Local Government Autonomy

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman

There are times when the stars seem to be aligning. All trouble appears to be disappearing, awaiting only what happens when those stars fall into line. But then, unexpectedly, things take a different turn, and the trouble assumes a different shape, sometimes with an additional burden. Such is the irony of Nigeria.

Governance was generally out of reach for the common man, especially those at the grassroots level who lacked the basic necessities required to live a decent life. To address this, there has been a clamour for local government autonomy. Successive governments have attempted to do so, but it was only the current administration that secured this victory in July 2024.

Since then, bureaucracies and political “manoeuvring have clogged up full implementation. Enforcement faced a delay in August when the federal and state governments negotiated a three-month moratorium, due to concerns about council workers’ salary payments and the need to conduct LG elections in certain states, alongside other pressing matters.

Just as progress seemed imminent, another hurdle emerged. The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) directed LGs to submit at least two years’ worth of audited financial reports as a prerequisite for receiving direct allocation. Key stakeholders, including the Association of Local Governments of Nigeria (ALGON), condemned the directive as perceived delay tactics. 

While we are at it, the long-standing call for the creation of more states has resurfaced. In February, the House of Representatives’ Committee on Constitution Review threw a spanner in the works by proposing the creation of 31 additional states across Nigeria. If this comes to fruition, it would swell the number of states to 67, with some quipping that this would leave Nigeria with more states than “the Almighty United States”.

The proposed distribution of the new states is as follows: six to the North Central, four to the North-East, five to the North-West, five to the South-East, four to the South-South, and seven to the South-West. 

The proposed new states are New Kaduna and Gujarat from Kaduna State, FCT State, Tiga and Ari from Kano, Kainji from Kebbi State, and Etiti, Orashi, Adada, and Orlu from the South-East.

Others are Okun, Okura, and Confluence states from Kogi; Benue Ala and Apa states from Benue; Amana state from Adamawa; Katagum from Bauchi state; Savannah state from Borno; and Muri State from Taraba.

Also included are Lagoon from Lagos, Ogun, Ijebu from Ogun State, as well as Oke Ogun/Ijesha from Oyo/Ogun/Osun States, Ogoja from Cross River State, Warri from Delta, Ori and Obolo from Rivers, Torumbe from Ondo, and Ibadan from Oyo State.

Some proponents interestingly argue that these new states possess abundant mineral and natural resources, which would be harnessed post-creation for the benefit of their people. One is forced to question the logic behind such reasoning and then wonder, are these not already entities within existing states, or would these new states be conjured out of thin air to perform this economic magic?

One would also need to educate Nigerians on a little bit of history and the processes required to achieve state creation in the country. The last time Nigeria created new states was in 1996, under the late General Sani Abacha. The only time a civilian government created a federating unit in the form of a state, rather than a local government area, was in 1963, and it was reportedly done without good faith. 

The Northern People’s Congress (NPC) was the ruling party at the centre, and it was in alliance with the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), which was the ruling party in the Eastern Region. The ruling party in the Western Region was the Action Group (AG), while the opposition party was at the centre. There were other smaller parties, but only the NPC, NCNC, and AG were well-known. The alliance at the centre wanted to counter the growing influence of the Action Group, so a region was created from it. 

That region was named the Midwest Region, which later became Bendel state (derived from Benin and Delta). Bendel later became the Edo and Delta states.

Since then, only military regimes have created states in Nigeria. The Gowon administration, on May 27, 1967, abolished the regional system and created 12 states – North-Western, North-Central, North-Eastern, Kano, Benue-Plateau, Kwara, Western, Lagos, Mid-Western, East-Central, South-Eastern, and Rivers States – as part of the strategies to weaken Col. Odumegwu Ojukwu and prevent the civil war. 

Creation of states continued under subsequent military regimes. General Murtala Mohammed created an additional seven states (Bauchi, Benue, Borno, Imo, Niger, Ogun, and Ondo) in 1976, bringing the total to 19. 

General Babangida created Akwa Ibom and Katsina states in 1987, and nine more states (Abia, Delta, Enugu, Jigawa, Kebbi, Kogi, Osun, Taraba, and Yobe) in 1991, bringing the total to 30. General Sani Abacha sealed it in 1996 by creating six more states – Bayelsa, Ebonyi, Ekiti, Gombe, Nasarawa, and Zamfara.

Conditions for state creation in a democratic setting are stringent and cumbersome, making it unlikely to happen. Military governments created states by decree, but in a democracy, it is a different ball game.

Before anyone advocates for the creation of a new state, they should study the provisions required to do so. Two-thirds of the National Assembly, as well as endorsements from State Houses of Assembly and Local Government Councils,must be achieved. This requirement makes it challenging to create new states in Nigeria. 

In accordance with Section 8 of the Nigerian Constitution, any new state creation must be preceded by the approval of citizens from the area in question through a referendum conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). For the referendum to be successful, a two-thirds majority of the people in question must consent to the creation of the new state.

Then comes resubmission of proposals in line with the prescribed guidelines, which includes submitting hard copies and electronic copies of memoranda to the committee’s secretariat, among other things. 

At a time we all advocate for a cut in governance costs, what would creating new states mean for the economy? What about the scarce resources consumed in holding meetings to contest whether or not to create new states? And what about the cost required to set up additional administrative units, the elections to be conducted, or the SUVs that would need to be purchased for 31 new brand governors and deputies, as well as principal officers in the House of Assembly? 

The stars seem to be aligning in favour of local government autonomy, and hope is on the horizon for meaningful governance at the grassroots level, which will lead to national development. The movement towards state creation,therefore, appears to be an unnecessary and costly distraction.

Lawal Dahiru Mamman writes from Abuja and can be reached via: dahirulawal90@gmail.com.

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman

In countries where governance works in favour of the people, citizens always look forward to progress and innovation. In contrast, Nigeria often clings to nostalgia, with many, including those who never lived through certain eras, romanticising what they fondly call the “good old days.”

Believing that the past was always better than the present, some advocate for a return to free education and overseas scholarships. Others yearn for the days of kobo coins, arguing that Nigeria’s economy thrived when they were in circulation and the naira held strong against the almighty dollar.

The era of Native Authorities, which largely financed itself through poll taxes and prioritised education, is also missed. Back then, local administrators ensured students were transported to and from school dormitories at the beginning and end of each term, reinforcing a system that valued structured governance and community welfare.

These administrative units, established under British colonial rule, eventually led to local governments (LGs). Initially, the LGs performed well, maintaining orderly markets, paying teachers’ salaries, and addressing essential grassroots needs.

However, over time, they lost autonomy and are now seen as mere appendages of state governments. Recognised as the most crucial level of governance due to their proximity to the people, successive administrations have made efforts to grant LGs full autonomy.

Yet, these efforts have consistently faced resistance. In 2012, former President Goodluck Jonathan declared his commitment to local government autonomy, emphasising that meaningful national development was impossible without functional local councils.

He argued that empowering LGs would have mitigated the rising insecurity. Jonathan also opposed the state-local government joint account, insisting that councils had a pivotal role in his administration’s “Transformation Agenda.”

At one point, he took legal steps to actualise this vision, but the dream of LG autonomy remained unrealised. Former President Muhammadu Buhari also pursued this goal. In May 2020, he signed an Executive Order granting financial autonomy to the judiciary, legislature, and local government councils.

Experts hailed this as a landmark move toward a more people-centred governance structure. Buhari’s rationale was grounded in Section 7 of the 1999 Constitution, which mandates LGs to oversee primary, adult, and vocational education, develop agriculture and natural resources (excluding mineral exploitation), and maintain key public services.

Their responsibilities also include street naming, house numbering, waste disposal, public convenience maintenance, and the registration of births, deaths, and marriages—basic yet crucial civic functions that remain poorly executed in today’s Nigeria.

Additionally, LGs are tasked with assessing and collecting tenement rates, regulating outdoor advertising, and overseeing public health and alcohol control. However, despite Buhari’s efforts, his administration’s push for LG autonomy, much like Jonathan’s, ultimately failed.

Now, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu finds himself at the center of this enduring struggle. He successfully secured a Supreme Court victory affirming LGs’ constitutional rights and their role in advancing grassroots governance.

He hailed the judgment as a win for democracy. However, what initially appeared to be an achievement began to feel like a setback. Many believe that state governors, who have long controlled local government resources, are deliberately frustrating the implementation of this autonomy for personal gain.

The requirement that LGs must conduct elections to receive direct allocations has further complicated the issue, as state governments continue to manipulate the process to maintain dominance.

By its very nature, local government should be the most accessible level of governance, open to all—from the ordinary citizen who walks barefoot to the community leader who mobilises residents for communal projects.

Yet, it has become a political chessboard where governors install their loyalists as council chairmen or caretakers, reducing them to mere appendages rather than independent administrators. Governors have historically played a decisive role in shaping Nigeria’s presidential politics.

With the 2027 elections casting a long shadow, party defections and quiet coalition-building are underway. This leaves Tinubu in a precarious position: will he stand firm on his commitment to full LG autonomy for sustainable economic development, or will he yield to political pressures and look the other way as 2027 approaches?

The battle for local government autonomy remains unfinished. The question now is whether Tinubu will see it through or let history repeat itself.

Lawal Dahiru Mamman writes from Abuja and can be reached via dahirulawal90@gmail.com.

By Abdulrazak Iliyasu Sansani

The recent directive allegedly from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) requiring the 774 local governments to present their budget proposals for the 2025 fiscal year has sparked renewed interest in local government autonomy. This development has been a long time coming, given the prolonged agitation for systemic changes in local government administration.

A 20-year-old university student is surprised that local governments in Nigeria prepared budgets highlight the widespread lack of awareness about local government operations perhaps because of the reality that local governments barely exist on paper in my states.

The student asked, “Do local governments actually create budgets?” I explained that, like every tier of government or organization, they are meant to do so. However, his curiosity clearly illustrates the uncertainty surrounding the local government autonomy in Nigeria.

After the Supreme Court’s landmark ruling in favor of the local governments in Nigeria on July 11, 2024, we thought it was over. The seven-justice panel of the apex court in the judgment delivered by Justice Emmanuel Agim, ruled that the 774 local government councils in the country should independently manage their own funds: millions of Nigerians thought the long wait for autonomy was finally over. However, the journey to true autonomy is often complex and winding as the history of the struggle for autonomy for this essential tier of government has shown.

With the recent directive that led to budget presentations across the 774 local governments for the 2025 fiscal year, this brought fresh perspective on the agitation and revitalised interest in local government autonomy. But will this directive translate into tangible action, or will it remain a mere rhetoric as with many critical issues in Nigeria? Nigeria’s history of struggling with local government autonomy, coupled with the stiff resistance from state governments, raise concerns about the feasibility of a true autonomy.

The Nigerian Constitution recognizes local government as a tier of government, but they remain restricted by financial and electoral constraints. Local governments are expected to provide basic services, promote development and ensure democratic participation. However, their lack of autonomy and financial power has hindered their ability to fulfill these responsibilities.

Nigeria’s experiment with various local government administration models despite so many reforms from the local government reforms of 1976, 1988 and the one embarked upon in this current dispensation, had been marked by a decline in autonomy, particularly since 2003. The state governments’ interference in local government affairs has eroded and degraded their powers and functions.

As someone who has advocated for financial and electoral autonomy for local government councils for so many years, I believe that it is crucial for addressing Nigeria’s security challenges, socio-economic issues, and building other sectors that require government’s attention at the grassroots level. The lack of autonomy has led to a power vacuum, allowing non-state actors to exert their influence.

Nigerians await the implementation of any meaningful reform that can transform local government administration and bring about positive changes. The question remains: is Nigeria truly ready to empower local governments and bring relief to the millions of rural dwellers who have been neglected for far too long?

For decades, local governments in Nigeria have been suffocated by lack of funds, rendering them ineffective in initiating or implementing meaningful projects. The joint account system, introduced years ago, has been a subject of controversy, with experts arguing that it undermines true federalism and hampers local government autonomy.

The current state of local government administration in Nigeria is a far cry from the intended vision. The 1999 Constitution, as amended, recognises local governments as a tier of government, but sadly this merely exists on paper today.

There is ample evidence to support the agitation for local government autonomy. It is a necessary step towards addressing societal ills and promoting grassroots development. Another question on everyone’s mind is: what is next?

Will the recent directive be a mere rhetoric, or will it translate into concrete action? Is Nigeria truly ready to empower local governments and bring relief to the millions of Nigerians who have been neglected for too long?

Only time will tell, but one thing is certain: the status quo is unsustainable. Nigerians await with bated breath the implementation of meaningful reforms that can revamp local government administration and bring about development.

As someone who has consistently advocated for financial and electoral autonomy for local government councils, I remain hopeful that this latest development will mark a turning point in Nigeria’s journey towards true federalism and grassroots development. For local government autonomy and administration generally in Nigeria, I ask again what next?

Abdulrazak Iliyasu Sansani wrote from Turaki B, Jalingo, Taraba State.