Kano State

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu 

In 1968 I was a twelve-year-old whippersnapper and found solace in my father’s library (hate football and games anyway!). A journal, Kano Studies of the year, caught my attention because of the way my Dad held on to it. I fixed my sights on it, eventually opening it and trying to read it. Oh, I did, quite all right, but I did not understand half of what was written! However, I did not give up and continued perusing the journal. 

Eventually, during high school years, a couple of years down the road, I discovered what glued my late father, Muhammadu Uba Adamu, alias Kantoma, to that specific issue – his article. The article was titled “Some Notes on the Influence of North African Traders in Kano”. This time when I read it, it made sense. I found it fascinating, and I can genuinely say it planted the roots of historical interest in me. However, I was keener on race, culture and identity, and in particular, how new racial identities emerge as a result of what Kantoma himself later referred to as ‘confluence and influences.’

“Some Notes on the Influence of North African Traders in Kano”, as I was to discover later, was based on the methodology of what Victor Turner referred to as “the anthropology of experience”. Kantoma embedded himself in the Arab community (a bit easy to do, with an Agadesian grandmother) in the Alfindiki community in the heart of the city and close to his traditional family homestead at Daneji. It was through extremely loose focus group discussions that he was able to gather as much data as he could. And he was then a student of Political History at Ahmadu Bello University Kano (via Abdullahi Bayero College). 

Years later, I had the chance to befriend one of Kantoma’s teachers, John Lavers. He glowingly told me how excited he was with Kantoma’s initial paper and how he made a series of suggestions that eventually turned the paper into a classic. John Lavers was one of the founders and editors of Kano Studies. 

The paper was extensively revised by Kantoma as “Further notes on the influence of North African traders in Kano”. It was presented at the International Conference on Cultural Interaction and Integration Between North and Sub-Saharan Africa, Bayero University Kano, 4th–6th March 1998 – some thirty years after the original. Unfortunately, despite being the person who typed it up for him, I could not locate a copy (remember, we were using floppy drive storage in those ancient days!).

Some notes planted in me an interest in race, culture and identity and the interrogation of the specific gravity of racial identity in Africa. For instance, take a community of Tripolitanian Arabs who settled in Dandalin Turawa, Kano, right on the edge of the Kurmi market. Years later, they were no longer ‘Turawa’ but African – at least in colour and language, as most have also lost the Arabic language of their forebears. So, what exactly are they? Arabs? Hausa? Or do they create a crazy hyphenated identity – Hausa Arabs (like the ridiculous ‘Hausa Fulani’)?

So, I started my own anthropological trajectory by writing a proposal for a Stanford University (US) residency on Race, Culture and Identity. I wanted to map the six groups of Arab residents in Kano to determine how they self-identify – language or genes. These are Shuwa, Sudanese, Tripolitanians, Syrians, Lebanese, and the Yemeni. Again, Kantoma had much data on especially the Yemeni, in addition to his earlier Tripolitanian engagements.

For a few years, I worked with him to flesh out the project and even got some of the Yemeni elders interested in proper documentation of their community (as was done by S.U. Albasu in “The Lebanese in Kano”). I did not get the Stanford residency, and other things about the daily grind kept me away from the project, so I put it on hold! I can’t even locate the original proposal now. But who knows? Once I have a free year or so, I might rummage through some forgotten hard drives and see what lurks there and, if possible, get back into the race (pun intended!). 

Here, for your archival pleasure, is a gift from Kantoma pending a full-blown site that will have all his writings much later in the year (hopefully by Fall). Download from here:  https://bit.ly/3p2LeOx.

By Dr Shamsuddeen Sani

Where I got History of Imamship of Kano by Muhammad Wada is somewhat hazy in my memory, but it is an MA thesis that underwent a transformative process. The author undertook significant efforts to draw from diverse historical sources. This task merits recognition due to the inherent challenges associated with such an endeavour in the Kano historical tradition.

Despite its small physical size, this book ambitiously tackles a weighty subject matter. The initial chapter, which ideally should have served as a generous introduction, takes a look at the historical backdrop concerning the role of Imams within classical Sunni Islam. In doing so, it imparts valuable insights into their spiritual and intellectual significance. The second chapter charts the evolution of the Imams’ role within the classical religious culture of Kano before the advent of the Sokoto Jihad.

Commencing with the arrival of the Wangarawa during the 14th century, their influence played a pivotal role in the domestication of Islam as a state religion during that era. With the gradual expansion of their spiritual responsibilities and socio-political influence within the royal court, the Imams assumed a central position within the annals of Kano’s historical tradition.

The third chapter examines the transformative impact of the Sokoto Jihad at the turn of the 19th century, bringing about substantial changes to the role of Imams and how they were selected. These changes also served to define an expanded set of functions for the state-appointed Imam.

The author peppers fragments from the biographies of early post-Jihad Kano Imams alongside pivotal milestones punctuating their official lives. As the colonial powers exerted their influence in the early 20th century, the 4th chapter examines how the role of Imams underwent a notable shift, culminating in their formalisation within the judicial council, albeit with a subsequent reduction to primarily spiritual functions.

The book’s final chapter highlights the Imams and their ever-evolving roles from post-independence to the present. Moreover, it investigates the expansionist developments surrounding the establishment of Friday congregational prayer mosques across the state. While the book serves as a comprehensive introductory exploration of its subject matter, it might require additional intellectual depth that one might expect within broader, modern academic discourse.

There are also some ectopic clerical errors in the book that could have been identified and corrected before printing. While acknowledging the inherent challenge of achieving complete neutrality in historical works, it is reasonable to expect greater nuance and fairness in a work of this nature.

Dr Shamsuddeen Sani wrote from Kano. He can be reached via deensani@yahoo.com.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

The Governor of Kano State, Abba Kabir Yusuf, in the early hours of Friday, flagged off open heart surgery for patients with heart-related diseases.

The Governor flagged off the exercise, which was sponsored by the Saudi Government in partnership with Muslim World League, at the Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital Conference Hall in the State.

During the event, the governor reiterated the commitment of the Kano State Government to partner with any non-governmental organizations and individuals willing to assist in providing training to health personnel and medical care to patients in need of such services.

He said: “We are very much delighted to have you in Kano for this gigantic assistance. Kano state is the most populous state in Nigeria, with over 21 million People. We have the most vulnerable people, downtrodden masses that do not have any means of taking care of their health needs,” said the Governor.

He added that “We will stick to our campaign promises of building general hospitals across the 44 local governments and Primary health care centres across the state and the re-introduce mobile clinics to cater for the people in the rural areas who are in need of medical attention free of charge.”

The head of the medical team from Saudi Arabia, Dr Utman Al-uthman Saad, said the medical team comprised 20 Cardiac surgeons who will perform the surgery and pledged to do their best to achieve the set goals.

By Mohammad Qaddam Sidq Isa (Daddy) 

Notwithstanding the appropriateness or otherwise of the recent and unprecedented wave of demolitions in Kano by the newly inaugurated governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, it may have triggered a vicious circle of the incumbent governors and their predecessors taking turns revoking, converting and reallocating public land and facilities in the state. 

Though purportedly guided by relevant legislation and overriding public interest, successive Kano state governors have been involved, to various extents, in controversial public land and facility-related scandals. However, the immediate past governor, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, having literally overdone it, has been particularly notorious in this regard. 

Now with the recent demolitions, Governor Abba has proven that it’s indeed his turn. The way they were conducted, which made the operation look more like mob action, has been effectively set as a precedent for future similar operations in the state. 

So, unless this looming vicious circle is averted, Kano may, after every four or eight-year tenure, witness similar operations with persistently worsening intensity and impacts.   

Having monitored the situation from afar, thanks to the viral video clips on social media, I felt not only sad but extremely embarrassed watching helplessly how my city, a supposedly aspiring mega city, was being systematically bastardized.

I watched in shocked dismay how the lives of innocent traders, who simply happened to be tenets in the targeted buildings, were being turned to, perhaps, perpetual misery overnight by crowds of sadist creatures feigning being human looting their (traders) merchandise. Some buildings had already been looted even before the demolition team got there. There are verified heartbreaking stories about the plights of many victims. In a particular instance, one was reliably reported to have gone mad out of frustration. 

The sheer ferocity with which the mob plundered traders’ goods suggests deep-seated populist sadism and sheer envy in a society where tacit gloating over the misfortune of any real or perceived wealthy person has become normal. I have also observed tacit attempts on social media by many otherwise reasonable people to underestimate the plights of the victims and even put the blame on them for their ‘failure’ to evacuate their goods in time. 

Meanwhile, the cumulative impacts of this vicious circle on the state’s economy and other strategic interests cannot be overestimated. It’s already seriously affecting local investor confidence, for no one will consider the viability of any significant investment, especially in, say, real estate development and other related sectors, knowing that the land allocation is prone to arbitrary revocation and the structures are subject to impulsive demolition at any time. 

Equally, banks and other financial institutions will have to discontinue recognizing Kano government-issued certificates of property ownership as collateral, knowing that they may at any time be rendered as worthless as takardar tsire. 

Likewise, the state’s attractiveness to direct foreign investment (if there is currently any) will be hit even harder, for no prospective foreign investor, being typically particularly sensitive to any red flag suggesting policy inconsistency, will consider investing in Kano knowing that whatever policy or incentive attracted him can be impulsively terminated at any time. 

Now, obviously, Governor Abba is aware deep down that that wasn’t how he was supposed to handle the situation in the first place. His approach is enough to vindicate those who insist that he is simply on a vengeance mission with a premeditated resolve to settle scores with political opponents and their associates on behalf of his political godfather, Rabi’u Kwankwaso. 

He can address whatever land use abuses his predecessor committed, which are so many, by the way, but he should do it in a civilized way through due process leading to the demolishing of what indeed deserves to be demolished and sparing what deserves to be spared for the purpose of reclaiming and converting it into a public facility. 

Mohammad Qaddam Sidq Isa (Daddy) wrote from Dubai, UAE, and can be contacted via mohammadsidq@gmail.com.

By Dr Shamsuddeen Sani

I thought The Lebanese in Kano: An Immigrant Community in a Hausa Society in the Colonial and Post-Colonial Periods merely contained a handful of newspaper tales. I was mistaken! Within its pages lies a meticulously researched body of work, a testament to the cultural heritage of Kano that begs to be savoured and preserved for generations to come. It has profound glimpses into the very foundations of Kano’s societal evolution as it illuminates the paramount role played by the Lebanese community in the rich Kano’s historical traditions.

This book, published in 1995 and authored by S.A. Albasu, unfolds with an intricate chronology of eight captivating chapters. As the introduction sets the stage, the initial chapter gracefully delves into the existing body of literature on migration, skilfully intertwining it with the historical fabric of West Africa and Nigeria. Embracing a tangent in the second chapter, Albasu illuminates the emigration of the Lebanese into Kano, beginning in the mid-19th century.

However, a pivotal juncture in Lebanese history within Kano emerged in 1920, a defining moment marked by profound geographical and religious divisions among the Lebanese migrants. The historical catalysts propelling Lebanese emigration into Nigeria were meticulously examined within this segment.

It becomes apparent that prior to the 1920s, the Lebanese immigrants in Kano predominantly belonged to the Maronite Christian community. It is only after this period that a demographic shift occurs, welcoming the arrival of Muslim Lebanese, particularly those of the Shiite sectarian extraction hailing from southern Lebanon. The book exposes the reader to the sociocultural intricacies of the Lebanese community’s towns of origin and unravels the fabric of their society, dispelling prevailing myths.

The entire Lebanese migration into Kano is thoughtfully categorised into four distinct phases, each meticulously explored with great detail: 1890-1903, 1903-1912, 1912-1920, and the 1930s during the tumultuous period of the great depression. Each of these phases represents a significant milestone in the history of the Lebanese community within Kano, as well as its impact on the city’s socioeconomic development.

Subsequent chapters of this book delve into the physical establishment of the Lebanese community, intricately entwined with crucial historical policies such as colonial taxation, the indirect rule system, and segregation policies.

Chapters four, five, and six embark on an exciting journey, covering the consolidation of the Lebanese community within Kano’s vibrant business milieu. From the thriving cattle trade to the realms of Kolanut and groundnut businesses, the book unfurls the profound influence of factors like colonial intervention, the upheaval of the Second World War, Nigeria’s independence, and the burgeoning national consciousness. The book has revelations of ground-breaking nature, leaving you enlightened and astounded, and for me, every piece seamlessly falls into place now.

By Muhammad Abdurrahman

Lamash Properties Limited demands N10 billion in compensation from the Kano state government for demolishing its property.

The firm said it entered into a public-private partnership (PPP) with the government of Kano to redevelop the Daula Hotel.

On assuming office, Abba Yusuf, governor of Kano, ordered the demolition of “illegal property” built by the former administration of Abdullahi Ganduje.

In a statement on Sunday, Hassan Yusuf Baba, the firm’s executive director, said it was a “gross injustice” because they were not notified of the demolition exercise.

“Our bid, like every other bid submitted, went through all the processes including going before the state executive council after which we won the bid,” Baba said.

“We were issued the letter of award and we signed a PPP contract agreement with the Kano state government after which we began work on the project.

“The value of the land being the equity contribution of the Kano state government into the project plus the agreed profit share of the state government all in the sum N2,297,016,622.89 only was converted into the hotel and its ownership was given to the Kano state government as its share into the project under the PPP arrangement.

“On May 27, 2023, the immediate past governor of the state, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, performed the commissioning ceremony of the hotel and it was handed over to the state government as its share in the project.

“To our utmost surprise, we received a call around 2am on Sunday June 4, 2023, that officials of the state government led by the new governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, have mobilized to the site of the project with bulldozers and were tearing down all the buildings on the land including the already completed 90-room 5-star Daula Boutique Hotel, the 90 percent completed commercial area (malls) as well as the ongoing residential apartments.

“We have instructed our legal team to institute legal actions against the state government to claim compensation to the tune of N10 billion already invested in the project and to stop the state government from further taking actions that will negatively affect us based on the PPP contract agreement we signed with it.”

By Uzair Adam Imam

An auto crash in Kano has led to the death of at least 18 persons, a development that brought tears to the eyes of their loved ones and relatives.

The traumatic incident reportedly occurred along Kano-Ringim Road in the Gabasawa local government area of the state.

The sector Commandant of the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC), Ibrahim Abdullahi, had confirmed the journalists about the accident.

He stated that the accident involved a total of 35 passengers in two buses, out of which 18 were burnt beyond recognition while 12 others sustained serious injuries.

“We received a call about the accident at about 8:35 p.m. on Friday and dispatched our personnel to the scene to rescue the victims,’’ Abdullahi said.

He further stated that some of the deceased were given mass burial at the accident scene, and others were handed over to their relatives.

Ibrahim said the injured victims were taken to Murtala Muhammad General Hospital, Kano.

By Uzair Adam Imam

Yusuf Magaji, a 13-year-old Almajiri boy in Kano, breathed his last on Friday when he slipped into a pond and drowned to death.

The boy and his fellow students were said to have been washing around the pond when he slipped and fell inside.

According to the Kano State Fire Service Spokesperson, Saminu Yusuf Abdullahi, the incident occurred in Makugara Village of Karaye Local Government Area of Kano State.

Abdullahi said their office at Karaye received an emergency call from Malam Nafi’u Na Adama, who reported the incident.

According to him, the students were said to be on their way to one village when they stopped beside open water to take their bath, “but very unfortunately, he slid into the river.”

He further stated that the victim was retrieved unconsciously and conveyed to the Karaye Specialist Hospital, where he was later confirmed dead by the doctor.

By Abdurrahman MN

Many of us have undoubtedly noticed the alarming increase in phone-snatching cases in the Kano metropolis over the past few months. However, in recent weeks, a concerning shift has occurred. We are now witnessing more audacious attacks that have resulted in the loss of several lives.

It appears that some criminals have abandoned their usual tactic of targeting victims who refuse to surrender their phones and have adopted a new strategy of incapacitating victims from the start before making off with their phones and valuables. The police have also released images showing the growing sophistication of the criminals’ custom-made weapons, which inflict severe injuries and can lead to the quick demise of unfortunate victims.

Following the reports of numerous deaths resulting from these incidents in recent weeks, a groundswell of calls for action has emerged on social media. However, it has become evident that the authorities responsible for addressing this problem are woefully ineffective in fulfilling their mandate and instilling a sense of security in the terrified populace. This call for action was not directed at them but at ordinary people who have grown weary of the escalating terror and pervasive uncertainty accompanying each new case. It is a plea for individuals to take matters into their own hands and punish the culprits as they see fit through vigilante justice and mob action.

I do not intend to delve into the underlying criminal motives of these hoodlums and the terror they have inflicted upon our minds, as many have exhaustively discussed and understood. Instead, I would like to address the legitimacy, extent, and extremes of the resulting extrajudicial punishments meted out by the public.

As theorised by Max Weber, the state holds a monopoly on violence. In exchange for relinquishing their right to inflict harm upon each other, individuals entrust the government with the responsibility of maintaining sustainable peace and order through the imposition of laws and legitimate use of force (incarceration, penalties, etc.). When the state fails to uphold its end of the social contract, individuals resort to taking up arms to protect themselves.

Regarding the legitimacy of such actions, I recall writing about the case of Deborah’s blasphemy and subsequent lynching. I still firmly maintain my view on the illegitimacy of jungle justice. According to Islamic and Nigerian legal provisions, dispensing justice without legal authority is a grave offence. However, there is a crucial distinction between the original crimes committed in the two cases (Deborah’s blasphemy and phone snatching): the threat to life. In the latter case, the victims face a potentially lethal assault, whereas the former represents an affront to the collective conscience of the Muslim faithful.

The permissibility of self-defence against a threat to one’s life is not the point of contention; logic and law permit the defence of one’s life when under attack. The critical issue here is determining the limit of self-defence and when a retaliatory attack exceeds the boundaries of self-defence.

There is a significant difference between a victim of theft who harms or kills their assailant in self-defence and a mob that ruthlessly lynches the assailant after the fact. While amputation or physical punishment, as seen in some cases, is gruesome, it is still preferable to murder and serves the same intended lesson. Under Sharia provisions, a victim of an attack is only permitted to retaliate with the necessary force to protect themselves and repel the assault. For example, responding with a forceful blow to a spell that could be dispelled with a simple slap would be wrong.

Therefore, it is understandable and alarming to witness people advocating for the outright murder of anyone caught stealing a phone. Some individuals are explicitly advocating for the “slaughtering” of the culprits upon capture. This raises concerns about the kind of person who would consciously attempt to take another human life, even if the victim had committed an offence deserving of punishment. How would such an act affect (or corrupt) their conscience in the long run? Wouldn’t entrusting justice solely to the masses, without the necessary checks and limits, spiral out of control and harm innocent individuals?

Yes, I agree that the current trend of mob action will likely deter hoodlums and reduce the recurrence of such incidents as we are witnessing today. However, what happens when people are emboldened to take physical action against any perceived wrongdoing? Do we possess enough moral rectitude to prevent ourselves from crossing reasonable boundaries in our frenzy?

The government is responsible for safeguarding our lives, property, and conscience by taking decisive action against these hoodlums. Such action would serve as a powerful deterrent to potential offenders, discourage criminal attempts, and spare the masses from the traumatic ordeal of violent mob action.

While the act of jungle justice in this instance may yield short-term positive results where the obligated authority has failed, I believe that ultimately, restoring that power to the hands of the state would serve us better. Unfortunately, destroying the walls of legal fortification and moral conscience may come back to haunt us. I fear that when the monster we are currently encouraging has no more prey to pounce upon, it may turn its salivating jaws toward us now that we have stripped away the protections provided by the walls we dismantled ourselves.

In conclusion, the rise of phone robbery and the subsequent resort to extrajudicial punishment highlights the failures of the authorities to ensure the safety and security of the populace. While the public’s frustration is understandable, we must be cautious about the extent and extremes of vigilante justice. Instead, we should strive to hold the government accountable and demand effective measures to combat crime, ensuring a fair and just society for all.

Abdurrahman MN writes from Kano and can be reached via abdulmnasir99@gmail.com.

Dear Sir,

First and foremost, I must offer my humble congratulations on your election victory. By electing you into this exalted office, the people of my dear Kano State have no doubt placed their tomorrow’s trust in you to lead us with compassion and dedication towards a better, prosperous future, and we are hopeful that you will rise to the occasion.

Dear Abba Gida-Gida, as you take on this vital role, we urge you to prioritise the needs of the good people of Kano above all else. 

Kano faces numerous challenges, including economic inequalities, healthcare disparities, educational deficiencies, traffic congestion, and dilapidated roads, which become hazardous for drivers, pedestrians, and cyclists: increased crime rates, environmental degradation and strain on public services like schools and hospitals. We require a leader committed to tackling these issues head-on and finding lasting solutions that benefit all residents, regardless of their background or socioeconomic status.

During your campaigns, you have had the opportunity to mingle and connect with many individuals, giving you a deeper understanding of their struggles and challenges. Therefore I urge you to know their worth and show concern for their well-being.

I must also encourage you to prioritise transparency and accountability in your administration. The people have a right to know how their paid taxes are spent and whatever decisions are made on their behalf. Open communication and free accessibility to your office will go a long way in building trust with the general public.

Finally, we ask that you lead with compassion and empathise with the needs of your people. Our State is diverse, with unique, distinctive opportunities and perspectives that make us stronger and shoulder above our peers.

As Governor, you are responsible for ensuring that all residents feel seen, heard, cherished and valued. By working together, we can create a brighter future for all.

Once again, congratulations on your election. We look forward to working with you to make our state the best.

Abbas Datti wrote from Kano via abbasdattibashir@gmail.com.