Kano State

By Muhammadu Sabiu 
 
The Kano Civil Society (KCSF) notes that it has received complaints from community members in the Tudun Wada/Doguwa Federal Constituency, the same areas where there were alleged intimidation, oppression, killings, and property destruction during the two previous elections in the state.
 
This was made known in a letter addressed to the Kano State Commissioner of Police dated April 14 and signed by Ambassador Ibrahim Waiya, President and Peter Hassan Tijjani, General Secretary, respectively.
 
The letter reads, “The above ugly situation, has till date become a National and Global human rights violation issue, as well as made the global community, the National Human Rights Commission, International organizations, National and Local CSOs to beam their search light on Kano State, in the supplementary elections.”
 
“Here we are, with the long awaited supplementary elections, which is scheduled to be conducted by INEC in some Local Governments, including Doguwa/Tudun Wada Federal constituency.”
 
“It is against the foregoing, we call on your good office to uphold the best practices of professional conduct to proactively address any likely re-occurrence of the 25th February, 2023 ugly incidences, where innocent souls were allegedly burnt to ashes.”

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

The Nigerian Police Force, NPF, has dismissed three officers on the ground of infamous conduct.

NPF Spokesperson, CSP Olumuyiwa Adejobi, disclosed this in a statement he signed and made available to journalists on Thursday.

According to the statement, the dismissal is sequel to complaints received against the erring officers.

He wrote, ” Subsequent to complaints and findings on video evidence widely circulated on Friday 7th April, 2023, on social media of high-handedness, unprofessional conduct, and misuse of firearms against some policemen from Special Protection Unit (SPU) Base 1, Kano, and a follow-up orderly room trial of the affected policemen by the Force Provost Marshal, three officers from the SPU Base 1 Kano have been dismissed for the offences of discreditable conduct to wit misuse of firearms, abuse of power, gross indiscipline, and wastage of live ammunition.”

The affected policemen are Inspector Dahiru Shuaibu, Sgt. Abdullahi Badamasi and Sgt. Isah Danladi.

The said officers were attached to a musician in Kano on escort duties and were seen in videos shooting indiscriminately into the air.

Consequent of the development, the NPF warned officers to be law abiding ‘to avoid running foul of its provisions and attracting attendant sanctions’

By Abubakar Suleiman

The Holy month of Ramadan is the month wherein the glorious Qur’an was revealed; hence, virtually all practising Muslims worldwide are occupied by its recitation while they ponder its meanings.

Ramadan in Northern Nigeria is greeted with Tafsir sessions, that is, the exegesis of the glorious Qur’an by different Islamic clerics or scholars. Many of these sessions are aired on television, radio and sometimes live on Facebook and other social media platforms.

However, during this period, controversies are unfortunately never in short supply among the Muslim Ummah as scholars from different sects or strands in a sect reel out interpretations of some verses. Scholars who consider some of these interpretations as skewed or deliberate distortions of the intended meaning of those verses dish out rejoinders.

Therefore, rebuttals and counter-rebuttals are being voiced out from pulpits. Followers of these scholars, too, take to their keyboards and engage in online arguments or knowledge exchanges. Unfortunately, sometimes these arguments are not without ad hominem. And if one is not careful, the essence of Ramadan, a month wherein Muslim faithful devote a considerable part of their time to acts of worship, repentance and seeking Allah’s forgiveness, would be lost amidst fierce arguments on religious matters.

Despite being dead 16 years ago, people usually comb the archives to unearth Shaykh Ja’afar Mahmud Adam’s explanation or exegesis on trendy religious arguments. And often, the resurfaced audio or video clips serve as an arbiter or at least give clarity to the subject matter. Late Shaykh Ja’afar is that blessed.

This morning, I stumbled upon a video clip of the erudite scholar, Late Shaykh Ja’afar, wherein he elucidated the value of constructive argument as he gave the exegesis from the glorious Qur’an. The clip reminded me of my distant encounters with the blessed teacher.

Whenever I was in Kano state while he was alive, I would leave my relatives’ residence in the ancient city just to go listen to his sermon in his Jummuat mosque in Dorayi. After observing the Friday prayers, I would also rush to the mosque in Gadon Kaya and book a place with a praying mat for the Tafsir session that would take place in the evening after Magrib. After quenching my thirst for new knowledge on that day, I always look forward to the following Friday with eagerness and glee.

Far away from Kano, I always stayed glued to the radio with my pen and note to write maxims from Usuul Fiqh, Qawaa’idu At-tafsir, and many poems. I memorised many religious diktats from the late Shaykh long before I eventually came across them in books during my tutelage.

There are arguably many Islamic scholars who are more learned than him in the North, but he is arguably the most eloquent and knowledgeable when it comes to the exegesis of the glorious Qur’an. In addition, his unique style of translating the Qur’an with the Qur’an – the flawless and effortless ability to quote various verses relating to a verse under discussion – endeared him to many.

Plus, his didactic prowess and eloquent delivery are also laced with authentic prophetic traditions as understood by the companions of prophet Muhammad (SAW), who lived with him and were present when the revelation of the glorious Qur’an was taking place.

His telling and bold voice reverberate with powerful and meaningful Islamic knowledge. Furthermore, his ability to decompose complex religious issues into lucid tidbits made him phenomenal and outstanding. 

Despite these qualities, he is not without flaws, but Allah has blessed him with the humility to succumb to superior arguments and even own up to mistakes. He never hesitates publicly, acknowledging his errors, wrong perception, or explanation of a religious topic. It is normal to hear him say my explanation on so and so matter yesterday was not completely accurate, and here’s the correct explanation for it. This humble attribute is not very common among many religious clerics.

I was still carrying the pains of my mother’s death when the Shaykh was assassinated. My mother died six months earlier. However, the news of his assassination sent shivers down my spine. On that very day, knowledge was buried, wisdom was dwarfed and eloquence in didactic prowess nosedived. We seek solace in the fact that his legacies live on in the students he has groomed and his documented audio and video.

May Allah accept his martyrdom and grant him the highest stations in Jannatul Firdaus, amin.

Abubakar Suleiman writes from Kaduna and can be reached via abusuleiman06@yahoo.com. 

By Lamara Garba Azare

A chieftain of New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) in Kano State and former Executive Secretary of the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (Tetfund), Dr Abdullahi Baffa Bichi has distributed essential commodities worth millions of Naira to the needy as part of a humanitarian gesture to ease the suffering of the populace.

The items, which include rice, cooking oil, noodles and other commodities estimated at several hundreds of millions of Naira.

Interestingly, the commodity was given across the board irrespective of the party affiliations of the beneficiaries.

Those who benefitted from the gesture prayed to Allah to reward him abundantly.

A widow with 7 children who said she travelled from a far distance to come and collect the gesture burst into tears of joy when she was given 25kg of rice, noodle and cooking oil, saying the last time she saw rice was about a year ago.

“We have no words to thank Dr Bichi. If he had known how happy we are now, certainly, he would further understand the suffering of many of us. To be frank with you, the last time I cooked rice in my house was a year ago when I was passing by the Kabuga area, and I saw a large crowd of women going inside BUK quarters to collect food items. I joined them, and luckily I was given too.”

The coordinator of the distribution exercise, Honourable Ghali Mu’azu, said several thousands of people male and female from across the state have benefited from the gesture.

According to him, this gesture had been instituted by Dr Bichi for a long period of time, spanning over two decades, and priority was given to the elderly and those with physical challenge cutting across all strata of people.

“We gave out to every lucky person irrespective of his political leaning. Ours is to touch humanity by giving it to the needy among the populace,” he said.

Mr Ghali commended the compassionate attitude and benevolence of Dr Bichi, who he described as kind-hearted and a man with a big heart.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

For the past 43 years that I have been a researcher, there were two areas I stay clear of: politics and religion. If you see my hand in any of these two, then the entry point is popular or media culture. For instance, I have recorded a lot of Kano Qadiriyya’s Anfasu zikr, not as a devotee, but as an ethnomusicologist – focusing on the body percussion and movements (after studying the wonderful works of Margaret Kartomi on body percussion while in Morocco). Similarly – and to balance things somewhat – I recorded Tijjaniyya zikr sessions at Chiranci in the city of Kano as part of a larger study on religious performances. All my recordings were uploaded to a dedicated YouTube public channel. I was, therefore, amused when people try to pigeonhole me either as Qadri or Tijjani. I am neither.

Politically, I am apolitical, meaning I really don’t care who rules the country. I don’t even vote, having done once a long time ago (at the insistence of a dear friend), and promised never to do it again. But performance arts brought my attention to protest songs and the prosecution of singers in Kano. The end product was a paper, “Poetic Barbs: Invective Political Poetry in Kano Popular Culture” which I am sure is floating somewhere in a modified form. And I thought that was it.

In 2014 I came across a song that I found amusing. I was playing it on my laptop when someone exhibited surprised that I was listening to the songs of Dauda Adamu Abdullahi Kahutu, with a stage name of Rarara. That was the first time I even heard the name. The song was “Zuwan Maimalafa Kano.” It attracted my attention in two ways. First, its lyrical construction, as well as its delivery, was just amazing. Rapid fire. He should have been a rapper, a genre of music I am totally besotted on (old school DMX, 2Pac, Snoop Dogg, Ice Cube, Queen “The Equalizer” Latifah, y’all). It was clear Rarara was singing off the cuff, not reading from a setlist or lyrical sheet. Second, it was the most detailed invective song I have heard in the Hausa Afropop music genre. I started digging and latched on to him and his songs. So, for the last seven years or so, I have been following every song he released using the invective matrix.

So, what is an invective song? Invective is the literary device in which one attacks or insults a person or thing through the use of abusive language and tone. If you like, “zambo/shaguɓe”. Invective is often accompanied by negative emotion. Invective can be divided into two types: high and low invective. High invective requires the use of formal and creative language, while Low invective, on the other hand, makes use of rude and offensive images. From 2010, Rarara became a master of popular Hausa invective oral poetry. He used his skills to abuse, insult and body shame anyone he was paid to insult. Including former masters and associates.

A pattern evolved. His switchbacks. Chronologically, his earliest non-invective song was “Saraki Sai Allah” (in honour of then Governor Ibrahim Shekarau’s turbaning as Sardaunan Kano in 2010 by the late Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero). In 2011 – barely a year later – when Shekarau failed to anoint Rarara’s ‘master’, Deputy Governor Abdullahi T. Gwarzo, to succeed him, Rarara became ballistically invective – and established a career in body shaming, abuses and innuendoes against various previous masters. Shekarau bore the blunt of colorist abuses – often a case of the kettle calling the pot black. No one was spared his invective barbs. Deeply cut. Insulting. Spread over 39 songs, from 2014’s “Malam Ya Yi Rawa Da Alkyabba”, to 2023’s “Tangal-Tangal.”

I have seen social media calling Rarara out on his not being a Kano indigene, getting rich in Kano through his songs, and yet insulting Kano’s leaders. This is all true. However, ‘da ɗan gari a kan ci gari’ (enemy within). Only about three songs in my analytical corpus by Rarara were free-standing (i.e., unsponsored). All the others were commissioned and paid for – by politicians from Kano, to abuse other politicians from Kano. Rarara always acknowledges his sponsors in the opening doxology of his performances.

Rarara was a highly unprincipled and unethical businessman. Show him the money, and he will praise his closest friend and abuse the friend’s enemy. Show him more money, and he will insult the same friend he praised, and heap praises on the enemy he insulted. Does anyone remember that the glorified “Ɗan Ƙaramin Sauro” (irritating mote) was part of the demeaned “Banza Bakwai” (Bastard Seven)? The bromance did not end well, did it? Business unusual.

In any event, Rarara’s invective braggadocio came back to hit him hard on 5th April 2023 when his opponents used his mother’s picture in unflattering terms and splattered it all over social media and gave her a feminine variation of an insulting name he used against one of his targets. Apparently when the shoe is on the other foot, it pinches.

Thus, instead of focusing on political ideology and promises of creating a better life for the electorate, often politicians in Kano (and I think Kano, as usual, is the only state that uniquely does this) would pay more attention to denigrating, shaming, and condemning opposing candidates, creating an unfavorable imagery of the politician to prevent his being voted. Rarara was a perfect malleable puppet in this process. He has the same emotional value to Kano politicians as an alien from Saturn. Despite his lyrical brilliance and acerbic wit, he was expendable. How many singers from Kano can you recall doing the same invective insults as Rarara to Kano politicians? Two? Three? Their corpus is not as extensive as that of Rarara. Conversely, how many politicians from Katsina pay Rarara money to insult other Katsina politicians? I can only remember one.

Wary of possible legal action against direct defamatory speeches, politicians often find it easier to engage what I call ‘political drones’ to communicate their defamatory messages through the popular medium of singing. In this way, when push comes to shove, it is the singer who would face legal – or in some cases, physical – wrath in one way or other. Unethical singers like Rarara – who was arrested, but not charged in 2014 over “Zuwan Maimalafa Kano” – were willing to pay the price in exchange for the stupendous amount of money they will receive. At least they will have enough for medical care when their houses were wrecked, assaulted and incapacitated to continue singing.

And the politician who caused it all? He can’t even remember the song that made him popular, having moved on to greener political pastures. Until the next election cycle when he will latch on another expendable drone to help him heat up the polity through more invective songs using campaign words he does not have the guts to utter himself.

Rarara’s defense of not uttering specific names in his invective taunts and body shaming do not stand up to scrutiny under Nigeria’s defamation laws, and demonstrates that while he was a brilliant lyricist, he needs to understand the law. This is because his invective defamation in the form of his songs is publicly available (indeed, he made them so), created a narrative about individuals that are easily identifiable either by their physical appearance or public behavior, created a negative impression on the person being so targeted, and was not misquoted as Rarara’s utterances (from his songs) were publicly available and subject to an only interpretation as intended. A clever prosecutor would have enough to jail Rarara on listening to any of his invective songs, if someone complained hard enough.

Invective songs can often have their positive sides in the sense of making politicians – or their targets – aware of public perception of their misdemeanors, or at most, errant behaviors. Rarara’s invective narrative in the selected songs I analyzed, however, do not demonstrate their oversight functions in public accountability for politicians. Regardless of whether explicit names were uttered or not, their narrative was focused on kicking them when they are down, and subjecting them to public ridicule. This questions the artistry of Rarara as a purveyor of aesthetic values of the Hausa oral arts.

Academicians ignore Rarara and his art – and I think that’s a mistake. True, some would argue that his songs have no aesthetic, intellectual or ideological value. On the contrary, they do. In their own way. They are beautiful as lyrical discourses. His delivery is truly artistic, even if the content is inelegant. Unlike other songs in the repertoire of political communication, his are not protest songs, and thus lack ideological focus. They neither educate, illuminate or illustrate any aspect of political culture. They only entertain – at the expense of the dignity of the people he attacks. His songs synthesize Hausa rural lexicon overlayered with abusive, often self-constructed urban jargon to enhance general appeal – and act as rabble rousers for politicians who think like him. It is a unique, if unadmirable business model in the performing arts.

Subsequently, Rarara’s songs cannot be compared, by any stretch of imagination, with the classical Hausa protest poets such as Sa’adu Zungur, Mudi Sipikin, Aƙilu Aliyu, Abba Maiƙwaru and Aminu Kano, whose artforms were fueled by educative political ideology, certainly not profit. Mudi Sipikin, for instance. used his poetry to attack the system of colonial rule. Aƙilu Aliyu wrote poems directly attacking the NPC. Abba Maiƙwaru wrote a 10-line NEPU poem for which he and Aminu Kano were arrested in the mid-1950s.

Zungur used his poetry originally to warn the emirs of the north of the necessity for reform, as illustrated in his central work, Jumhuriya ko Mulukiya [Republic or Monarchy]. In this work, he called for political and social problems to be solved on the basis of the existing Islamic institutions, rejecting alien political concepts. He later used his poetry to appeal directly to the common people. In a similar vein, one of the earliest poems written for a northern political party was by Aminu Kano, and called ‘Waƙar Ƴancin NEPU-Sawaba’ [Freedom poem for NEPU-Sawaba], and published in 1953 and put in the final form by Isa Wali. It was one of the earliest statements of Nigerian nationalism.

Despite all these, I argue that as researchers we can’t afford to ignore a current of knowledge flowing right at our feet. But the cold shoulder given to Rarara by our community, opposed to Aminu Ladan Abubakar (ALAN Waƙa) who is a toast to the academic and intellectual community, merely emphasizes the expendable and ephemeral nature of Rarara’s art. Ten years after the release of any ALA song, it will still have relevance. The relevance of Rarara’s songs rarely last to the next song release. Instantly forgettable.

Nevertheless, just as we struggled for the recognition and documentation (if not acceptance) of the Kano Market Literature in the 1990s when everyone was denigrating it, we need also to document the stream of popular culture, including Rarara – warts and all – flowing around us at all times. As far as I can see, only Maikuɗi Zukogi has focused attention on two of Rarara’s songs. More needs to be done.

As soon as I tell myself that I will wrap up the research, he will release a song insulting a former master or associate. Subsequently, I delayed publishing the research until he insulted two people, and true to expectations, he did. These were President Muhammadu Buhari (Matsalar Tsaro) and Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje (Lema ta sha ƙwaya). With the ‘Hankaka’ barb against Ganduje in the Lema song, my fieldwork became almost complete. His destruction of “ɗan ƙaramin sauro” leaves only the references to be completed. As I argued, based on his corpus, Rarara sells to the highest bidder with neither conscience nor ideology. The huge profit he makes serves as insurance against future loss of earnings when Kano politicians become mature enough to stop patronizing him to insult each other (and themselves) and utilize his skills in more constructive ways.

My thanks to a team of eager research assistants, headed by my ever-faithful and close companion, Hassan Auwalu Muhammad – a former songwriter and lyricist himself. He was the one who mainly, patiently, transcribed the songs, which I wove into a narrative going to almost 40 pages! I plan to upload the lot during my Summer break when the children are all here on holiday! By then, the threatened wobbling ‘Tangal-Tangal’ had stopped and probably settled for a four-year legal battle.

Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu can be contacted via auadamu@yahoo.com.

By Hajara Jaoji

Kudos to my paternal uncle (a family man) who cared for ten of us, including my mom, after our dad died in 2010. He ensured we had a sound, good life as if our late father were on earth. 

This story is about me, a young beautiful, under thirty years old single intelligent lady. I am the third in my family, with two older brothers, two younger brothers and four younger sisters.  I graduated from university and finished my youth service in 2020. I got a temporary job appointment (still on it) before,  during,  and after my youth service.

I used to help and take care of my siblings. Regarding education, I helped my eldest brother pay his professional exam fees. I also help my immediate older brother in pursuing his education at university. In addition, I covered all the expenses for the two junior brothers in their secondary school days. One is now a student at Aminu Kano College of Legal Studies (second year); the youngest brother recently graduated from secondary school and is looking forward to securing admission into the university for him. 

For the sisters, I took over my immediate younger sister’s expenses from my uncle. She’s a student at Bayero University, Kano (BUK). The other junior sister recently got admission to the School of Hygiene, Kano, while the two younger ones are secondary school students, and I still care for them all. 

Maturity is not by age but rather by the number of responsibilities one is able to shoulder. The best investment in life is to invest in human beings. I would rather walk around with old clothes and an old-fashioned phone, knowing that my siblings are busy getting qualitative education (modern and religious).

I  pray that God will increase my heart and bless my income so that I will help other non-blood-related orphaned children worldwide.

Hajara can be contacted via hajaraibrahimjaoji2019@gmail.com.

By Ibrahim Siraj Adhama, Ph.D.

The governorship election in Kano has come and gone. The battle has finally been won and lost. No doubt it will go down as one of the most keenly contested guber elections in our State in recent history. At the end of it, a winner emerged in the person of NNPP’s Abba Kabir Yusuf, alias Abba Gida-Gida. While congratulating him, his party and his teeming supporters, it is our collective prayer that Almighty Allah will give him the courage, wisdom, guidance and tenacity to lead Kano to greater heights.

Not unexpectedly, the March 18th election has left in its wake several talking points that will continue to dominate public discussion and intrigues that may take years to unravel. Its outcome will go a long way in shaping the future of Kano politics for a long time to come. Questions will continue to be raised about the legality or otherwise of the returning officer’s result declaration when it appeared there were more registered voters affected by cancellations than the margin of lead between the two candidates with the highest number of votes against the provisions of the 2022 Electoral Act and INEC election guidelines. Not a few people will be tempted to suggest a spectre of legitimacy haunting governor-elect Abba’s declaration arising from that controversy until all doubts are justifiably cleared.

The purpose of this piece, however, is to x-ray the governorship contest vis-a-vis the heroic performance of His Excellency Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna, candidate of the ruling APC, who, despite not winning the big prize, has given a very good account of himself as a great and promising young leader and politician with immense rich and potential. All fair analysts will give it to him that he had fought a good fight.

It is safe to argue that no candidate of a ruling party has gone into an election with many odds working against him as Gawuna in the just-concluded election. From his living under the burdensome shadow of Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje to widespread disillusionment against his party, APC, across the levels, from Kwankwasiyya’s massive followership and unflinching determination to effect a change to highly biased and unfriendly media, Gawuna’s task of winning could not be more daunting.

Gawuna contested the election as Ganduje’s backed candidate and a possible successor. One needs to understand how unpopular Ganduje’s government has become to appreciate how much of a liability that was. Ganduje had been practically on a mission to cultivate as many enemies as possible for himself, his administration, his party, his family and everything associated with him. Ganduje had, for a better part of his administration, pressed the self-destruct button.

Ganduje’s controversial land grab and conversion policy, his poor handling of education and students’ welfare, the falling standard of healthcare and poor state of hospitals in the State, his mismanagement of A Daidaita Sahu cyclists, his apparent lack of empathy towards such vulnerable groups as junior workers, pensioners and retirees, his failure to provide leadership towards resolving his party’s internal wranglings thereby causing the defection of key members to opposition parties, among other terrible blunders and unforced errors, Governor Ganduje has made things a lot easier for the opposition NNPP.

With Ganduje, you needed no enemy; he was his government’s number one detractor and his party’s foremost de-campaigner. His largely self-inflicted injury had overshadowed his modest achievements, especially in peace and security, urban renewal, expansion of economic opportunities and general infrastructural development. Hardly do people take note of these achievements.

Consequently, the opposition succeeded in making every declaration of support for Nasiru Gawuna as an endorsement of Ganduje’s litany of “atrocities”. Efforts to prove that the Deputy Governor might not himself be happy with Ganduje’s ways and will almost certainly correct those mistakes, given a chance, were taken with a pinch of salt. Many who campaigned for him faced the daunting challenge of convincing other voters that he would act differently. It’s that difficult!

As the ruling party in control of the centre, the APC did not help matters either. In a move that had the potential of jeopardizing the chances of the party’s candidates nationwide, the Federal Government announced a plan to redesign the country’s currency ostensibly to curb vote-buying and payment of ransom to bandits and kidnappers. This policy, coming on the eve of general elections, fueled speculations within the ruling party itself that certain fifth columnists close to President Muhammadu Buhari were part of a plot to rock the ship of the APC, considering how unprecedented cash crunch riled up already suffering Nigerian masses against the ruling party. Though APC has somehow managed to win the Presidential election and maintain control in most States, the damage done by this ill-advised policy to the party’s electoral fortune could just be imagined.

That His Excellency, Deputy Governor Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna, was able to score nearly nine hundred thousand votes is no mean feat given these circumstances. For me, he should be grateful to Almighty Allah, who made it possible for him to harvest this massive figure in spite of all attempts to rubbish him or undermine his chances using Ganduje’s failures. This feat is majorly attributable to his ability to connect well with some key segments of society who stood by him.

In appreciating Gawuna’s performance, though, I pay little heed to reports of widespread vote-buying. This is due to the realization that both NNPP and APC were culprits; available evidence has shown that the two major parties had tried different tricks at voter inducement. And as experts would say, vote-buying itself works on nothing, and it mostly targets undecided voters.

Since his foray into politics 20 or so years ago, Gawuna has been rising and rising. The outcome of this election represents a temporary setback which does not in any way signify his downfall as naysayers would want to believe. For careful observers of his trajectory in politics, it’s just a matter of time before he recovers and continues to rise higher and higher. Let his detractors know that the man is not going down anytime soon.

With the highest number of votes obtained by an APC gubernatorial candidate anywhere in Nigeria, Gawuna looks set for something very great, especially with an APC federal government of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu in place. No doubt, Gawuna will be an invaluable asset in Jagaban’s cabinet, going by experience. After serving for 20 years as Local Government chairman, commissioner and deputy governor, who knows if Allah is preparing him for national service? Only time will tell, and our prayers are with him now and always!

Dr Ibrahim Siraj Adhama is a Senior Lecturer from the Department of Mass Communication, Bayero University, Kano and can be reached through isiraj.mac@buk.edu.ng.

By Aminu Alhassan Kuba

During the 2023 general elections, Eng. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso contested for the office of the President Federal Republic of Nigeria under his newly registered party, the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP). Unfortunately, he came a very distant 4th, winning just one State out of 36 plus the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, with a little over 1 million votes. His party also presented candidates for the governorship in a few other states apart from Kano, and the closest it came to winning apart from Kano was in Taraba.

Before the elections, Senator  Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso had been engaged in a fierce political battle with his erstwhile political friend and deputy and present governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje.

In 2015, Kwankwaso supported Ganduje to succeed him, but afterwards, trouble started. In a video I watched sometime in 2018, Ganduje accused Kwankwaso of envy. He said he did everything to respect and be loyal to his former boss, but it seemed Kwankwaso wanted everything. He accused Kwankwaso of wanting to be governor by proxy.

The fight between the two finally culminated in the now infamous inconclusive governorship election of 2019, where Kwankwaso tried to unseat Ganduje and replace him with his former PA, former commissioner, son-in-law, now governor-elect Eng. Abba Kabiru Yusuf. In that titanic battle for Kano, Ganduje emerged victorious.

The win led to other unfortunate matters, including the dethronement and banishment of the then Emir of Kano, His Royal Highness Muhammadu Sanusi II, the balkanisation of the Kano Emirate into five (5) smaller entities and the eventual appointment of two of Sanusi’s cousins among others as Emirs of Kano and Bichi, respectively.

In the succeeding four years, the political rivalry and fight between Kwankwaso and his old friend and political ally only intensified, culminating in the defeat of Ganduje’s candidate by same Kwankwaso’s son-in-law Eng. Abba Kabir Yusuf in the just concluded governorship election in the State.

Following NNPP’s victory, Kwankwaso’s supporters mainly and some commentators have sought to present Kwankwaso as some political wizard in Northern Nigeria. While this is true to a certain degree and circumstance, it is more accurate if Kano and not Northern Nigeria was the point of reference.

Kwankwaso has indeed managed to remain politically relevant compared to his Northern governor colleagues, alongside whom he contested and won elections to become governor in 1999. However, since his stated goal is not to become or produce the governor of Kano State but to lead Nigeria as President and Commander in Chief, the fairest comparison should be with those who have demonstrated similar ambition. And in this category, the most worthy comparison should be with the President-elect, His Excellency Asiwaju Bola Ahmad Tinubu, former Senator and Governor of Lagos State.

This comparison is even worthier considering that Lagos and Kano share similarities in population, political history, economy and commercial relevance to South and Northern Nigeria, respectively.

Let’s take a dive

In 1992 when Tinubu won a seat to become Senator of the Federal Republic, Kwankwaso won one in Nigeria’s House of Representatives and became its deputy speaker.

In 1999, both Tinubu and Kwankwaso contested and won to become governors of Lagos and Kano, respectively.

In 2003, while Tinubu was re-elected for a second term in office despite Obasanjo’s backstabbing and cynical takeover of the entire South West (except Lagos, of course), Kwankwaso lost his seat to a former permanent secretary, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau, whom he had humiliated and relegated to a classroom teacher. Shekarau went on to serve two full terms as governor of Kano. Kwankwaso was eventually appointed Minister of Defence by Obasanjo.

In 2011 Kwankwaso returned to Kano for a second shot and won. He served the next four years, delivering spectacularly on the massive infrastructural transformation of Kano and investing heavily in education and social services. In addition, he provided scholarships to hundreds of Kano indigenes to undertake postgraduate studies around the world. By the end of his tenure in 2015, he easily transited to the Senate under the newly minted alliance party, the APC, with General Muhammadu Buhari’s CPC, Asiwaju’s AC and Atiku’s rebellious PDP G-5 governors.

 In the same period, Tinubu chose not to run for office but worked to build a formidable political base with the South West as its fulcrum, installing governors in at least four of the region’s six States, many of them his former commissioners and going beyond to support former comrade Adam Oshiomhole to take Edo from the PDP.

In the same period, Tinubu not only built the Lagos-Ogun axis as Nigeria’s financial and economic powerhouse, but his former appointees also became a Vice-President, ministers, governors, chief executives of agencies and parastatals of the Federal Government.

Kwankwaso and his Kwankwasiyya movement have failed to go beyond the borders of Kano into neighbouring states like Jigawa, Katsina, Kaduna, Bauchi, etc.

Notably, they have ruled Kano with his former deputy turned adversary for 16 years. Despite its industrial and commercial potential, Kano has failed to significantly grow its internal revenue base to compete favourably with its peers in the country. In a shocking manifestation of its leadership crisis, a civil service state like Kaduna now generates more internal revenue than Kano.

Again, in education, Kano tops the list of states with the most out-of-school children. This is where I find difficulty in understanding Kwankwaso’s education investment model of sending vast numbers of Doctors, Pharmacists, Nurses, Engineers and other university graduates outside Nigeria to undertake postgraduate studies while millions of children are roaming the streets wretched, hungry and illiterate.

While I do not begrudge the beneficiaries of his scholarship largesse, many of whom I know personally, I think the billions of naira public funds he spent in that endeavour would have been best spent in strengthening Kano’s capacity to educate its underprivileged poor urban and rural population.

Therefore, it’s now twenty-four years after Kwankwaso and Tinubu first became governors; Tinubu could comfortably lose Lagos but still win in the rest of Nigeria and become President; Kwankwaso could only win his Kano and ended up a distant 4th in the same presidential race. This is a testament to how far both have come.

To bolster the point further, while Kwankwaso has managed to build a competent and diverse political team across Nigeria, on the one hand, even in his beloved Kano and over 24 years, he could only find his son-in-law and former PA worthy of his trust to become governor.

Beyond Kano in the wider Arewa, he has failed to create a political support base. Instead, he is mainly seen as the head of a violence-prone, uncouth, fanatic and cult-like group willing to insult and denigrate anyone who dares to disagree with its methods. This is not without justification either. Evidence in utterances, actions and inactions from him, his closest lieutenants and supporters that they are willing to use violence to achieve political ends when push comes to shove.

The behaviour of his supporters after the governorship election in Kano in which his candidate was declared the winner and his silence speak volumes. After attacking and burning down Rarara’s property within the Kano metropolis, no word of condemnation or reproach came from the Madugu [leader] or this party.

Despite Kwankwaso’s failings, however, at this moment of Nigeria’s political journey, Arewa needs a viable opposition to put the APC-led government on its feet from May 29th this year. And Kwankwaso’s NNPP, with a base in Kano, could position itself as a viable platform for the role. From the results of both Presidential and Governorship elections so far declared and its history in this part of Nigeria, PDP can no longer pose a serious challenge to the ruling APC.

Now practically wiped out of the North East, North West and North Central except in some minority enclaves like Taraba and Plateau and unfortunate governance failure examples like Zamfara and possibly Adamawa, PDP is practically dead. In Bauchi and Adamawa (maybe), I don’t see PDP surviving beyond 2027. All these added that Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, its leading financier, is now both old and tired. A Kwankwaso-led NNPP could therefore become a viable alternative for the greater North.

But for NNPP and Kwankwaso to take up this role, I suggest they need to rebrand; Kwankwaso needs to convince the rest of Arewa and Nigeria that his movement can grow beyond the personality cult Kwankwasiyya is now.

He must also convince the rest of Arewa and Nigeria that Kwankwasiyya is not a violence-prone provincial cult that quickly resorts to arson and looting at the slightest opportunity. Finally, he must convince the rest of Nigeria that when his interests clash with that of the State, that of the State will take precedence and that he is willing and able to reign in his supporters.

Aminu writes from Kaduna and can be reached via aminukuba@yahoo.com.

By Muhammadu Sabiu 

The Kano State Police Command reported that its agents had detained 14 suspected criminals as part of their attempts to purge the state of any criminal activity.

This was stated in a statement released on Thursday via SP Abdullahi Haruna Kiyawa’s Facebook page, the command’s public relations officer.

The arrests, according to the statement, took place during clearance operations carried out by a team of Operation Restore Peace under the direction of CSP Bashir Musa Gwadabe. 

The accused were found to be in possession of lethal weapons, illegal substances, stolen, and looted valuables.

The police spokesman added, “Rigorous patrol and raids of criminals’ hideouts and black spots will continue throughout the state, as the Command will sustain the tempo in ensuring the safety of lives and properties.”

By Uzair Adam Imam

The Kano State Governor-elect, His Excellency, Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf, has warned residents to stop any ongoing building in public places in the state.

The Govenor-elect also strongly cautioned that anyone who contravenes this warning is doing it at his or her own risk.

He made this warning in a statement Thursday by his Chief Press Secretary, Sanusi Bature Dawakin-Tofa.

There have been popular outrages by the citizens in the state over the selling of some parts of schools and hospitals by Govenor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje.

The statement read, “You are advised to discontinue any construction work on public land within and around the following: All schools in the State, all religious and cultural sites in the State, all hospitals in the State, all graveyards in the State, and along the city walls of Kano.

“You are also advised to discontinue the demolition of, and the construction on, all existing public buildings belonging to the government and people of Kano State.

This Advisory is issued in the public interest, effective from today Thursday 30th March, 2023 till further notice. Any contravener does so at his/her on risk, please,” the statement concluded.