Kano State

Questions for Jaafar Jaafar 

By Mukhtar Jarmajo 

In a surprising turn of events, veteran journalist Jaafar Jaafar, who wrote a scathing article against Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II in 2017, appears to be either neutral or even supportive of the emir’s reinstatement last week. This shift in stance has raised questions about Jaafar Jaafar’s change of heart.

In the famous 2017 article, Jaafar Jaafar accused Emir Sanusi II of squandering N4 billion inherited from his predecessor, the late Emir Ado Bayero, and criticized his lavish spending on foreign travel, cars, and internet bills. He also condemned the Sanusi’s remarks about the Kano people, which he deemed abusive. The article concluded with a warning to Emir Sanusi II, reminding him of the consequences of his actions.

Fast-forward to 2024, and Jaafar Jaafar seems to be singing a different tune. His recent support for Emir Sanusi II’s reinstatement has left many wondering what prompted this change of heart. Has Jaafar Jaafar reevaluated his stance on Emir Sanusi II’s leadership and policies? Has new information come to light that challenges his previous assertions?

As a respected journalist, Jaafar Jaafar’s opinions carry weight. His initial article sparked intense debate and scrutiny of Emir Sanusi II’s actions. His apparent support for the emir’s reinstatement raises questions about consistency and credibility.

Jaafar Jaafar should clarify his stance and provide insight into his change of heart. What prompted this shift in perspective? Has Emir Sanusi II demonstrated significant growth or change in his leadership style and policies? Jaafar Jaafar needs to address these questions to maintain transparency and accountability in his journalism, upholding the principles of fairness and truth-seeking that underpin his profession.

Jarmajo wrote from Lobito Crescent, Wuse 2, Abuja, via dattuwamanga@gmail.com.

Preserving our heritage: The dethronement saga in Kano State

By Fatihu Ibrahim

Sometimes, our directionless life in Nigeria amazes me. Although we were once ruled by British colonists, we adopted the American presidential system, which is not only costly but also ineffective for our country.

With a heavy heart, I reflect on the recent dethronement of the 15th Emir of Kano, His Royal Highness Alhaji Aminu Ado Bayero. This event marks yet another instance where the government of Kano State has seemingly exercised its power dictatorially. Aminu was dethroned for no reason other than his association with the Ganduje administration. There was no justification for this action other than political disagreements and personal enmity.

This is the second time this government has taken action that deeply affects me. The first was the demolition of business buildings at the Eid praying ground, which caused the loss of billions of Naira worth of properties. This act indiscriminately affected nearly everyone in the Kofar Wambai market, regardless of political affiliation.

Some might argue about Sanusi Lamido Sanusi’s dethronement, which I also believe was wrong. However, at least there were allegations against him, whether true or false. In Aminu’s case, there was no such basis. He has tried to stay out of the political drama, avoiding the turmoil.

One wrong cannot right another. The most troubling aspect of this saga is how quickly the House acted, from proposing the motion to passing the verdict, in stark contrast to the usual legislative process. I recall advocating for gender-based violence laws in Kano State, which took months, if not years, to pass. The double standard is glaring.

The House of Assembly should focus on pressing issues. Our children have performed poorly in the SSCE qualifying exams, and our education system is dire, especially in primary and secondary schools. While I commend the governor for declaring a state of emergency on education, more must be done. Our universities are burdened with a 600 million Naira debt. Yet, the administration is spending 2.7 billion Naira on exotic cars for assembly members, ignoring the plight of the masses who elected them.

Ironically, the member who proposed the dethronement motion has no significant achievements. Many people who share his political affiliation vote for him out of blind loyalty to the party. It’s time we recognise the importance of voting for suitable candidates, regardless of their political views.

Yesterday, it was Sanusi; today, it’s Aminu. Who knows what will happen tomorrow? This cycle of dethronement could continue, with each governor bringing in their emir. What will become of our traditional institutions? Kano is renowned as one of the best Emirates in West Africa, if not the world. If this continues, can we still boast of being the Kano we once were?

Conflicts between the government and the emirate are not new; they date back to the colonial era and span various regimes. The government should find a way to resolve differences with traditional institutions without resorting to dethronement, preserving our history.

Perhaps someday, a governor will return the emirship to the HABE, the original heirs to the throne. There are still descendants of Muhammadu Rumfa and Sarki Muhammad Alwali, the last Hausa king. This, however, is a story for another day. Before anyone questions my loyalty or faith, I am a proud descendant of one of Shehu Dan Fodio’s flag bearers, making me Fulani by genealogy from the Kuninkawa clan.

May Allah bless Kano and its people. May we continue to lead in the political sphere in the north and Nigeria at large.

God bless Nigeria.

Fatihu Ibrahim wrote via fisabbankudi123@gmail.com.

BREAKING: Dethroned Bayero occupies mini-palace in Nassarawa

By Uzair Adam Imam

Alhaji Aminu Ado Bayero, the dethroned Emir of Kano, has returned to the ancient town and taken up residence in a palace in Nassarawa, fueling confusion and tension.

His return came in the early hours of Saturday, when his aircraft landed at Aminu Kano International Airport at around 4:30 am.

Upon his arrival, Bayero was greeted by a large crowd of supporters, who chanted verses from the Holy Quran, including Surah Al-Fatihah: “It is You we worship and You we ask for help.”

His convoy then made its way through the city, eventually arriving at the mini-palace in Nassarawa, where he has taken up residence.

Meanwhile, Sanusi II has taken over the traditional Gidan Rumfa palace, which has been the seat of the Emir of Kano for centuries.

Both palaces are now under heavy security cover, as the situation remains tense and uncertain.

Return of Sunusi: The dilemma ahead

Mohammad Qaddam Sidq Isa (Daddy)                     

The return of Muhammadu Sunusi ll as Sarkin Kano is yet another manifestation of the influence of politics on the traditional Masarauta establishment, which, after all, has always been used and abused by politicians.

Since the British conquest of the Usman Dan Fodio Islamic sultanate in what subsequently became part of today’s northern Nigeria, the enthronement and dethronement of emirs (Sarakuna) have always been motivated by underlying political interests. 

Throughout the colonial era, the British would only enthrone aspiring princes deemed the most loyal to the British colonial establishment as leaders of their respective emirates. This practice enabled them to maintain their colonial grip through those proxy-Sarakuna. And since then, successive generations of military and civilian administrators have followed suit, enthroning and dethroning Sarakuna literally at will. 

The only shift in this regard is that, in the past, the influence of political leaders would mostly come to play only when a throne became vacant mainly due to the death of the Sarki, when the incumbent governor would influence the emergence of his successor, as it happened in 2014 in Kano that led to the enthronement of Sunusi. However, now that the trend is becoming systematic, it will indeed, if left unchecked, render the reins of Sarauta effectively tenured, subject to the tenure of the governor behind it. 

After all, just like his enthronement in 2014 by then-Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and his subsequent dethronement in 2020 by then-Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, Sarki Sunusi’s return to the Kano throne remains politically motivated within the context of the power struggle in Kano politics between Kwankwaso and Ganduje, two provincial vindictive enemies hell-bent on finishing off each other.  

By the way, as a subservient Kwankwaso ‘boy’, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf himself is a mere fighting tool in the hands of his godfather in the struggle. 

Interestingly, Kwankwaso has tactically put his vengeful mission against Sunusi on hold for now, pending finishing off Ganduje and his legacy. 

Sunusi incurred then-Governor Kwankwaso’s wrath as a then-Lagos-based bank executive when he kept dishing out disparaging criticisms against Kwankwaso and his government. For instance, in an article he titled “The Kwankwaso Phenomenon”, Sunusi described then Governor Kwankwaso as a “rural aristocrat” who “surrounds himself with provincials and places key posts in the hands of rural elite”. He also compared Kwankwaso’s government to “the classic comedy of the Village Headmaster in a village council”. 

Kwankwaso got mad at Sunusi and demanded his sacking by his then-employer, United Bank for Africa (UBA). He threatened to stop his government’s dealings with the bank in case of non-compliance. 

Anyway, now that Sunusi is back, it remains to be seen how it plays out between him and Governor Abba, considering Sunusi’s penchant for publicity stunts involving controversial utterances against government policies and wrongdoings. 

As much as Sunusi is excited about his return to the Kano throne, the development represents a tricky dilemma for him that also tests his supposed commitment to outspokenness against government wrongdoings. 

On the one hand, Governor Abba won’t tolerate his stunts in the name of outspokenness; no governor will, either. And unless he (Sunusi) has, this time around, decided to desist from his stunts to keep his throne, Governor Abba, under Kwankwaso’s influence, won’t hesitate to go to any extent, including dethronement, to deal with him. 

On the other hand, his distance from his stunts would undoubtedly mean the end of the reputation he has somehow earned as an outspoken critic of government wrongdoings.  

Mohammad wrote from Dubai and can be reached via mohammadsidq@gmail.com.

No invasion of Kano Emir’s palace, DSS clarifies

By Uzair Adam Imam 

On Thursday, the Department of State Service (DSS) denied media reports that it invaded the Emir of Kano’s Palace, saying they were untrue. 

The state Director of DSS, Mr Muhammad Alhassan, said this when he spoke with reporters in Kano.

Alhassan said that the DSS only deployed its personnel to the palace as part of a security arrangement for the First Lady, Mrs Oluremi Tinubu’s visit to the Emir. 

He said, however, that the personnel were withdrawn following the postponement of the visit due to the Emir’s absence from town.

He said there was no truth in the report alleging that DSS operatives stormed the Emir’s Palace in connection with the recent development at the State House of Assembly. 

He urged Nigerians to disregard the false and malicious report, which he said was intended to cause unnecessary tension and misinformation.

On Thursday, the State House of Assembly repealed the Kano Emirates Council Law 2019, thereby dissolving the Emirates of Bichi, Gaya, Karaye, and Rano.

The return of Sanusi

By Aliyu Nuhu

I have read the amended Kano Emirates law, which was brief, concise and straight to the point, to achieve certain ends. It is a promise fulfilled by the new NNPP government. Engr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso had said time without number that if elected, the government would repeal the Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje-led Emirates laws.

If Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf signs the amendment into law (which is a certainty), it will remove the present emirs from their offices and return all the Ganduje creation of first-class emirs back to district heads (hakimai). The affected emirs are those of Gaya, Rano, Karaye and Bichi.

The new law gives the governor the power to either re-appoint them hakimai or remove them and search for new ones.

Until the coming of this new law, I thought that Muhammadu Sanusi II’s return was impossible, as it had no precedence in the history of the Kano emirate. But after talking to officials and people who know the workings of the government, it appears certain that Sanusi will return to his throne, in fact, soon enough to preside over the coming Eid-Kabir prayer. 

Nothing is certain yet, but nothing is impossible, thanks to political intrigues and the need for the new government to reverse Ganduje’s legacies. There is no love lost between Kwankwaso, Abba, and Ganduje.

For my own views, I support the amendment of the Emirates laws and the return of a strong Kano emirate, but I don’t support Sanusi’s return as emir of Kano. The current Emir of Kano, Aminu Ado Bayero, is doing well and is loved by the people. 

I don’t support Sanusi’s return. I know he has not learned a lesson and will still come back and meddle with Kano politics, attack Abba and his government, and continue shooting his mouth as if he is an ordinary person. People who sit on the Kano throne don’t talk too much. He must also not try, like his grandfather did to Sardauna, to outshine the Kano state governor.

In history, there was an incident where the then-Emir Muhammadu Sanusi shamed Sardauna in the Kano race course parade ground by attracting a standing ovation with the Sardauna seated. The premier of Northern Nigeria considered it an affront to himself as the Emir stole the spotlight by arriving in full splendour and pageantry, and the whole assemblage had to stand up for the Emir in traditional homage and honour. It was a percussion to the dethronement of Emir Sanusi of Kano.

The grandson Sanusi Lamido Sanusi has inherited those tendencies from his grandfather, and I daresay when it comes to attacking and criticizing the government, Kwankwaso/Abba don’t have the patience, and if you like to call it table manners of Ganduje. They will throw out Sanusi in a blink of an eye.

They said a leopard never changes its colours. But time will tell.

Until then.

NIMET issued warnings to Kano residents about potential flooding

By Uzair Adam Imam

The Nigerian Meteorological Agency (NiMET) has issued a serious alert to Kano State residents concerning the impending danger posed by the possibility of flooding in 14 out of the state’s 44 Local Government Areas this year.

Dr. Nuraddeen Abdullahi, the NiMET Kano/Jigawa Territorial Coordinator, disclosed the high risk of flooding during a Disaster Risk Management Stakeholders Coordination Meeting on Seasonal Climate Prediction and Annual Flood Outlook in Kano.

Abdullahi named the LGAs to include Rimin Gado, Tofa, Kabo, Madobi, Garum Malam, Bebeji, Rano, Dawakin Kudu, Warawa, Wudil, Sumaila, Ajingi, Kura, and Dala.

He added that five other LGAs—Karaye, Takai, Bunkure, Dawakin Tofa, and Makoda, were moderately prone to high-risk flooding.

Abdullahi said, however, that the remaining 25 LGAs were at low risk, naming them as Doguwa, Tudun Wada, Kibiya, Garko, Albasu, Gaya, Kiru, Rogo, Gwarzo, Shanono, Tsanyawa, Bagwai, Bichi, Kunchi, Danbatta, Minjibir, Gabasawa, Gwale, Fagge, Nassarawa, Kano Municipal, Tarauni, Ungogogo, Kumbotso, and Gezawa.

According to him, the meeting was to stimulate discussion and devise plans on the best ways to avert the predicted flooding across the state.

Abdullahi said, “The meeting, in collaboration with the Kano State Emergency Management Agency (SEMA), became necessary to remind stakeholders of their responsibilities regarding the impact of climate change and the expensive nature of environmental disasters.”

He lamented that women and children are the most affected persons during the rainy season, calling on the people in the flood-prone areas to take all necessary preventing measures before.

Debating the legality of institutional marketing in private schools

By Isma’il Hashim Abubakar

Schools established, owned and run by non-state actors and private institutions have, no one doubts, been providing a veritable substitute to the dilapidated public schools which have been suffering from wanton neglect by governments at various levels in Nigeria. Private schools have successfully, though not completely, reduced the burdens on governments to supply basic education for children in their public schools, which have been perpetually operating under the shadows of existential threat.

Although people of all social strata now have more faith in private schools and parents with even the meanest incomes and most fledgling source of earning, who always struggle to make ends meet, prefer to take their children to commercial schools at the behest of other life comforts, public schools, which serve as the last option for the extremely downtrodden, still seem to get congested due to the high number of enrollments of children from low-income families. If this indicates anything at all, it shows that people have now fully embraced modern education, and they can sacrifice the expensive things they have just to secure a quality formal education for their wards and children. 

While, as everyone knows, public schools tend not to have too many demands apart from the meagre or more affordable tuition fees, their private counterparts, in most cases, operate in such a way that many parents inwardly feel that the system is tilting more toward a business direction in an obvious capitalist fashion, despite that the dominant pretension of both parents and school managers is that of purely imparting knowledge and building sound character to the young and upcoming generation.

Many schools are extraordinarily excellent in both transmitting sound knowledge and instilling good morals in pupils, and as such, no material gratification can remunerate their work or compensate the teachers for their hard work, dedication and commitment toward discharging their duties and keeping good custody of what has been entrusted to them. In fact, some well-to-do parents often give gifts to teachers as an expression of gratitude for feeding their children with sound knowledge, which is primarily the responsibility of the parents but perfectly undertaken by the teachers on their behalf. As such, many parents may not bother with and will gently turn blind eyes to some straitjacketed and arbitrary financial demands that most commercial schools are now introducing day in and day out.

Some schools go beyond decorum and do not, in the least, pretend to be shy to depict their operation as a purely extortionate venture, deemphasizing the moral and instructional dimensions which their institutions are set upon. Parents now no longer feel at ease after having settled school fees which are the most basic financial burden that comes to everyone’s minds once private schools are mentioned. Not only do textbooks and instruction materials represent the source of anxiety that parents grapple with, but virtually everything which a school stipulates, largely with a marketing mindset. While most schools impose decrees that make it binding upon parents to buy textbooks, stationeries and all other instructional materials from the schools, some schools turn it into a rule that pupils and students must never be allowed into schools wearing uniforms supplied to them by their parents through all other channels apart from the tailoring unit of the schools.

Schools do complain that external tailors often violate dress codes and principles earmarked by the schools, including non-compliance with size, width and length but above all, the lack of authority to manufacture and issue official badges that are glued to uniforms. Hiding behind this pretext, schools have seized the free will of parents to transact with tailors of their choice, and because they aspire for their children to acquire quality education, they relinquish their right and bow down to the pressure of the schools. 

There is, however, no guarantee that the tailoring units of schools themselves are perfect for designing the most fitting and immaculate school attire for pupils. Having taught at both primary and secondary schools (as well as university), I have personally seen pupils wearing school-supplied uniforms that never matched or fully fitted the bodily structures of the pupils. If this is the case, this particular rule might have been informed more by a business instinct and less by a concern to preserve institutional dress codes. Parents of final year students who could only afford to pay for either WAEC or NECO exams for their children, which by the way, is better than missing both of them at once, are coerced by some schools to move heavens and earth to pay for the two exams or risk having their children removed from the list of graduating students. When they could not settle for the fees of the two exams and require the refunds of their money, they hardly recuperate more than half of what they have paid. 

Perhaps the most brazen example of such pecuniary impositions manifests in the demands of some schools on parents to pay internet charges, which would have been understandable and justified if pupils or students were engaged in regular computer lessons that are punctuated at close intervals by visits to websites. Alas! There are schools which extort this surcharge even from parents of nursery pupils, and the only justification for it is the data consumed by Whatsapp groups of parents initiated by the schools on which an administrator often sends announcements.

Many parents relate with schools while they are inwardly burnt due to how things have become in private schools, but because they envisage a better future for their children, they prefer to remain mute and only murmur their complaints on the rarest occasions or when they meet with fellow parents by the roadsides. The best opportunity for them to communicate or even express their squawks loudly to the schools is during periodic parents-teachers meetings, but the schools have been, paradoxically, hijacking and making platforms to further advocate their fiendish and self-aggrandizing policies. Their covert strategy is to appoint a loyal, docile and exceedingly compliant head of Parent-Teachers’ Association (PTA), and to gag his mouth for fear of being influenced by nonconformist parents, the schools bribe him with some free scholarship slots for his children. As a result, he weakens and sabotages any attempts by the parents to rise and challenge arbitrary extortions they suffer from these schools. 

Other schools have different, perhaps more treacherous strategies of navigating intricacies and tackling eventualities that may come up owing to this venture, such as giving undertaking papers for parents to sign before the children are accepted at the stage of enrollment, and many parents are carried away by the desire for the admission of their children and often don’t pay commensurate attention to these documents or mull over their future implications. The question that, however, is seldom asked, what is the legality of these modes of institutional marketing practices that have become norms in not only purely western-style schools but also model Islamic schools? To what extent do these operations comply with Islamic teachings and principles, and what are the business dimensions of these dealings which should then ideally be done and looked at from the viewpoint of Islamic commercial and financial regulations?

First of all, everyone knows what schools are primarily meant for, which is imparting knowledge and this should be the apex among all the operations that are expected to exist in the schools. Hence, from this prism, school fees are the most obligatory financial demands that parents are, by default, owed to schools and upon which any compromise will be a favour that the schools could grant or deny at will. Any other charge or tax is secondary and gains its legitimacy according to how it complements the primary function of schools, but, above all, it should be done in a transparent atmosphere defined by mutual agreement and understanding. In other words, selling textbooks, stationery and instructional materials at schools should be governed by Islamic commercial laws, without discrimination or thinking that schools could do as they will without referring to Islamic stipulations. If this is the case, then these materials sold to parents must be on the basis of freewill and agreement and not impositions that may result in penalties. 

Of course, many schools publish exercises and textbooks with their names and logos finely inscribed, which then makes it compulsory for parents to obtain the materials in no other places but the schools. Many other schools, meanwhile, retail the materials from markets and sell them to parents at exorbitant prices that at times double or triple the normal market prices. All these are normal and should be considered lawful businesses if only it is done with a mutual agreement such that parents have the liberty to buy either from the schools or at markets, or in the former case, if the materials are not sold arbitrarily at unimaginable prices just because of the inscriptions of logos and names. 

The general Islamic principle that confers legitimacy or otherwise to any business venture is free will and mutual agreement, and interestingly, this is explicitly postulated by the Qur’anic verse and Hadith, the two most fundamental sources of Islamic law. Allah says:

“Yā ayyuha alladhīna āmanū lā ta’kulū amwālakum bainakum bi al-bāṭil illā an takūna tijāratan ‘an tarāḍin minkum. Wa lā taqtulū anfusakum. Inna Allaha kāna bikum Raḥīma”.

“O you who believe! Eat not up your wealth among yourselves unjustly except it be a trade by mutual good-will: Nor kill (or destroy) yourselves: for verily Allah has been to you Most Merciful!” [Sūrat al-Nisā’: 29].

In his groundbreaking exegetical work al-Taḥrīr wa al-Tanwīr, the prolific commentator of the Qur’an, Muḥammad Ṭāhir Ibn ‘Āshūr posits that the prohibition to eat up people’s wealth without mutual agreement is paired with the crime of murder in the verse to draw Muslims’ attention on the gravity and heinousness of such a practice. He argues that it is emphasized because people do not largely consider it something significant and the victim is usually powerless and could hardly resist (as it occurs in private schools).

Moreover, in an authentic Ḥadith narrated by Anas bin Mālik, the Prophet (SAW) says, “lā yaḥillu mālu imri’in Muslimin illā ‘an ṭībi nafsin”. (It is unlawful to take a Muslim’s wealth except with his goodwill). [Dāru Qutnī, 3/26].

As asserted earlier, a lot of transactions in private schools are imposed upon parents, and school authorities often warn parents and even threaten to apply penalties when these marketing ventures are observed in the breach, leaving no room for a bargain and mutual consent that would ordinarily prevail in open transactions. Since this is the case, only a few people will contest the illegality of this practice. Needless to say, some officials and authorities, including ironically, of schools paraded as Islamic models, are, to some extent, oblivious of the legal status of their policies, although this is not a valid, genuine and acceptable reason. A Muslim is, after all, and before anything else, principally required to be fully conversant with the pros and cons of any action he undertakes.

One of the easiest ways to make amends and rectify this wrong tradition, irrespective of how well consolidated it is, how difficult it may be to refrain from or how odd our argument may sound to some, is to be so transparent and open to parents and gear the deal to be dictated by consent and mutual agreement. Freewill and mutual agreement are pivotal in any financial dealing and they determine whether it is done lawfully or unlawfully. 

And since schools, especially the religious ones, enjoy respect from parents, it will hardly be burdensome to mutually arrive at some understanding, and this, as beautifully ratiocinated by Ibn ‘Āshūr, could lead to the implementation of the divine principle that “if they give up willingly to you anything of it, then take it in satisfaction and ease” (fa in ṭibna lakum an shai’in minhu nafsan fakulūhu hanī’an marī’a) [Sūrat al-Nisā’, 4].

Indeed there is a need for governments to intervene and reintroduce guidelines that will neither oppress the schools nor allow them to do as they like, pertaining to their financial dealings with parents. Parents in Kano, for instance, will certainly look back with nostalgia at the era of Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, who laid down modalities that checkmated arbitrary extortions of parents by commercial schools. He formed a formidable committee that regularly went around schools and observed their operations to ensure they complied with state regulations, most of which were meant to shield masses from further extortions.

Unfortunately, Kwankwaso’s successors did not maintain the tempo, and now things are, to say the least, almost getting out of control. School authorities would increase school fees at will and would rush to mention inflation as a cause and the need to better the condition of their staff, while in essence, it is the proprietor and a few notable among his cliques that would end up enjoying while flowing pittance to and leaving the majority of staff to keep on wallowing in despondency.

Ismail writes from Rabat, the Kingdom of Morocco and can be reached via ismailiiit18@gmail.com.

Do intellectuals watch Kannywood films?

By Dr Musa Ibrahim

The popular Facebook user claiming intellectuals hardly watch Kannywood films and his supporters should understand 1) the need to ensure they conduct proper research on any subject matter or study the existing literature before speaking about it; 2) they could benefit from some guidance on critical engagement with terms, even if they are in our mother tongues, such as ‘wayewa.’ This would help them understand the concept from multifaceted perspectives and know how to use it when referring to ‘self’ and ‘other’ people’s ‘lifeworlds.’ 

When engaging with the Hausa terms ‘wayewa’ and ‘wayayyu’ (intellectualism and intellectuals, although the translations are subject to discussions), the critical questions we should ask about these terms in relation to Kannywood are: what is ‘wayewa’ (intellectualism)? Who exactly are ‘wayayyu’ (intellectuals)? Can we really know all ‘wayayyun mutane’ (intellectuals) and what they do in private and make sweeping statements about all of them without conducting thought research?

For me, it’s difficult to say who ‘wayayyu’ are because it’s subjective and varies from person to person. I mean, who someone regards as wayyaye might not be considered one by others and vice versa. Therefore, it appears to me that the person who made such a claim and their supporters may be ‘unintelligent/unintellectual’ (lacking in intelligence and intellectual approaches) or ignorant about the subjects they are referring to, especially since they ‘speculate’ about the so-called ‘wayyayun mutane’ without considering the diversity of the group. 

As a researcher of popular cultures in Africa, I can report as a fact that all categories of people in northern Nigeria and beyond watch Kannywood films. In the qualitative research we conducted, we interviewed academics, high-profile ‘ulama (Muslim clerics), lawyers, politicians, public workers (some of whom are highly placed decision-makers at various government levels), traders, and various categories of Western and/or Islamic-educated individuals who have been watching Kannywood films.

Ordinarily (if not because of our research), many of our interlocutors may not just openly admit to watching Kannywood films because of the unnecessary stereotypes associated with them. However, some of them go to the extent of referencing specific scenes from the movies they had watched to either illustrate their points or make comparisons with other films. Some influential people and their family members personally communicate with Kannywood stars they know from movies and spend millions to have them perform at their ceremonies. 

So, if we were to believe the claim that ‘intellectuals’ don’t watch Kannywood films, then we would have to say that all those who control the affairs of the region (in which the person making the claim probably lives) are not ‘wayyayu.’ However, regardless of the complexity of the terms wayewa and wayayyau, many would agree that people in the categories mentioned above, including our revered Muslim scholars who participated in the research, could fit into the ‘wayewa’ category or one of its categories (if there are many). Ba za mu ce dukkan su ba wayayyau bane.

So, the person making the claim and the bunch of uncritical minds who agreed with it have just succeeded in portraying themselves as lacking intelligence and critical thinking skills (which is synonymous to wayewa) to engage with the same concept, ‘wayewa,’ at least in this case. This is because they seem not to know ‘how’ and ‘when’ to speak for themselves and ‘how’ and ‘when’ to speak for others from an informed perspective (based on outcomes of scientific research). This also includes avoiding generalisations.

Despite politically motivated censorship from the 2000s to today, Kannywood has survived and thrived. This resilience is a testament to the support it receives from the silent majority, including highly influential individuals who appreciate its cultural significance and work behind the scenes to maintain its popularity and diffuse unnecessary tensions. This inspiring resilience assures us that Kannywood will continue to thrive in the face of differing opinions. 

To close my remarks, regardless of differing opinions about Kannywood, the cultural industry will continue to thrive in different forms. This sustained success should inspire confidence and optimism in the future of Kannywood and those who aspire to participate in the phenomenon, either indirectly as cultural studies scholars or directly as actors, directors, producers, scriptwriters, and associated roles.

Musa Ibrahim, PhD, can be reached via abbadanauta@gmail.com.

On Zamfara students abandoned in Cyprus

By Muhsin Ibrahim

A few weeks before the 2023 general elections, I came across a campaign video featuring students sponsored by the Zamfara State Government to study in Cyprus. I criticised the video, stating that students should refrain from getting involved in politics.

It was not wise for the students to campaign for the governor. Although they might have felt obligated to do so, I was concerned about the consequences if Bello Matawalle, the governor at the time, lost the election. Unfortunately, that is precisely what happened.

As I feared, Dauda Lawal Dare, the new governor of Zamfara, abandoned those students. Today, they live in destitution, struggling to feed themselves in a foreign land. Some don’t even have a befitting accommodation. While their precarious situation may not be connected to that video, it might have added insult to injury.

Governments in Kano, Zamfara, or any other state must reconsider sending people to foreign universities. Of course, those universities are often better than our local ones. However, we need to wake up to the current realities. Our currency (i.e., Naira) has lost much of its value, and inflation is higher, among other unfavourable realities.

Irrespective of the political landscape, it is incumbent upon the government of Zamfara to provide for those students. They are, without a doubt, the government’s sole responsibility. After all, governance is about continuity and the welfare of its citizens.

If the government is unable to meet its financial obligations, it is only fair that it brings these students home and enrols them in local universities in Nigeria. This is the least they deserve.

It is high time the government started paying attention to its citizens and acted upon their requests.

Muhsin Ibrahim, PhD, wrote from Cologne, Germany. He can be reached via muhsin2008@gmail.com.