity building in Africa. It could be a modified form of democracy suited for our place, people, and time – there should be several routes to the market.

Having said that, I am calling on northern politicians to wake up. We do not need more bloodbaths before the fog is parted from our eyes to see the glaring realities of the North. Particularly, the way our elites display wealth, wining and dining in luxury, while their masses are subjected to inhumane conditions at the hands of criminal gangs and biting poverty. The wedding ceremonies of the sons and daughters of elites, intimidatingly littered across social media platforms, with wads of crisp hard currencies on display, sleek exotic cars, and palatial wedding halls, prove our misplaced priorities. We can do better. All that money could go a long way in developing the region, investing it into something that profits the population.

So, I’m calling on the youth of the North as well. The younger generation must try to outdo their fathers, ensuring they work for the good of the nation and not to satisfy their greed. We do not want a country like the Beku City Republic, as rightly portrayed by Adamu Kyuka Usman in “Hope in Anarchy,” where: “The Republican police were sent to arrest armed robbers but did not return. It was later learned they had joined the armed robbers. Eventually, the police and the armed robbers were brought to the judges for trial, but the judges joined them. This is the order of things in our Republic today.” A country “where everyone will prosper by the strength of their arms or perish by the lack of such strength.”

However, while there’s huge dysfunctionality in the nation, I want to convince myself that Nigeria may not be a failed state, despite the anarchy; I’m trying to hold on to hope. But it is undoubtedly unapologetically swaying its shameless hips towards that direction. But we, the masses, cannot afford that. I believe even the rich do not want to wake up to the realities of a nation where deep resentment, as a result of poverty, drives an unquenchable thirst for the blood of the rich.

If President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador can round up notorious criminal gangs, we can restore Nigeria’s peace and security. Therefore, in this spirit, I am calling on Northern youth, Nigerian youth – rich and poor – the nation’s development is in your hands. Rise.

Sa’adatu Aliyu is a tutor at DLC Ahmadu Bello University, pursuing a Master’s in Literature. She writes from Zaria, and can be reached via this email: saadatualiyu36@gmail.com

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has issued a strong charge to the Nigerian military, urging them to intensify efforts in ending terrorism and banditry while promising improved welfare for troops.  

Speaking to soldiers of the 17 Brigade in Katsina on Friday, Tinubu described the security crisis as a pivotal moment in Nigeria’s history. He called for unwavering resolve in defending the nation’s sovereignty and restoring peace.  

“This is a defining moment,” Tinubu declared. “Nigerians are counting on you to reclaim every inch of our territory. Let the enemies of Nigeria know—their time is up.”  

The President assured troops of better housing, healthcare, timely allowances, and family support. He praised their bravery in combating banditry in Katsina and beyond, stating, “You are the shields of Nigeria, standing between our people and terror.”  

Tinubu’s visit included inaugurating a 24km dual-carriage road and an agricultural mechanisation centre. His message was clear: Nigeria will not surrender to terrorists, and the military will receive full backing to end insecurity.  

“To those who seek to destabilise us,” he warned, “Nigeria will not bow.”

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri’s remarkable success in politics and governance is built on three solid pillars. First and foremost, he holds an unshakable belief that power is granted solely by the Almighty Allah, who bestows leadership upon whomever He wills. This belief is not just theoretical for Fintiri, it defines his attitude toward leadership, power, and responsibility.

Secondly, Fintiri is a man of conviction. He cannot be swayed or coerced into decisions. However, he remains open-minded and receptive to superior arguments. This rare blend of firmness and intellectual humility sets him apart in a political environment where many leaders either succumb to pressure or refuse to listen to alternative views.

Thirdly, Fintiri possesses an in-depth understanding of governance and political power, how it works, when to deploy it, and where it can be most effective. His grasp of these dynamics has allowed him to wield power not for personal gain, but in service of meaningful, people-focused development.

From his early days as a member of the State House of Assembly, through his rise to Speaker, Acting Governor, and now two-term Executive Governor of Adamawa State, Fintiri has consistently demonstrated strategic acumen. What has kept him ahead of his adversaries is not just political skill, but his deep-rooted belief that power belongs to Allah alone. This faith has given him clarity, courage, and calmness in the face of political storms, enabling him to remain fearless, resolute, and capable of making difficult yet visionary decisions. These are decisions that echo not only in the present but will define his legacy for generations to come.

His independence of thought, combined with a willingness to embrace sound reasoning, has driven unprecedented transformation in Adamawa State. In a state once typified by political patronage and a “yes-sir” culture, Fintiri has introduced a new style of leadership; one that prizes merit, innovation, and long-term development over short-term political expediency.

Under his leadership, Adamawa has witnessed a massive infrastructural renaissance. Roads, flyovers, and underpasses have sprung up, redefining mobility and connectivity. The 1,000 housing for the masses. He has established three mega science schools, one in each senatorial district, positioning the state as a hub for scientific and technological advancement. He also ensured the construction of 21 model nursery, primary, and junior secondary schools across all local government areas, ensuring that every child, regardless of background, has access to quality education.

Fintiri’s health interventions are equally groundbreaking. From the provision of free kidney treatment to the establishment of one of the most advanced medical laboratories in Nigeria at the Specialist Hospital in Yola, his vision is clear: a healthy population is the foundation of a prosperous state.

His administration has also been proactive in addressing youth unemployment and gender inclusion. Through programs like PAWECA (Poverty Alleviation and Wealth Creation Agency), thousands of women and young people have been empowered with skills, funding, and job opportunities, restoring dignity and creating pathways for self-reliance.

Leadership, as Fintiri understands it, is both a divine responsibility and a human enterprise. Often, when the Almighty Allah grants leadership, He also grants a unique wisdom, the ability to see what ordinary eyes cannot. Fintiri not only possesses this foresight, but he also understands the fine balance between authority and service. He knows when to exercise power and when to listen; when to act boldly and when to build consensus.

A perfect illustration of this wisdom was his recent declaration that his successor must be a grassroots politician. This was not a vague or politically convenient statement, it was a profound and strategic vision. What Fintiri meant was clear: his successor must share his belief in putting the people first, must be committed to inclusive and comprehensive development across all socioeconomic sectors, and must be a leader with the intellect, experience, and moral compass to lead Adamawa into the future. Such a successor, in Fintiri’s view, must be refined, educated, visionary, and capable of seeing tomorrow through the prism of today.

In summary, Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri exemplifies a rare style of leadership rooted in faith, defined by principles, and driven by results. You may agree or disagree with his politics, but one cannot ignore the defining qualities that make him not just a political figure, but a true grassroots leader .

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

There is much to learn from the politics currently unfolding between the Jega community, their constituency representative, and the Kebbi State government. 

It all began with rising criticism directed at the state government over the glaring lack of infrastructure development in the community. What made the criticism particularly serious was the surprise and visible projects by Hon. Mansur Musa Jega, the National Assembly member representing Jega, Gwandu, and Aliero. Unarguably, since the return of democracy, this constituency has never witnessed such a scale of project delivery. So, unsurprisingly, prayers and praise were poured in from all quarters.

With Senator Muhammad Adamu Aliero of Kebbi Central also delivering notable developments, public frustration quickly turned toward the state government—the governor, the state assembly member, and the local government chairman. During the latest Eid prayer, one fierce Imam echoed the sentiment in his sermon before thousands of faithful. 

In a bold rhetorical salvo, the Imam asked: “Where are the capital projects from the state governor? Or from the local government chairman? Has governance been reduced to merely paying salaries?” 

On the other hand, the Imam turns to the constituency member to invoke Allah’s blessings on him for conspicuous township developments. These prayers were the straw that broke the camel’s back. The video went viral, sending shockwaves through the state government and its supporters.

But then, almost immediately, something interesting happened. Based on the advice, the government mobilised contractors to immediately mark for dualisation one of the busiest roads (leading to the house of the town chief). Behold, performance-based politics (which should have been the case) has given birth. 

One interesting lesson from this development is that a politician’s performance speaks louder and travels faster than any political campaign: A politician’s performance becomes an automatic means of political campaigning. Imagine an Imam on Eid grounds before thousands campaigning for one candidate. That’s the power of visible performance.

Another interesting piece revealed by the saga was the political influence of the population. Jega is among the few local governments in Kebbi State with the highest population, hence one of the most influential politically. The old town forms what would be called a swing state in America for its political dynamism or K states in Nigeria for its sheer number of electorates, so winning it is a sign of success in Kebbi State. A reason why the state governor didn’t joke with the Imam and the electorate’s outcry. This shows that a large population, when strategically mobilised, can become a political asset.

 While delivering constituency projects also depends on what committees a representative belongs to, Mansur still deserves credit because there are allegations of constructors conniving with constituency members to divert billions of naira from constituency projects. 

We criticise politicians when they fail; we should also encourage them when they try.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Governor Umar Bago has directed security agencies to arrest individuals with dreadlocks in Minna, the state capital, as part of a broader clampdown on crime.  

During a high-level security meeting on Tuesday, Governor Bago ordered that those with dreadlocks be arrested, forcibly shaved, and fined. “We will have zero tolerance for rascality. Anybody found with dreadlocks should be arrested, their hair barbed, and fined,” he declared.  

The governor also banned commercial motorcycles and tricycles from operating between 6 p.m. and 6 a.m., except in cases of medical emergencies. Additionally, he warned parents to caution their children, vowing a “fire-for-fire” approach to crime.  

Traditional rulers were instructed to document all residents in their domains, while houses harbouring criminals faced demolition. “Niger State is not for useless people,” Bago stated.

The measures aim to curb rising criminality and restore order in the state.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

As we celebrate the World Book and Copyright Day (the UNESCO, not UK version) on 23rd April 2025, and even though it is targeted at children and youth, let’s reflect; after all, we were once children and youth. A historical excavation of our reading habits shows how lucky we were.

Hausa folks over 50 have always lamented the death of reading culture among contemporary Hausa youth. Such old fogies always hark back to the days of reading, mainly English language authors: James Hadley Chase, Denise Robins, Jacqueline Susann, Frederick Forsyth, Nick Carter, Stephen King, Robert Ludlum, Harold Robbins, Ayn Rand, Wilbur Smith, etc. Almost always English. Always British or American. The novels written by these authors, I would argue, laid solid foundations for their knowledge, command and mastery of the English language. 

And the comics. Tintin (actually, Tan-Tan), Asterix, Mad Magazine, Marvel comics (Spiderman, Fantastic Four, Thor, X-Men, etc). The entire comics of London’s Fleet Street. Evoking memories of Valiant, Thunder, Eagle, Commando, Cor!!, Buster, Tiger, Battle. Even football comics (even though I don’t particularly like football at all), such as Roy of the Rovers. The novels, the comics and the TV shows (Star Trek, Space 1999, Man from U.N.C.L.E., Man from Atlantis, Perry Mason, etc.), to be frank, laid the foundation of what I am today. Not much from Africa, though. But the little we had was superb as well. These included Lance Spearman’s African Film, Fearless Fang’s Boom, and a romantic tear-jerker, Joy.  

All were readily available at the Post Office in Kano and major supermarkets of Leventis and Kingsway. The latter in particular became a must-visit place for me in the 1970s. Nothing, absolutely nothing, beats the wonderful smell of fresh books being stacked on their shelves. And it wasn’t just books. I scrimped and saved pennies and shillings until I had enough to purchase my first vinyl record album – Rare Earth’s Get Ready in 1972, three years after it was released in 1969, when I first heard a single version on the radio. 

This was what defined reading culture, at least for those of us in the urban centres who grew up with it. And even if one can’t afford fresh new books and comics from Leventis and Kingsway stores, there are many places in Kano centred around Plaza in Fage, Coca Cola Roundabout, and even the main Post Office frontage itself, where hundreds of second-hand books are sold, even up to now. 

Exchanging books and discussing their plots, characters, and titles set the tone of conversations with friends. The most popular pulp fiction writer, of course, was René Lodge Brabazon Raymond, most popularly known as James Hadley Chase. Interestingly, his novels were written in the 1930s and later, painting an often-depressing picture of his setting (mainly the United States, even though he was British). Titles like Tiger By the Tail, Tell It to the Birds, Just a Matter of Time, Knock, Knock! Who’s There? There is a Hippy on the Highway that evokes our hastily copied Americanism. The garish covers, almost always graced by a long-legged sultry female model, made many truly judge the book by its cover. 

These foreign novels existed alongside African novels, particularly those published by Heinemann since 1969. The Heinemann African Writers Series produced a massive variety of novels, almost 225, many by people from the eastern part of Nigeria. For most of us, though, their postcolonial themes seemed too intellectual. Further, they were made part of the set reading for those offering literature, so again, many who want to read a novel just for pleasure rather than pan-African political philosophy simply avoided them. 

The struggle for the souls—and pockets—of school children in the 1970s continued in efforts to dislodge James Hadley Chase. In 1977, Macmillan Publishers decided to publish a low-cost paperback series under what they called the Pacesetters Series. These were published from 1979 to 1988 and became massively popular. I remember seeing one of the earliest, The Undesirable Element by Mohammad Sule from Kano, published in 1977, while we were students at ABU. 

When Sule finished the novel (which he wrote while a student at the now Rumfa College Kano), he initially took the manuscript to the Northern Nigeria Publishing Company (NNPC) in Zaria, which rejected it because it was in English. Luckily, Macmillan was in partnership with NNPC and the MD, a Briton, asked his wife to evaluate it. She did it positively and recommended it to Macmillan London, who were just about to start their Pacesetter series. See providence. If NNPC had accepted it, they would have created a large pool of English language novelists in northern Nigeria

For Baby Boomers (1946-1964) and Generation X (1965 to 1979), the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) of 1986 severely affected their reading culture in one way: the books just dried up, whether foreign or local. Foreign became too expensive, local became too repetitive and static. We simply went back to the old classics and read them again and again. It was Robert Ludlum re-read (especially The Parsifal Mosaic) for me. 

All this was for ƴan boko. What about Hausa novels or reading materials? There are very few. By the 1980s, all the classics had been read, and no new ones were coming out. These included Magana Jari Ce, Ilya Ɗan Maiƙarfi, Gogan Naka, Nagari Na Kowa, Sihirtaccen Gari, Dau Fataken Dare, and a whole bunch of plays. Writing and publishing was very strenuous. Publishers could only publish if the books were to be made part of the set reading for WAEC, which limits the writer’s imagination and creativity. 

Then Hafsat AbdulWaheed came along with So, Aljannar Duniya in 1980. The first published Hausa language novel. The first by a woman from northern Nigeria. Plotting the classic Hausa marriage situation. A revolution was ignited in Hausa language fiction, leading to Mills and Boons style romantic fiction or Littattafan Soyayya. In less than five years, both male and female writers had emerged with stories to tell. Writers’ collectives were formed. The printing presses of party politics made it easier to self-publish. So, the writers ignored the snotty hoity-toity “big” publishers, especially NNPC (although NNPC can PRINT your book for payment, as they did with Balaraba Ramat’s early novels).  

In less than five years, the emergent authors have published more volumes than Heinemann (225) and Pacesetters (130). This made Hausa the most voracious reading public in Nigeria. Prof. Graham Furniss of the SOAS London even published a bibliography of the genre, including a whole website based at SOAS. When they became too much for the Kano State public culture, for that was where they flourished, a censorship board was created in 2001 to curb them. When that did not work, the Kano State government burned them in 2007 to cleanse the youth of the books. A harsher censorship regime debilitated them even more, throwing them out of business. The Hausa reading culture died. 

Then the Smartphone came in 2007—the then-Kano state Governor publicly burned Hausa books the same year. The same year, a harsher censorship regime was instituted in Kano that made life hell for the creative industries (Maryam Hiyana, anyone?). The iPhone, while not the first smartphone (Blackberry, anyone?), nevertheless revolutionised communication in its innovative approach to design. Clone copies with Android operating systems cemented the mass appeal of the smartphone. Eventually, it became commodified. 

Then, in 2013, Hausa novelists had their epiphany. They realised that with Facebook bubbling away, they could write their novels and escape censorship. Sure, no money, but they would be sharing their ideas. Things then blossomed from there. They created hundreds of Facebook pages for Hausa novels. When they became technologically proficient or engaged those who were, they created blogs sharing Hausa novels and creating massive readership throughout the Hausaphone world. For instance, Hafsat Hausa Novels (H²) had 471,000 members last time I checked. 

Then they discovered Wattpad, which had been in existence since 2006. They moved on the site with massive gusto, creating novels in three presentation modes – Hausa, English and Enghausa. Mainly by women. The migration online redefines “reading culture” if it is seen as engagement with text. Wattpad’s metrics alone convincingly show that the Hausa reading culture has been revived. For instance, Jewel by Maymunatu Bukar had 1.1 million reads. Thus, E-books and online literary content became increasingly popular, and social media can be used to share and discuss these resources

And let’s not ignore social networks and social media posts and COMMENTS. Agreements, disagreements (including insults typical of Arewa Social Media), expanded explanations – all are READING, and far livelier than just reading a book on your own. But again, social media gives us the opportunity to discuss – have a debate – about the books we like/hate (Goodreads, anyone?). 

“Reading culture” is a dynamic and evolving concept that encompasses more than the mere act of reading. It is an intricate web of practices, values, and institutional structures that defines how individuals and communities interact with texts. Whether viewed through a sociological, historical, or digital lens, understanding reading culture involves recognising the interplay between technology, policy, and the deeply personal ways that texts influence and reflect who we are.

I therefore argue that reading social media is very much part of today’s reading culture. It is a re-invention of reading culture. It may differ from traditional literary reading in depth, tone, and purpose, but it still involves interpretation, meaning-making, and cultural exchange. In any event, all the books, comics, and TV shows you so favoured are now digitally available (I have sourced all of these that defined my youth).

As reading culture adapts to the digital age, social media becomes an important arena for literacy and engagement in all spheres. Hey, you might even find the rest of the James Hadley Chase books you missed (you know he published 98, right?). 

Happy World Book and Acibilisian Day to y’all.