Muslims

By Dr Shamsuddeen Sani

It’s very easy to ignore this book. Underrate it even. I found myself rereading it for many days, given the enormous importance of the topic, especially in the contemporary discourse in Muslim-majority countries about woman’s leadership. Being a recent publication in 2020, and although the author didn’t explicitly state it, it appears to be building to improve upon earlier work by the late Moroccan feminist writer and sociologist Fatima Mernessi with her book, The Forgotten Queens of Islam.

Shahla Haeri embarks on a journey of gendering the historical narrative of sovereignty and political authority in the Muslim world, shedding light on the lives of Muslim women leaders who defied the norms of dynastic and political power to rise as sovereigns in their deeply patriarchal societies.

The author’s usage of the term “queen” is not meant to be taken literally for all six prominent figures discussed in the book but rather to signify their immensely influential leadership roles during their respective eras. While recognising the significant impact of numerous women in Islamic history who exerted influence behind the scenes, Haeri emphasises those women who stood at the forefront of the political machinery, actively engaging with the structures of authority and power.

She doesn’t just relay the historical milestones of these great women in historical Islam but brings in a fresh perspective on how we look at the concept of women’s leadership in the Islamic tradition. The author situates women rulers’ rise to power within three interrelated domains: kinship and marriage, patriarchal rules of succession, and individual women’s charisma and popular appeal.

This book prompts deep contemplation on patriarchy within the pre-modern normative Islamic tradition. But one needs to be careful because the author appears to be overly problematising patriarchy in some instances significantly beyond what we consider as would have been normal in pre-modern Islam. She did allude, however, to the critical role of men in women ascending to positions of political authority. 

Structurally, this book has a Preface and Introduction and is broken into three main parts with two body chapters. Part I, Sacred Sources of Authority: The Qurʾan and the Hadith, lays the background for her accounts, with a deep examination of the primary sources of the Qurʾan and hadith, through the Qurʾanic story of the Queen of Sheba and the biography of the Sayyida Aisha (RA). Haeri relays the Quranic account of the dramatic encounter between King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, popularly known as Bilqis. Drawing primarily from Tha’alabi and al-Tabari, the book cross-examines the sovereignty of Bilqis and connects the Quranic revelations with what she believes was the exegetes’ medieval patriarchal reconstructions.

Part II of the book is about Medieval Queens: Dynasty and Descent. In Chapter 3, the book explores the leadership life of the long reign of the Ismaili Shiite Yemeni queen. It examines Queen Arwa’s fascinating political acumen and how she survived the political and power succession tussle dealing with the 3 Fatimid caliphs of Cairo. Chapter 4 examines the short sovereign rule of the only female sultan of the 13th century Delhi Sultanate, Razia Sultan: ‘Queen of the World Bilqis-i Jihan. 

The 3rd part of the book, which explores the contemporary Queens and examines the institutionalisation of succession, provides an in-depth look at Benazir Bhutto and Megawati Sukarnoputri but will not spoil more here for the interesting details in the book.

Haeri concludes this work of ethnohistory which is deeply personal as she peppers in the concept of the “paradox of patriarchy,” which refers to the historical tradition of power succession among men, particularly fathers and sons, or even brothers, whose family ties legitimise the customary transfer of power. She quickly alludes that the relationship between fathers and sons can be a source of tension and rivalry, where they may fear, resent, or even seek to eliminate each other. In contrast, father-daughter relationships tend to be more personally fulfilling and have fewer political consequences for the father. The preference of patriarchs for their daughters is not only driven by self-preservation but also by their recognition of their daughters’ talents and political astuteness.

Dr Shamsuddeen Sani wrote from Kano. He can be reached via deensani@yahoo.com.

By Yahuza Abdulkadir

It has become a daily routine on weekdays for Muhammad Usman to roam around the conducive atmosphere of Al-Ansar Radio station in Maiduguri, checking the work progress of his team. As the youngest Head Manager of the station with vast experience in media and communication for development, he has helped position the radio station as a platform that promotes accountability and public journalism in terror-torn Borno State.

Al-Ansar Radio, established in 2020, is owned and operated by Al-Ansar Foundation, a local nonprofit organisation helping underprivileged people in Borno access Western and Islamic education and healthcare, teaching religious tolerance.

The radio station has a vision of setting up a leading diversified broadcast media organisation in Nigeria, leveraging state-of-the-art facilities to bring value to its audiences and advertisers.

Amid the post-insurgency in Borno state, through the efforts of Usman, who is skilled in program management, Al-Ansar Radio station has been playing a pivotal role in organising programs that help mitigate conflicts, counter violent extremism, and promote peace messages across social media platforms and in local communities.

Heading the Al-Ansar Radio station wasn’t an easy task for Usman. However, he maintains the momentum and seeks strategic partnerships with non-profit organisations and various stakeholders across Borno State.

The radio station, which broadcasts in three languages comprising English, Hausa, and Kanuri, has been producing awe-inspiring programs and hosting compelling radio dramas that appeal to the interest of its audience and resonate with the diverse and rich cultures of Borno State.

The station’s partnership with GoalPrime Organization Nigeria has yielded positive results in hosting the “Da Rarrafe”, a program aiming towards building the capacity of children to leverage effective communication channels to discuss solutions to social problems. Another one is the “Lafiyarmu Jarinmu” program which brings in health professionals to highlight health problems in local communities and suggests possible solutions to them.

Some of the programs garnered more engagement from the communities in Borno state, thereby making a lasting impact on the audience.

These programs are the likes of “Zauren Mata”, a women-focused program addressing issues on gender stereotypes and girl child rights and showcasing the role women can play in peace-building.

“Arewa Ina Mafita” also captures Northern Nigeria’s challenges and provides practical solutions. The “Baban Bola” program also features discussions on the environment and climate change.

These impactful programs have earned the station recognition and awards. Notable among them is the DH Communication Media for Humanitarian Services Award.

“These achievements and awards serve as a testament to the exceptional work and unwavering commitment of our Head Manager, Usman, and the entire team at Al-Ansar Radio,” said Umar Bakari, a staff at Al-Ansar Radio.

With such remarkable efforts from Usman’s leadership, Al-Ansar Radio has become one of the most trusted media platforms in the northeast region—a reliable source of information and edutainment.

Usman is a bona fide Borno State citizen and a Business Management graduate from the University of Maiduguri.

Looking further, Usman is resilient and defies every norm to build cohesive communities through radio journalism in this place that was once known for chaos. His tremendous efforts are birthing results even beyond the Sahara desert.

This is evident that early-career journalists, professionals, and growing media organisations in Northeast Nigeria can tap inspiration from Usman’s commitments and follow the same path to make their indelible mark within the radio journalism industry.

Yahuza Abdulkadir wrote from the city of Maiduguri, Borno State Capital.

By Aisha Yahya Ibrahim

Almajiri is a word deduced from the Arabic word “Almuhajir, “ meaning an immigrant. Almajiri is a localised Arabic word. It is from the root word called “Hijra”, which means migration from one place to another for the sake of ‘Allah’. This concept of migration implies that one could relocate from where he does find conducive for worshipping his creator (Allah) to where he could find a conducive environment for worshipping Allah.

At this height, Nigerians correlated this concept with relocating children from one place to another in search of knowledge of Islam generally or the Quran in particular. The reason could be traced to the followings:

1. We have observed the misconception and misapplication because the children are relocating to places without proper care and sponsorship. They’ve become a nuisance to society.

2. The reason for the migration is that it is not conducive due to oppression. Whether one is oppressed or violent against people seeking Islamic knowledge cannot be equated to such oppression or violence.

3. Children are moved from where the knowledge is available without care or sponsorship, e.g. moving children from Kano to Kaduna instead of remaining with their parents in Kano, where they can have proper care and support. This results in the children begging on the street for sustenance.

4. There are instances where the children are even moved from where the knowledge is available, and the environment is conducive to where the command is not open, e.g., children being moved from Kano to Abuja.

THE IMPLICATIONS ASSOCIATED WITH THE AL-MAJIRI SYSTEM NIGERIA.

The following are some of the apparent implications of the Almajiri system in Nigeria.

1. The children become vulnerable to health hazards regarding their food and clothes; in most cases, some of these children walk barefoot.

– The food they eat: In most cases, these foods are remnants, and the actual eaters are unknown how the food was cooked and kept.

– The clothes they wear: We often see these children wearing the same cloth for up to a week or more without washing them.

This can lead them to develop skin problems due to accumulated germs.

– Walking barefoot: Some of these children walk barefoot. As a result, it leads to them contracting fungal infections on the nails (Onychomycosis) or the skin of the feet (Tinea pedis), better known as athlete’s foot.

2. They tend to be influenced negatively in terms of behaviour, e.g. They become exposed to drugs, i.e., taking drugs.

There’s a high level of theft mainly carried out by these children, e.g. snatching people’s items on the road when they get the chance.

3. These children will grow into adulthood as lazy citizens who depend solely on what people give or forcefully take away from people for survival.

 In today’s society, mainly in Northern Nigeria, children living with their parents sometimes disguise themselves as Almajiris just to get free money and food from people. These children have become so lazy that they don’t want to work; they prefer to go out and beg.

It’s important to note that this is due to some parents not taking responsibility for their children. 

A CALL FOR ACTION

For a better society, it is high time the government at all levels came in and ensured that these children are taken off the street to ensure that these children don’t become a threat to society and its people.

WAY FORWARD

The government cannot do that alone to ensure that these children are taken off the streets.

A collaboration between Government at all levels, Non-governmental organisations, Islamic religious leaders and Traditional Rulers.

Religious leaders: Religious leaders here can ensure the actual concept of the word is correctly explained to their followers as well as the need for these children to be taken off the streets through enlightening the general public about the negative consequences and acts of sins that are incurred as a result of the misapplication and the need to bring lasting solutions to it, at this moment working together to ensure that the real thing is established and the actual aim achieved.

The religious leaders are responsible for enlightening the Quranic teachers of these Almajiris on the danger of allowing the children to flood the streets begging for food.

The religious leaders also have to mediate between the Quranic teachers and wealthy Muslims to educate the rich Muslims on the need for charitable work to feed these Almajiris. They are also responsible for alerting the government through the Ministry of Youth and Development on the need to aid these Almajiri institutions and their Quranic teachers because that’s part of the government’s social responsibility instead of letting them become a menace to society. 

Traditional Rulers: Traditional rulers here are the closest people to this institution. They can physically mediate between the Almajiri institution and the government. They can ensure no child is found roaming about through their local security outfit. They can quickly investigate where the children came from, who the parents are, and so on since we now have parents who no longer take responsibility for their children.

Non-governmental organisation: The non-governmental organisation here can assist through some charitable work. i.e. distribution of food and other relevant materials.

Government: The federal government’s role in combating this menace cannot be overemphasised. The government here can put laws in place to ensure that no child is roaming the street as an Almajiri. The government can help shelter these children, i.e., just as we have government orphanages, we can adopt the same method and other assistance through collaboration with religious leaders, Traditional rulers and non-governmental organisations.

Above all, agitation for eradicating the Almajiri institution won’t be right, but a reformation.

And I hope this gets to the appropriate authority!

Aisha Yahya Ibrahim  wrote via ibrahimaishat432@gmail.com.

By Muhammadu Sabiu

A German-based Nigerian lecturer at the University of Cologne, Germany, Dr Muhsin Ibrahim, has taken to his social media handles to question some Nigerian governors for donating a huge amount of money to Nigerian pilgrims in Makkah, Saudi Arabia.

The Daily Reality understands that some of the governors who made the donations include Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano State, Dikko Radda of Katsina State and Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed of Bauchi State.

According to reports, Governor Kabir gave 6,166 Kano pilgrims N65 million; Governor Radda gifted N278 million to Katsina pilgrims, while Governor Bala gave over 300 pilgrims 300 Saudi riyals each.

Questioning the governors’ actions, the lecturer asked what the essence of this is, looking at Nigerians’ critical situation.

His words, in Hausa, and translated into English: “For God’s sake, what is the essence of donating millions of naira to pilgrims by some governors?

“Giving out is good, but is this gift a “priority”, especially at this critical moment people are in? Hmm.”

Nigerians are in a critical situation characterised by the inflation of almost every consumable product nationwide.

Recall that an announcement of fuel subsidy removal by President Bola Tinubu during his inauguration triggered an increase in the prices of petrol by over 100%, leading to a significant increase in transportation fares and the prices of commodities.

By Muhammad Abdurrahman

Pope Francis expressed his strong disapproval of the burning of the Quran, stating that he was both angry and disgusted by the act. He rejected any notion that this action could be considered a form of freedom of speech.

Recently, there was an incident of Quran’s desecration in Sweden where a man burned a copy of the sacred book outside a mosque in the country’s capital city. The Pope has made remarks in response to this event.

On Sunday, 57 Muslim states — under the banner of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation — said that collective measures are needed to prevent acts of desecration of the Quran and that international law should be used to stop religious hatred.

Swedish police had granted Momika a permit in line with free speech protections, but authorities later said they had opened an investigation over “agitation against an ethnic group”, noting that Momika had burnt pages from the Islamic holy book very close to the mosque.

Sweden’s government condemned Momika’s actions on Sunday, calling them “Islamophobic”.

By Muhammadu Sabiu

The Federal Government has declared Wednesday, June 28, and Thursday, June 29, as holidays in observance of Eid-El-Kabir.

This is contained in a statement by Oluwatoyin Akinlade, the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of the Interior.

The statement reads, “The Federal Government has declared Wednesday, June 28th, and Thursday, June 29th 2023, Public Holidays in commemoration of this year’s Eid-el-Kabir celebration and heartily felicitates with the Muslim Ummah at home and in the diaspora,” the statement read.

“We are hopeful that the prayers and sacrifices that come with this great celebration, as well as the message of Eid-el-Kabir, will bring about peace, unity and progress in Nigeria”

Muslim faithful across the world are preparing to observe Eid El-Kabir, popularly called Babbar Sallah in Northern Nigeria, on Wednesday.

By Muhammad Abdurrahman

On Sunday 25^th day of June 2023, the good people of Sokoto woke up and learnt about the murder of one butcher called Usman Buda over an alleged blasphemous comment against our noble Prophet Muhammad (SAW).

Sources revealed that some of the victim’s closest business associates at the Sokoto abattoir made frantic efforts to rescue him, but they equally sustained injuries and have been admitted to the hospital sequel to the attack.

Sokoto State Chapter of the Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC), in a statement signed by its chairman Muhammad Mansur Aliyu Esq., has condemned the murder and urged the Muslim Ummah to stop taking the law into their hands each time there is an alleged blasphemy. It reads:

“We assert that Islam abhors jungle justice because it will lead to the taking of innocent lives and the destruction of the properties of innocent persons. Islam does not allow people to do what they like or take laws into their hands as they deem fit. It is only the courts (Shariah and common law courts) that have the power to execute offenders after proving them guilty through a fair trial. This position can be found in many Qur’anic verses such as Qur’an 4:65, 6:57, 12:40 and 43:10 etc.

“It is not in dispute that Islamic law provides a death sentence against anybody who insults, defames or brings disrepute to the Prophet of Islam, Muhammad (Peace and Blessing of Allah be Upon Him). However, Islamic law does not leave the killing open in the hands of private individuals as it happened in the case of Usman Buda.

“In fact, Islamic law stipulates that the offence of blasphemy, like other offences, should be established through evidence by witnesses before a court of law, and the Court shall pronounce such person guilty of blasphemy before the execution could be carried out by the authorities.

“Finally, while we condemn the murder of Usman Buda, we also, in the strongest terms, urge Muslims to stop jungle justice and allow the law to take its course whenever issues of such nature arise. May the peace and blessings of Allah continue to be upon the noble prophet Muhammad (SAW).”

By Dr Shamsuddeen Sani

Where I got History of Imamship of Kano by Muhammad Wada is somewhat hazy in my memory, but it is an MA thesis that underwent a transformative process. The author undertook significant efforts to draw from diverse historical sources. This task merits recognition due to the inherent challenges associated with such an endeavour in the Kano historical tradition.

Despite its small physical size, this book ambitiously tackles a weighty subject matter. The initial chapter, which ideally should have served as a generous introduction, takes a look at the historical backdrop concerning the role of Imams within classical Sunni Islam. In doing so, it imparts valuable insights into their spiritual and intellectual significance. The second chapter charts the evolution of the Imams’ role within the classical religious culture of Kano before the advent of the Sokoto Jihad.

Commencing with the arrival of the Wangarawa during the 14th century, their influence played a pivotal role in the domestication of Islam as a state religion during that era. With the gradual expansion of their spiritual responsibilities and socio-political influence within the royal court, the Imams assumed a central position within the annals of Kano’s historical tradition.

The third chapter examines the transformative impact of the Sokoto Jihad at the turn of the 19th century, bringing about substantial changes to the role of Imams and how they were selected. These changes also served to define an expanded set of functions for the state-appointed Imam.

The author peppers fragments from the biographies of early post-Jihad Kano Imams alongside pivotal milestones punctuating their official lives. As the colonial powers exerted their influence in the early 20th century, the 4th chapter examines how the role of Imams underwent a notable shift, culminating in their formalisation within the judicial council, albeit with a subsequent reduction to primarily spiritual functions.

The book’s final chapter highlights the Imams and their ever-evolving roles from post-independence to the present. Moreover, it investigates the expansionist developments surrounding the establishment of Friday congregational prayer mosques across the state. While the book serves as a comprehensive introductory exploration of its subject matter, it might require additional intellectual depth that one might expect within broader, modern academic discourse.

There are also some ectopic clerical errors in the book that could have been identified and corrected before printing. While acknowledging the inherent challenge of achieving complete neutrality in historical works, it is reasonable to expect greater nuance and fairness in a work of this nature.

Dr Shamsuddeen Sani wrote from Kano. He can be reached via deensani@yahoo.com.

By Abubakar Suleiman

If you are conversant with the Arewa cyberspace, it will be surprising if you are unaware of the cliché, “Please, hide my identity.” It has gained so much currency (or notoriety) on Instagram, Facebook and Twitter. And it is mainly followed up with bad news, especially related to relationships and marriages – cases of incest, infidelity, marriage battery, heartbreaks and others.

People usually send their relationship or marital problems to popular social media pages or handles managed by self-styled marriage counsellors. These counsellors or opinion shapers then subject the problems to the public for solutions while hiding the identity of the sender of these problems.

Surprisingly, these people who found themselves in a toxic relationship or abusive marriage have parents or guardians who married them off to their spouses. Still, they many times seem to bypass them for advice or counselling.

They also rarely approach certified marriage counsellors or therapists for solutions. Therefore, the problem is thrown to the public, and with too many disjointed ideas or solutions, sieving the best solution to the peculiar problem becomes complicated.

Not so fast; how are we even sure these stories or problems are true? What if someone sits in the comfort of their room or basement and concocts these unfounded narratives to make the stories trend? Many people don’t check the logical validity or fallacy of these stories.

Social media gave everyone a platform to air or voice out their views. The problem with the advent of these platforms is not the access to information but rather the processing of information. Many people find it uneasy to check the authenticity of stories or the validity of statistics.

The blowback or unintended consequence of this ‘hide my identity’ trend is that it has made many young people consume many negative stories, thereby fuelling suspicion between both genders. Moreover, stories of successful and happy marriages have been in short supply. Therefore, some young people no longer see marriage as a worthwhile endeavour wherein you invest your patience, energy and prayers.

On the one hand, love movies from Nollywood, Bollywood or Kannywood made young people see marriage or relationship as a perfect bed of roses or land of Eldorado instead of the cocktail of happiness, sadness, compromises and sacrifices that it is.

On the other hand, ‘hide my identity’ stories have increasingly made partners or lovers dine with each other with a very long spoon. Each sees the other as a veiled threat or a potentially dangerous person. These trends have created overnight feminists and misogynists.

The above backdrop does not downplay the effects of abusive or toxic marriages or relationships that appropriate authorities could reasonably address – parents, guardians, certified counsellors or the court. However, young people must be guided on what marriage entails, its prospects and its challenges. They need a direction or triangulation amidst a plethora of negative information and scary marital or relationship stories.

They should also be fed with successful marital examples or stories and the possibility of a happy marriage. And this makes parenting a more difficult task in our contemporary world.

The last time I checked around, we still had more good homes than broken ones. But, unfortunately, the familiar stories of abusive marriages or relationships are just the case of bad news flying more than the good ones.

Check out families around you, your pairs, neighbours, colleagues at the workplace or married classmates. You’ll understand that except for the usual day-to-day challenges in marriage, they are relatively not bad as it is being portrayed. However, we can canvass for improvements, coping mechanisms or detailed exit plans for worst scenarios. Therefore, ‘hide my identity’ stories are many times fabricated stories or isolated cases than the whole.

Abubakar Suleiman wrote from Kaduna and can be contacted via abusuleiman06@gmail.com.

Dr Shamsuddeen Sani

The modern discourse around housework for wives from the Islamic legal perspective has garnered beyond the adequate level of scholarly attention. It is as old as the marriage institution itself in the Islamic tradition.

The book, Wives and Work: Islamic Law and Ethics Before Modernity, published in 2022 by Columbia University Press, is a compelling and intellectually rigorous work that broadly contributes significantly to Islamic studies and gender studies.

Marion Holmes Katz’s meticulous research and refined analysis dismantle stereotypes and offer a fresh perspective on the complex realities of Muslim women’s lives. By engaging with Islamic legal and ethical traditions, the author not only deepens our understanding of the past but also provides a platform for critical reflections on the contemporary challenges and possibilities surrounding women’s roles as wives and their engagement in the workforce within Muslim-majority societies.

The book adopts a well-structured framework with an elaborate introduction followed by four body chapters and concludes with a thoughtful synthesis. Each chapter is dedicated to the diversity and development of fiqh discussion of domestic labour for the respective periods of the four Sunni schools of law.

The first chapter emphasises the formative period of Islamic law (8th-9th century CE) with a profound exploration of the Islamic literary corpus reflecting the social realities of the early Islamic community, then focusing heavily on wives’ domestic labour in the Maliki legal school. 

Moving into the 10th century CE, the second chapter of the book examined the issue of domestic labour through the lens of Shafii scholar Abul Hasan al-Mawardi using his legal manual, Al-hawi al-Kabir, as a paradigm for deconstruction but at the same provided a captivating contrast through his ethical manual Adab al dunya wal din.

Chapter three navigates into the intellectual realm of the Hanafi school of law, specifically focusing on the legal manual Al-Mabsut by the esteemed Hanafi scholar al-Sarakhsi. This comprehensive investigation illuminates al-Sarakhsi’s profound analysis and interpretations pertaining to domestic labour, offering an in-depth understanding of the Hanafi school’s intricate perspectives.

Geographically and temporally shifting to the post-classical period in Damascus, chapter four directs its attention to the Hanbali school of law. The focal point of analysis lies in a meticulous exploration of Ibn Qudama’s seminal work, which would later face extensive challenges from the visionary scholar Ibn Taymiyyah. Ibn Taymiyyah’s radical approach to the subject matter promotes a ground-breaking and transformative vision of the ethics of marriage, firmly rooted in the Qur’an and hadith traditions.