Nigeria

By Uzair Adam  

The Nigerian Airspace Management Agency (NAMA) has announced plans to resume the collection of a $300 landing fee from helicopter operators across the country.  

Speaking at the 53rd Annual General Meeting of the Nigerian Air Traffic Controllers Association on Thursday in Kano State, the Director of Air Traffic Services, Tayo John, revealed the agency’s financial challenges and the need to implement the fee.  

Presenting a paper titled “Financial Constraints Affecting Nigeria’s Air Navigation Provision: Impact and Mitigation Strategies,” John explained that the Federal Government had previously directed the agency to suspend the fee, but NAMA is now determined to reintroduce it.  

“In the next few weeks, we will recommence the collection of the $300 landing fee from helicopter operators,” John stated.  

He added, “We started earlier, but the government directed us to halt it due to certain issues in the country. This time, however, there will be no further delays.”   

While the exact date for the fee enforcement was not disclosed, John noted that the measure is essential to alleviate NAMA’s financial constraints.

By Talent Bassey Akpan

Climate change is one of the most pressing issues facing the world today. Nigeria is particularly vulnerable to its effects due to its diverse ecosystems, economic reliance on agriculture, and significant population density. The changes in climate patterns have profound implications for Nigeria’s environment, economy, and public health, making it crucial for the country to understand and address these challenges effectively.

In Nigeria, climate change has led to erratic weather patterns, manifesting in extreme floods and prolonged droughts. Since the late 20th century, rainfall patterns across the country have become increasingly unpredictable. For instance, while some regions experience heavy rains resulting in severe flooding, others suffer from acute water shortages and drought, particularly in the north.

The fluctuations impact agricultural output, as farmers rely on predictable rainy seasons for planting and harvesting. Consequently, food security becomes compromised, increasing food prices and poverty levels.

Agriculture is the backbone of Nigeria’s economy, employing a significant portion of the population and contributing substantially to the GDP. However, climate change severely threatens agriculture, disrupting the growing conditions essential for crops and livestock. Changes in rainfall patterns can lead to crop failures while rising temperatures can reduce yields for staple crops like maize, cassava, and rice.

The situation is exacerbated by the fact that many Nigerian farmers employ traditional farming methods, leaving them ill-equipped to adapt to these rapid changes. As agricultural productivity declines, rural communities are further marginalized, leading to increased migration towards urban centres and creating additional strain on city resources.

The health implications of climate change in Nigeria are also far-reaching. Heatwaves, rising temperatures, and poor air quality can contribute to an increase in respiratory and cardiovascular diseases. In addition, changing weather patterns can spread vector-borne diseases, such as malaria and dengue fever, as the habitats for mosquitoes and other carriers expand.

Food insecurity and malnutrition resulting from agricultural decline may also lead to increased susceptibility to diseases and weakened immune systems, particularly among children and vulnerable populations.

In conclusion, the effects of climate change in Nigeria require a multifaceted approach, combining immediate action with long-term strategies. Efforts must include investment in climate-resilient agriculture, enhancement of water management practices, and promotion of sustainable land use. Furthermore, community awareness and education should be prioritized to prepare residents for potential climate impacts.

As Nigeria continues to grapple with the challenges posed by climate change, concerted efforts from the government, civil society, and international partners are essential to safeguard the future and ensure a sustainable environment for future generations. It is imperative for all stakeholders, including the citizens, to engage actively in combating this pressing global issue.

Talent Bassey Akpan wrote from Mass Communication, Bayero University, Kano.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The 60,000 barrel-per-day Port Harcourt refinery has officially resumed operations after years of inactivity. This marks a significant milestone in Nigeria’s efforts to revitalise its oil and gas sector. As one of the country’s oldest refineries, with a history spanning 59 years, the Port Harcourt facility is now expected to load at least 200 trucks of petroleum products daily, easing supply constraints, reducing dependence on imported fuels, and introducing a new price regime to compete with the 650,000 barrels per day Dangote refinery. 

Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries have long been entangled in corruption, mismanagement, and relentless pipeline attacks by organised oil thieves. These issues have not only crippled their operational capacity but also forced the country to rely heavily on imported petroleum products, despite its status as a major oil producer.

As the old Port Harcourt refinery has resumed processing crude, with Warri and Kaduna expected to follow soon, an important question arises: Should Nigeria continue with the traditional model of absolute state control and management of its refineries? This outdated approach has proven ineffective, plagued by inefficiencies, corruption, and underperformance.

This presents both a challenge and an opportunity for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to revamp Nigeria’s refinery management system and introduce reforms to ensure long-term production and efficiency.

When all four state refineries are fully revived and operational, as anticipated, President Tinubu’s government has three viable options for reforming the management of Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries. One approach could involve retaining ownership of one refinery while granting it full autonomy to manage its operations independently, cover its expenses, and remit dividends to the government.

Another option is to lease one of the refineries to an oil company or a group of investors interested in petroleum product refining, ensuring it operates efficiently under private-sector expertise. Lastly, the government could fully privatise one refinery, distributing shares among the federal government, host communities, and Nigeria’s 36 states. This inclusive approach would address diverse stakeholder interests while ensuring effective management.

However, discussions about Nigeria’s refineries are incomplete without addressing the critical issue of managing the country’s extensive 5,120-kilometre oil pipeline network and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPC Ltd.). While the engagement of local communities by NNPC Ltd. has started yielding positive results, significant challenges persist.

The most pressing issues include frequent illegal tapping by oil thieves, sabotage, encroachments on pipeline rights-of-way, delays in detecting leaks, and equipment failures caused by the inaccessibility of certain locations. Compounding these problems is the reliance on outdated methods of pipeline management, which hinder the system’s efficiency and responsiveness.

To address these challenges, adopting advanced technologies is essential. Systems like SCADA (Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition), Fibre Optic Cable (FOC) networks, and tools such as “go-devils,” scrapers, or smart pigs can revolutionise pipeline management. These technologies provide real-time monitoring and early warning systems, enabling swift responses to potential threats or damages, even in remote and inaccessible areas. By integrating these solutions, Nigeria can significantly enhance the security and functionality of its pipeline network, ensuring a more reliable and efficient oil and gas sector.

The revival of the Port Harcourt old refinery and the anticipated return to operation of the Warri and Kaduna refineries are commendable achievements. However, the Tinubu administration must critically evaluate and adopt a new, feasible, profitable, and masses-friendly approach to managing these refineries.

The traditional model of state absolute control has consistently failed, resulting in inefficiencies, corruption, and financial losses. It is time for a transformative strategy that ensures the refineries operate sustainably while delivering maximum benefits to the Nigerian people.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja, zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Plateau State First Lady, Barr. Helen Caleb Mutfwang has stated that the Project 10 Million campaign is dedicated to screening and managing hypertension and diabetes mellitus in the state.

According to her, the project campaign represents a critical mission to improve the health and quality of life of the people of Plateau State. The state’s goal is to change lives, save lives, and work towards a healthier, stronger, and more vibrant Plateau. 

Barr. Helen explained that the initiative is about screening and increasing public awareness, gathering essential data, and fostering collaboration among stakeholders to make health services more accessible across the states and federal capital territory.

The First Lady added that by working together, the state can implement effective communication and data management strategies to guide interventions and improve Nigeria’s health and well-being. 

Barr. (Mrs.) Mutfwang, who commended the Nigeria Health Commissioners Forum (NHCF) for spearheading and domesticating the campaign, acknowledged its impact on the health and quality of life of the citizens, adding that it has the primary objective of screening over 200,000 Plateau residents for hypertension and diabetes and the secondary objective of collecting data on the prevalence of non-communicable diseases to better the state health policy and planning, among others.

Speaking earlier was the State Commissioner of Health, Dr Cletus Bako Shurkuk, who said the Project 10 Million is a national project with the theme: “KNOW YOUR NUMBER, CONTROL YOUR NUMBER”, saying it is aimed at screening 10 million Nigerians for hypertension and diabetes mellitus, which marks a significant step in the fight against non-communicable Diseases.

According to him, the project aims to provide immediate counselling and referral, link newly diagnosed patients to treatment facilities, increase public awareness about hypertension and diabetes, and improve data collection.

Shurkuk explained that selected primary and secondary healthcare facilities would screen 200,000 people across the seventeen local government areas.

He appreciated Barr. Helen Caleb Mutfwang for accepting to flag off the program and also serve as an ambassador. He called on people to take the screening exercises to learn about their blood pressure and sugar levels.

In a closing remark, the Permanent Secretary of the State Ministry of Health, Mr Gayi Timothy Gayi, appreciated Barr. Helen Caleb Mutfwang, the government, and development partners, among others, for gracing the occasion, urging the people to avail themselves to know their health status.

The high point of the event was the decoration of the First Lady as an ambassador of the project and her screening to determine her blood pressure level.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Managing Director of the Kaduna Refining and Petrochemical Company (KRPC), Dr. Mustafa Sugungun, has said that the ongoing Quick Fix Project for the Kaduna refinery is scheduled to be completed by the end of 2024.

 Recall that the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) awarded a $741m contract to South Korea’s Daewoo Engineering & Construction to rehabilitate the Kaduna Refinery.

Under the quick-fix repair contract, the firm will restore production at the 110,000 barrels-a-day facility to at least 60 per cent of its capacity by the end of 2024.

Speaking during the commissioning ceremony of the renovated Rido Community Primary School and a solar-powered borehole in Maraban Rido, Kaduna State, as part of its Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) initiatives, he emphasised the company’s commitment to improving the living standards of its host communities.

 The MD, who was represented by the Manager of Operations, Mr. Emmanuel Ajiboye, noted that the success of the Quick Fix Project will bring immense economic benefits and job opportunities, boost petty trading, and foster other local businesses.

He said the school renovation aims to provide a conducive learning environment for pupils and teachers, while the borehole is expected to address water scarcity in the community and reaffirm KRPC’s dedication to sustainable development through initiatives like youth empowerment, rural electrification, periodic medical outreach, and other community-focused programs.

He urged the Rido community to support the Quick Fix Project, noting that its success would further strengthen the relationship between KRPC and its host communities.

In her remarks, the Head Teacher of Rido Primary School, Mrs. Rachael Aduwak, commended KRPC for the good gesture. 

She also appealed to the company to construct a perimeter fence for the school, adding, “We appeal to KRPC to furnish our classes with tables, chairs, and chalkboard as most of our students are sitting on bare floors during class hours.”

By AbdulMajid Haruna

Several policies on education span across four decades, and yet Nigeria is still grappling with the menace of out-of-school children. Recent statistics from UNESCO projected a figure hovering around twenty million, with a significant portion of the children being the Almajiri Quranic students. 

Issues such as inconsistent government policies, poor implementation, inadequate funding, and limitations in terms of the scalability and scope of interventions provided by non-state partners and international donors have hindered efforts to address the problem. However, cultural and religious resistance remains a significant barrier.  

The classical system of Quranic Almajiri education imbibes Islamic teaching that every Muslim must acquire religious knowledge. However, culturally, the system aims to instill self-reliance and a sense of responsibility in the social and moral training of the child through hardship, toil, and hunger.

Sufism, the doctrine on which the system was founded, frowns at self-indulgence and believes asceticism and humility to be the hallmarks of a seeker of knowledge. This sentiment was echoed in the Weekend Triumph Newspaper of August 26, 1989, by Abdulkareem A. Bello, who describes the system as “the old wine in an old bottle”. 

In this article, Samaila Ado, an Almajiri in the Kano municipality, was reported to have said, “Our deplorable and wretched condition is a symbol of selflessness and humility.” According to Samaila, a true Almajiri is not concerned with worldly gains but rather is busy preparing for eternal life, which is more paramount.

Historically, the system had flourished owing to the support from the state’s public finances, the local community, and the philanthropic efforts from elites that catered to the modest needs of the children. During this time, the Almajiri scholars were artisans who, during their lecture-free hours, engaged in farming, fishing, well construction, production, masonry, trade, and tailoring. Most were farmers of the iconic Northern Nigerian cotton and groundnut pyramids. Some engaged in leather tanning and shoe and bag making in the old Sokoto empire. 

Sadly, however, the system has failed to adapt to the realities of the twenty-first century, with the modern Quranic Islamiyyas overshadowing the traditional Tsangayas and the Western secular education providing the safest route to climb up the socio-economic ladder. But more worrisome is the report that said six out of ten Almajiri pupils never find their way back home, and many lose their lives through street violence, ritual killing, kidnapping, disease and hunger.

Over the years, Integration has proven difficult due to the inadequacy of our policies. A careful analysis of the failure of Jonathan’s Almajiri integrated Model Schools by the Former Director of the Universal Basic Education Commission, Professor Ahmed Modibbo Mohammed, at Arewa House In Kaduna revealed that the lack of sensitisation and mobilisation of the nation affected the level of buy-in leading to a decrease in support and acceptance of the new system.  

Qualitative assessment research corroborated this analysis, carried out among Almajiri communities in Adamawa State. It demonstrated that including secular subjects was one of the major reasons parents did not welcome the program. 

Time and again, our policymakers have underplayed the subtle but widespread sentiment among the Islamic traditionalists who fear the new order poses the danger of erasing the cultural identity of the people. In a 2021 report published by The Resource Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education (CHRICED), Sheikh Bakura Assusaawi was remarked to have said: “Every Islamic scholar had gone through the system which shows us that there is indeed a great benefit in that system which we cannot afford to lose. There is no other help apart from helping the religion, and when we all neglect to do that, there is never a way forward.”

This allegiance to the old system and aversion towards Western education is rooted in the early events of the 20th century. On October 9, 1902, Fredrick John Lugard replaced Arabic & Hausa-Ajami (Hausa written with Arabic alphabets) with English & Romanized Hausa as the official language of Northern Nigeria. 

This single act in history changed the region’s educational scholarship trajectory. Not only did it render the rich knowledge produced in Ajami in the fields of humanity, science, and social science by the preeminent Sokoto caliphate obsolete and dying, but it relegated those proficient in this script to the background because to be “literate” and “employable” means to speak English and to write in the Roman script.

Tragically, the British also failed to recognise the Almajiri schools and abolished their state funding, tagging them as mere religious schools. This linguistic displacement brewed an identity threat in the people’s social psyche, igniting disdain and antagonism for the new system introduced by the colonial state and the Christian missionaries. 

Unfortunately, a century gap is still not enough to change the thought patterns of the Almajiri community. A recent story shared by a Twitter user about his late colleague’s son aptly drives home my point: 

The colleague had died, and the possibility of sponsoring the child’s education was hanging in the balance because the grandmother was standing in the way. She wanted the son to be enrolled in an Almajiri Quranic school instead of a secular Western school. 

The Twitter user was baffled because the grandma wouldn’t budge even when it was suggested that the child attend a formal school on weekdays and the Almajiri school on the weekends.

Many juxtaposing factors remain underpinning enrolment in traditional Almajiri education, barring socio-religious commitments and an aversion to Western education. These include rural-urban migration in search of greener pastures, disbanded families due to divorce or the death of the breadwinner, poverty, irresponsible parenting, and bad governance. 

Integration begins by fixing the stated problems, but reorienting society to the limitations of this age-long conservative approach to Islamic scholarship takes precedence.  Ever since the pilot scheme of 1964 to modernise Islamic schooling in the Northern Nigerian government headed by Sir Ahmadu Bello that ran successfully for few years before coming to a halt after his assassination, subsequent education policies namely Universal Primary Education (1976), National Primary Education Commission (mid-1980s), Universal Basic Education Act(2004) and Ministerial Committee on Madrasa Education (2009) which led to the establishment of President Jonathan’s Almajiri Model Schools have suffered detrimental setbacks.

Policies are cathedrals in the grand scheme of things; reality is the quicksand sinking them to the bottom. The government and relevant stakeholders must develop the political will to implement policies to their very ends. Most importantly, they must engage in intensive enlightenment, mobilisation, and re-orientation of the populace through the mass media, town hall meetings, and active involvement of the traditional Ulamas and leaders. 

AbdulMajid Haruna is an education thought leader and an inclusive education advocate primarily focused on vulnerable Almajiri children. He can be reached via abdoulmajeed570@gmail.com.

By Prof. Abdussamad Umar Jibia

For nearly a decade, the North West geopolitical zone of Nigeria has been suffering from the menace of banditry. The bandits who live in the vast forest spanning several states in the Northwest and North-central zones started as cattle rustlers before metamorphosing into fully pledged armed robbers. They attack communities, schools, travellers, etc. Wherever they go, it is a story of killing, kidnapping, rape, arson and other unprintable atrocities. 

Bandits lack the civility of the erstwhile armed robbers. In those days, armed robbers only sought money and valuables like jewellery. Once they had them, they were satisfied and would leave without dropping blood. That is not the case with bandits. When they visit a community or block travellers on highways, they usually start by killing some before kidnapping others. 

Payment of ransom is not a guarantee of getting the kidnapped victim freed. They may collect ransom from relatives and still kill the victim. There are many examples. 

Bandits’ locations and leaders are well known to the Government and members of the communities in which they operate. Many of them serve as the de facto government in their domain of operation. This is not a story I am telling from one of those video clips circulating on social media. Some of my blood relatives have been going to work on the farm of the bandits’ kingpin, who is in charge of their area. 

To agree to live under the protection of an “officer”, the de facto rural government of Jibia and Batsari, a village has to send its elders with some money to go and beg for him to accept them. You may wish to go back to my writeup on “Submission to bandits authority”.

However, an “officer” is not the only bandit leader known to the government and the people. There are more deadly and more popular “officers”. One of them is Ado Aleru, who killed dozens of villagers in Katsina State and told the BBC Hausa service that he doesn’t kidnap; he only kills. Asked to give the number of people he killed, he said it is too large to remember.

Another officer is Bello Turji, who, among other crimes, once burned a passenger bus with 30 people in it days after opening fire on a village market that claimed 60 lives in Zamfara state. He is popular because he speaks frequently to the public. That, however, doesn’t make him the deadliest.

Dogo Gide is another “officer” who was notorious for, among other things, the abduction of 90 students and teachers of FGC Yauri, 11 of whom he married off in the process. 

Among the many popular “officers” is Dankarami, who publicly confessed to killing many combined troops of Nigeria and Niger Republic in addition to kidnapping and killing many innocent citizens in Katsina and Zamfara state. 

The above crime leaders and several others in their category are still alive and active.

The Buhari administration made the first blunder in dealing with the menace of banditry. The federal government under Buhari asked governors of the affected states to strike a peace deal with the bandits. Peace agreements were sealed between some state governments and bandits in 2016 and 2019; in both cases, the latter reneged. 

Unlike what some of their sympathisers would want us to believe, the bandits are not freedom fighters but pure criminals and stark illiterates. The only thing that would make them drop their weapons is a continuous flow of cash from the Government, the kind of cash they make from their criminality. That is unrealistic for a Government struggling to pay its civil servants a paltry minimum wage. Hence, the peace deals were failed under Buhari.

Bandits’ sympathisers who gave Buhari the wrong advice have found their way into the Tinubu Government. The first indication of that is what a young Islamic scholar revealed early this year. The scholar alleged that, under the financial influence of unnamed federal defence officials, some Islamic scholars are campaigning for not just amnesty for bandits but their appointments into public offices by the government. He alleged that he was among those invited to participate in the campaign but refused.

As far as we know, the federal government did not deny Sheikh Koza’s claims. If he had lied, he would have been arrested and asked to name the defence officials. Neither of those things happened.

Then came the kidnap and murder of the Emir of Gobir. With the public outcry that followed, the Federal Government had to show its will to fight banditry. Thus, the Minister of State of Defence and service chiefs were asked to move to Sokoto and end banditry. However, despite the budget, since the movement of the minister and service chiefs to Sokoto, the only bandit of note who was killed/arrested by the Government is Halilu Sububu. Banditry business has continued as usual, even with the presence of our nation’s security heavyweights.

For example, as reported by national dailies, the Funtua-Gusau highway was blocked by bandits on several occasions during this period with no consequences. For frontline local Governments in Katsina state, the attacks became worse. The only place considered safe in my local Government area was Jibia town, the local government headquarters. However, since the so-called “Operation Fansan Yamma” started, Jibia town has lost its safety as bandits attacked, killed and kidnapped with impunity.

As Nigerians were waiting anxiously for the expected miracle due to the presence of security chiefs, the Lakurawa issue came up. According to sources, Lakurawa is a group with similar ideologies to Boko Haram. They have a total number of just 250 in Nigeria and no cases of frequent attacks on communities. Lakurawa militants are said to have been in Nigeria for some years at the instance of some Kebbi communities who sought their protection against bandits. 

The question here is, why is the issue of Lakurawa now being brought up when we have a more serious problem to solve? Lakurawa are obviously not as dangerous as the bandits, and their presence in Nigeria has been linked to the failure of the government to protect citizens from bandits.

From day one, the approach of this and immediate past governments has made Nigerians believe they are not ready to end banditry. If they are now talking about some Lakurawa instead of our real problem, why should we not think they are using it to divert our attention?

My advice to President Tinubu is to remember that he was elected by Nigerians. Ribadu, Badaru, Matwalle or Christoper Musa did not contest and win an election. The president is responsible for appointing his aides, continuously monitoring them, and ensuring they are doing the right thing.

That the officials mentioned above are Northerners is immaterial.

Professor Abdussamad Umar Jibia wrote via aujibia@gmail.com.

By Fatima Dauda Salihu

Nigeria is a beautiful country with diverse cultures and vibrant people. Unfortunately, insecurity has become a significant problem in recent years, causing many to live in fear and struggle to access essential services. 

Despite being culturally rich and endowed with abundant mineral resources, Nigeria struggles with insecurity primarily due to negligence by the government and its citizens. Nigeria faces insecurity challenges across all six geopolitical zones. This insecurity takes various forms, including insurgency, terrorism, communal clashes, banditry, kidnapping, and piracy, and is fuelled by deep-rooted socio-economic, ethnic, and religious tensions.

The consequences of insecurity in Nigeria are dire, leading to displacement of communities, loss of livelihoods, economic stagnation, human rights abuses, and psychological trauma.

Effective governance is critical in addressing insecurity. The government must provide leadership, resources, and policy direction to tackle insecurity. Citizens also have a vital role to play by engaging in community policing, reporting suspicious activities, and promoting tolerance. 

The private sector can also contribute by investing in security initiatives and socio-economic development projects. Civil society organisations can advocate for policy changes and community empowerment. We can restore peace, stability, and prosperity to Nigeria by working together.

Strengthening institutions and promoting good governance, investing in education, enhancing security infrastructure and capacity building, promoting community engagement and conflict resolution, and addressing socio-economic inequalities can help mitigate if not. 

In conclusion, addressing the challenge of insecurity in Nigeria requires a holistic and multifaceted approach that encompasses effective governance, community engagement, strategic coordination among security agencies, and long-term investments in education and socio-economic development.

Ultimately, Nigeria’s future depends on our collective ability to address insecurity and promote peace, stability, and development. We owe it to ourselves, our children, and future generations to take action and create a better Nigeria.

Fatima Dauda Salihu wrote from Bayero University, Kano. 

By Shettima Dan’Azumi, ESQ

Northern Nigerian states are gradually losing a significant portion of their Federal Accounts and Allocation Committee (FAAC) allocation shares, which is undoubtedly their biggest revenue source. From the Local Government Funds and Fiscal Reform Bills to dividends from NLNG shares of NNPC and, today, the National Lottery, all these are part of the pool that makes up the monthly national cake distribution known as FAAC.

These developments are not surprising to any student of development. We all saw it coming. Early this year, the Supreme Court, in a suit filed by the Federal Government, scrapped the States and Local Government joint account, which had previously entrusted local government funds to their respective states.

In another case, the Supreme Court also agreed with the AGF’s argument. It held that the NNPC’s stake (shareholding) in the NLNG, unlike the NNPC itself, actually belongs to the Federal Government, not the entire Federation. Those billions of dollars accrued to NNPC from NLNG annually are no longer to be shared with the States as part of FAAC. 

Similarly, VAT, a chunk of the non-oil revenue currently shared based on equity, derivation, and population formula amongst FG, States, and Local Government, will, if Emilokan’s Executive Bill succeeds at the National Assembly, now be shared based on derivation or consumption or both. Either way, I don’t see how the North can benefit. I will get to the reason shortly. 

Then came today, another blow in a Suit initiated by the Lagos State Government. The Learned Justices of the Supreme Court, while granting all the reliefs sought by the AG of Lagos State, held that revenues accrued to the Federation through the National Lottery Commission from the regulation and royalties of lottery and other online games are in reality within the Residual Legislative List, exclusive to States to regulate and generate revenues from. 

I believe there may be more of these seemingly harsh interpretations of the law in the near future because that is what the Constitution actually contemplated. 

If you put these chains of events together, you would only come to one conclusion: that full federalism is taking a crude shape in the country against the wish of everyone. We would have prepared for this time if northerners had been thoughtful and proactive. We would have confronted the issue of restructuring with strategy rather than our usual rejectionist attitude to achieve it on our terms and put a timeline for gradual implementation to minimise its impact. With our sell-out NASS members, who either do not appreciate where all this is headed or have been bought to look away, it’s only a matter of time. May Allah rest the soul of Senator Suke Yaro Gandi and the rest of his contemporary visionaries and patriots. 

What should we expect now? Our FAAC-reliant states will receive a shorter allocation. If VAT is to be shared based on derivation, then most of the Corporate Headquarters of businesses where the remittance of VAT takes place are far away from the north. What if it’s to be shared based on consumption? The follow-up question is: how do you determine the end users when you don’t have the data to prove where it is consumed? Even if this data exists, most of our businesses in the north, including Kano State, are not formal businesses, so their distributors are in Lagos and other Southern States. Our traders are running away from the institutionalisation of corporate governance frameworks in their businesses, which will give them the capacity to deal with manufacturers and wholesalers directly and document their dealerships properly. We are simply traders. 

The lottery is worse because most states think the whole business is haram. But, wait, is it not the double standard that you are operating a secular state, collecting VAT revenue generated from breweries and royalties from casinos, including the lottery, for all these years while still believing it’s haram? At least, it would soon be over, and we shall stick with halal revenues.

To cut a long story short, the North must wake up on governance and development issues. The culture of electing clueless governors and the dominance of corrupt and soulless political class must end. We must pay more attention to our manpower and skills development policies and reform our education systems because that’s what all these boil down to. EDUCATION! Our youth must stop social media praise-singing and political sycophancy and embrace education and skill acquisition. Our businesses must adopt corporate governance and innovation and be more industrious and forward-thinking. 

Because Emilokan is not your mate.

By Sabiu Abdullahi 

The Ogun Area 1 Command of the Nigerian Customs Service has made a significant seizure of illicit drugs, including cannabis sativa and Tramaking tablets valued at N117,587,405. 

Comptroller James Ojo, Controller of the Ogun Area 1 Command, revealed the seizure during a media briefing on Friday while handing over the contraband to the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA). 

Ojo expressed concern about the alarming rise in drug smuggling, describing it as “worrisome and a significant threat to national security.”

He noted that the seizures, made across various strategic locations in Ogun State, highlight the severity of drug trafficking within Nigeria’s borders. 

The seized items include 403 sacks and 6,504 parcels of cannabis sativa, weighing 7,217.7 kg, and 362 packs of Tramaking tablets (225mg each).

These were intercepted at hotspots such as the Agbawo/Iganokoto area in Yewa North and Imeko Afon Local Government Areas. 

Ojo commended his officers for their vigilance and bravery and issued a stern warning to those involved in drug trafficking and smuggling, urging them to desist or face the full force of the law. 

The Commander of the NDLEA Idiroko Special Command, Olusegun Adeyeye, praised the Customs Command for its relentless efforts in the fight against drug trafficking.

“This seizure is a testament to the synergy between the NDLEA and Customs in combating the menace of drug abuse and smuggling,” Adeyeye stated.