Kano State Hisbah Board

By Isma’il Hashim Abubakar, PhD

In my previous article, which predated and possibly heralded the public announcement of the voluntary and, of course, short-lived resignation of Shaykh Aminu Daurawa from his post as the Commandant-General of the Hisbah Board, I challenged what many people alleged to be a political romance between the Kano State Government and Murja Kunya, a rising TikToker who achieved notoriety through her lecherous utterances, unblushing gyrations, and licentious dances that not only defy moral codes but also corrupt the norms and values of Muslim society in northern Nigeria.

In that write-up, described by some as extremely blunt and overly radical, I chronicled a brief history of Hisbah and marshaled the unequal clout the morality police institution used to wield during previous Hisbah commandants and the immense sacrifices each of them made, which ultimately reinforced Hisbah and made it the most enduring and impactful religious bureaucracy established by the government since the return of Shari’ah at the turn of the century. I juxtaposed the achievements of Hisbah during previous leaderships against the commitment of the current command under Daurawa and concluded that the cleric was changing the course of how things used to be before his ascendancy as the Board’s head.

This view gains legitimacy through some of the Shaykh’s public confessions that, unlike during his predecessors’, he has modified and limited the ground operations of Hisbah such that he commands his guards to avoid storming and chasing elites, powerful figures, and places owned by influential personalities, while restricting their raids and arrests to the poor and weak masses who have no one to intervene and secure their release. This, to me, sounds counterproductive and explains why Murja Kunya nearly defeated Hisbah after she was arrested and jailed while awaiting trial, before her mysterious escape from prison.

To be candid and honest, Daurawa’s arrest of Murja was a courageous and commendable move, although certainly itself an act of defiance of a theory he formulated, which showed that he perhaps underrated Murja, and that was why he thought she belonged to the class of powerless masses, the supposed target of Hisbah’s wrath.

Meanwhile, the sudden announcement of Daurawa’s voluntary resignation after Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s public speech, which Daurawa and thousands of listeners received with dismay and interpreted as an authoritative demoralization of Hisbah, was ironically, based on the development that followed the resignation, a blessing in disguise. This awakened not only stakeholders but also remote audiences to the essentialness of the existence and backing of institutions like Hisbah. Having earlier decried Daurawa’s “soft” approach and selective application of his mandate, his resignation should be welcomed by me and those who have reservations about his policies.

However, like many pro-Hisbah fellows, I ironically found his sudden resignation shocking, albeit trying to live by the dictates of my admonition in my previous essay, thanks to the circumstances through which he almost vacated his seat. I spent the whole day after listening to the short clip of the scholar announcing his resignation, contacting and discussing with friends, and deliberating on who might be the right candidate to succeed Daurawa. Some of the names I heard allegedly being peddled and imposed on the conscience of Governor Abba sincerely scared me a lot.

One of those candidates is even a crony and closest representative of an infamous scholar who almost ignited a war in Kano due to his poisonous and blasphemous preachings before he was finally convicted by the court and is now still languishing in jail. It suddenly dawned on me, as it did to thousands of the audience, that Daurawa’s resignation would hardly lead to the reform of Hisbah we crave and the brave and intrepid posture and outlook that we aspire for the head of Hisbah to wear and maintain. In fact, whoever would have succeeded Daurawa would merely do the bidding of the Governor and avoid unleashing Hisbah’s wrath on people connected with the Governor’s political victory, even if they are as worthless as Murja Kunya.

It was this similar feeling and the fear of the decline of Hisbah’s influence that virtually alerted concerned Muslims to wade into the matter and, at different levels, embarked on calls and campaigns to have an understanding between the Governor and his cleric appointee to recant the resignation and to have a rethink on the position and function of Hisbah amidst growing disappointment at how immorality is holding sway in cyberspace and social media domains within the region. The mission for reconciliation sponsored, led, and facilitated by the Coalition of Ulama in Kano, besides the calls for Governor Abba to make peace with the Hisbah boss that stormed different quarters from various constituencies, has been very fruitful.

Sincere happiness and celebration for the triumph of Hisbah are now the stuff that spectators have to feast on these days, with pre- and post-reconciliation group photographs of the Governor, Daurawa, and the peacekeeping team flooding social media from all angles. Daurawa himself expressed happiness that the worries and reservations he earlier nurtured, which likely but also partly justify his diplomatic approach, will now be a thing of the past since there is a renewed commitment from the government to support, empower, and stand with Hisbah.

Daurawa’s recent efforts to synergize the function of Hisbah, mobilize, and secure more support for Hisbah from various groups and levels of people, as expressed in his public address and illustrated by his recent visits to important arms of government, including the Grand Khadis, are chiefly commendable moves.

The gaps created by Murja’s illegal escape from prison, which will hopefully now be checkmated, and the subsequent resignation of Daurawa all evince the previous lack of a commensurate and strong network that Hisbah ought to have had, which would have made its work easier. With the Sultan of Sokoto, the highest Muslim royal figure in Nigeria; top business moguls; prominent Islamic clerics across different sectarian divides; senior government officials; technocrats; academics and intellectuals; as well as the overwhelming majority of concerned Muslims within northern Nigeria all backing Hisbah and pledging unanimous allegiance to its commandant, the Board now has adequate authority to tackle and contain immorality on a larger scale and without, in the slightest sense, any class discrimination.

There is no better time than now to expand the scope of Hisbah and extend its activities to other Muslim states within the region. Sheikh Daurawa will be a very good asset, particularly as he reviews some of his previous approaches, to spearhead an advocacy movement to institute a unified Northwestern Hisbah command or zonal network, officially and legislatively endorsed by state governments in order to effectively counter the rising challenge of immorality that is spread largely on social media platforms.

The approachability, broadmindedness, and openheartedness that informed Governor Abba Kabir’s swift acceptance and accommodation of criticism and correction have restored some hope to the public of having a governor who would combine the leadership qualities of decisiveness, intrepidity, hard work, foresight, wisdom, and clemency at one time—the principal behavioral dispositions, part of which define Engineer Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and his longtime political counterpart, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau. These are expected to come into play in Abba’s expected commitment toward and prioritization of Hisbah activities, particularly by reforming the administrative aspects of the Board, by first appointing a formidable governing council peopled with members who will be devoted to their job ahead of considering it a political favor through which to get material gratification. The best pool to draw on will be the same peacekeeping team that ensured the reconciliation between the Governor and Hisbah commandant.

Previous senior Hisbah officers as well will be of great importance as part of the governing council. An upward review of the monthly allowance from ten thousand Naira for Hisbah guards, such that it triples their current take-home pay, will be a visible indication that the Governor is now in full support of Hisbah. The Governor will be wiser if he takes singular caution by distancing himself from the pseudo-cleric he appointed as a religious adviser. The opportunist appointee, who is rubbishing Hisbah’s mission by advising his boss to reward Murja Kunya and integrate her into his cabinet, seems to be on a mission to drag the Governor into an unnecessary but suicidal fight with the religious constituency. With elements like this in the corridors of power, the sudden triumph of Hisbah will remain incomplete unless Murja Kunya faces the severe wrath of the law.

Isma’il writes from Rabat, the Kingdom of Morocco and can be reached via ismailiiit18@gmail.com.

By Aliyu Zangina

The people of Kano State woke up to the news of the resignation of the Commander-General of the Kano State Hisbah Board (Hisbah). This came after criticisms directed at some of the activities of the Hisbah Corps by His Excellency, AbbaKabirYusuf, the governor of the state.

The Hisbah Board is a creation of the Kano State Hisbah Law 2003. Its primary responsibility is to advise on and enforce religious morality within the state. Despite this mandate, the corps has been criticized for violating moral codes and secular laws of the land by making illegal arrests, which are a damning affront to human dignity. It is on this premise that I seek to explore law and morality vis-à-vis the arrest in controversy.

THE INTERSECTION BETWEEEN LAW AND MORALITY

Arguments on the relationship between law and morality in the jurisprudential sense have lasted for ages and still rage on. The controversy surrounding Hisbah brings it to the fore.

Laws are loosely defined as enactments by a state, with binding and coercive force on individuals and institutions throughout the state.

While morality can be loosely defined as a proper behaviour in differentiation of what is right and wrong.

The major difference between them is while a breach of law attracts sanction, A breach of morality can only attract moral reprehension. The long age principle of law is that law and morality are poles apart. However, in the celebrated case of R v. Dudley & Stephens (1884)14 QDB 273 DC it was states that

“Though law and morality are not the same, and many things may be immoral which are not necessarily illegal, yet absolute divorce of law from morality would be of fatal consequence.”

In practice, morality complements the law, as many enactments were propelled by the moral demands of the people. For example, laws prohibiting theft and murder are rooted in the moral consciousness of the fact that taking other people’s property or life is morally wrong. Many laws embody moral principles within them, protecting and guaranteeing fundamental moral values. At the same time, the fundamental force is given by its moral obligation.

ACTIVITIES OF HISBAH

The term Hisbah in Kano has always been associated with controversy from its inception to date. When it is not President Obasanjo accusing the institution of jihadist tendencies, then it is people from the southern part of the country attacking the institution for destroying trucks of alcoholic drinks. The body has always been (in)famous for enforcing morality despite its efforts in curbing social and moral vices.

In November of last year, the Hisbah corps came under attack after raiding several hotels. A video of their operation surfaced on the internet, evidencing male officers harassing and apprehending female suspects and grabbing them in a commando style. Indeed, it was an affront to Islamic moral values. The actions of the Hisbah corps could be qualified as degrading treatment and, hence, unconstitutional. Allusions made to the video by the governor of Kano state prompted the commander-general’s retirement on March 1, 2024.

ARE LAWS REGULATING ARRESTS IN NIGERIA AT CONVERGENCE WITH OUR MORAL VALUES?

Unlike laws regulating search where the search is to be conducted by “persons of the same sex with strict regard to decency” and “reasonable time to withdraw” which must be given to a woman in purdah before a search is conducted on a premise she occupies, the laws regulating arrests in Nigeria have less regards to our moral values and culture as they do not have similar provisions regarding arrests to be conducted by persons of same-sex.

Therefore, the arrest carried out by the Hisbah corps is illegal only to the extent that it was done without a warrant, and their conduct violates the dignity of the suspect. However, the confinement of the female suspects by the male officers with excessive restraint cannot be faulted legally if there was a reasonable apprehension of violence, as our law does not mandate that the arrest of a woman be carried out only by a woman. This is not to serve as a justification for the degrading treatment meted out to suspects by the Hisbah corps during the arrest. They are suspects, not convicts, and even convicts are only deprived of their liberty, not their dignity.

CONCLUSION

“It is tempting to speak of law and morality as if they constitute two completely normative system whose prescriptions sometimes coincide and sometimes conflict. Maybe it is much more exact to consider law and morality as complementary. The complementarity of law and morality belies their separateness even though the two are not parallel streams whose water never mixed at any time.” UZOUKWU V. IDIKA (2022)3NWLR, (PT1818) (P, 462, paras G-H)

Many laws overlap with moral codes in Nigeria. Some laws were enacted to uphold our morality, but where the law does not contemplate our morals, it is our duty to call upon our senses of right and wrong. The Hisbah male officers should not have carried out the arrest of women, even though that alone cannot make the arrest illegal. It is their moral duty to have sent in their female officers to handle the entire scenario with a modicum of professionalism.

It is therefore put forward to our legislators that our Administration of Criminal Justice laws be amended to accommodate the model of arrest that will reflect our morals, culture, and dignity, just like the provisions on search.

Aliyu Zangina is a lawyer, and can be contacted via zanginaaliyu96@gmail.com.

By Usama Abdullahi 

The Hisbah corps members have come under criticism for their recent activities, which include raiding or disrupting a hotel or social gatherings where immoral actions are being condoned. I’m surprised about its criticism. Just like any other institution or agency, Hisbah has its flaws. But to write it off merely because of what it’s doing lately isn’t morally right. 

I wanted to stay clear of this issue. Still, I felt the need to chip in after listening to a minute-long interview the Commander-General Kano Hisbah, Sheikh Aminu Daurawa, granted to BBC Hausa regarding the backlash that greets their actions. In that interview, the Sheikh logically stated why they raided such “illegal” gatherings. 

Through his revelations, I realised that they don’t just raid a hotel or any social gathering for their selfish concerns, but they first receive calls for an investigation. You see, Hisbah doesn’t carry out things as badly as some people would have us believe. They simply do the bidding of their people. The calls are often made by the people living near the places where such social vices occur. 

Once they suspect something unusual in the said places, they do not fail to raise the alarm by calling Hisbah to carry out some investigations. And when the Hisbah Corps arrive at the scene of the “crime”, they don’t harass the suspects. Nor do they raid the entire place as they so wish. However, they go straight to the hotelier or owner of the place and inform them of their plan.

When they have the offenders in their custody, they usually preach to them and caution them against the consequences of their actions. But if they encounter serial miscreants, they take them to the court of law. So, if I may ask, what’s wrong with that? This is right on all fronts- both religiously and morally because they mainly target brothels where sex trafficking takes place. 

Those arrested during their first raid were those from different states or countries. This tells you that the situation is far beyond what you hear. However, Hisbah, as a morality police, is doing what most security personnel fail to do. It’s simply doing the job of a police officer and that of parents.

Only when we look past our sentiments can we acknowledge the benefits of what Hisbah is bringing to society. No matter how you twist, you cannot deny that Hisbah has achieved what the police force hasn’t for years. If you argue that Hisbah is trampling on the rights of their victims, then I’ll put this question to you: how many rules have the so-called victims broken so far? I understand that two wrongs don’t make a right, but there’s no way a law can work without having the law-breakers face their full wrath. 

Usama Abdullahi Writes from Abuja and can be reached at usamagayyi@gmail.com.

By Rabi’u Muhammad Gama

Introduction

The Kano State Hisbah Board (hereinafter referred to as “the Board”) has been an object of controversy, particularly on social media, for quite some years – probably right from the inception of the Board. The controversy usually surrounds the way and manner by which the Board, or more properly, the foot soldiers of the Board (the Hisbah Corps), carry out its, supposedly, statutory responsibilities (functions), ranging from matchmaking, reconciling civil disputes between persons and/or organisations, seizing and destroying bottles of alcohol, imposing a certain mode of dressing on people to waylaying young people, especially males, when they seem to have a certain objectionable hairstyle considered to violate Islamic morals.

Even though some historical accounts of the philosophical underpinnings behind the evolution of Hisbah will be very rewarding for a better appreciation of the topic, this article restricts its scope to the constitutional status and the functions of Hisbah as provided for in the Kano State Hisbah Board Law No. 4 of 2003.

The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria

The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, (hereinafter referred to as “the Constitution”) is the Supreme Law of the Land. It is the Law over and above which there is no other law. As such, if any other law, either deliberately or by necessary implication, happens to be inconsistent with the provision of the Constitution, the Constitution shall always prevail, and that other law shall, to the extent of its inconsistency, be void and of no effect whatsoever. See Section 1(1)(2)(3) of the Constitution.

The Constitution is not only the Biggest Law of the Land, but it is also the  Fountain Law of the Land from which all other laws flow. It (the Constitution) distributes legislative powers between the federal and state legislatures. Section 4(1) confers on the National Assembly(which comprises the Senate and the House of Representatives) the power to make laws for the whole country or any part thereof. Section 4(6) likewise empowers the State House of Assembly to make laws for the state or any part thereof. However, these powers are to be exercised within some certain constitutional limits: the National Assembly cannot legislate outside the Exclusive Legislative List and the Concurrent Legislative List, while the State House of Assembly cannot, and shall not, trespass upon the Exclusive List. This clear distribution of powers forms the foundation of the debate as to the legality of the Hisbah Board Law, but that should be a topic for another day.

In response to the then prevailing circumstances and mounting agitation for the reintroduction of Shari’ah in the State, which was sparked by the reintroduction of Shari’ah in Zamfara State, the Kano State House of Assembly exercised the powers given to it by Section 4(6) of the Constitution by enacting a law known and cited as “The Kano State Hisbah Board Law No.4 of 2003, which brought the Hisbah Board into existence.

The Hisbah Board Law

The Kano State Hisbah Board Law, 2003 (hereinafter referred to as “the Law”) came into force precisely on the 7^th  day of November 2003. The law is relatively short: it has 17 Sections only. Section 3(1) of the Law establishes for the State “…a Board to be known as the Kano State Hisbah Board”. “This Board”, says Section 5 of the Law, “shall be responsible for general policy-making as well as coordination of activities between State and…Local Government Hisbah Committees”.

Section 7(1) of the Law empowers the Board to establish the State “Hisbah Corps”, who, according to the Section, may be eligible for appointment as Justices of Peace. By virtue of Section 7(2), the Corps so established shall be under a Commander who shall be appointed by the State Governor. And the duty of the Commander of the Corps, by virtue of Section 7(3), shall be the general administration of the Corps.

According to Section 11(1) of the Law, the Board shall have a Secretary who shall be appointed by the State Governor. The Secretary to be appointed shall be a legal practitioner with not less than 6 years of post-call experience. That Secretary shall be both the legal adviser and the head of the legal department of the Board.

It is important to assert, at this juncture, that the Kano State Hisbah Board, in spite of the raging debate going on in the legal cycle, is a legal and lawful organisation/institution which is duly and validly created by the Kano State House of Assembly pursuant to Kano State Hisbah Board Law No.4 of 2003. See also the case of Yahaya Farouq Cheɗi v. A.G Federation (2006) 13 NWLR (Pt.997) 308  (CA).

Duties of the Hisbah Corps

The Hisbah Corps, created by Section 7(1) of the Law, is the most active arm/department of the organisation. The Corps is the foot soldiers and the chief executor of the responsibilities of the organisation. For the sake of clarity and precision, below are the functions, or rather, responsibilities of the Hisbah Corps, as provided for under Section 7(4) of the Law. According to the said Section, the Hisbah Corps shall have responsibilities to:

Render necessary assistance to the Police and other Security agencies; encourage Muslims to unite in their pursuit of justice; encourage kindness to one another; advise against acquiring of interest, usury, hoarding and speculation; encourage charitable deeds, particularly the payment of Zakkah; give advice on moral counselling; encourage orderliness at religious gatherings; encourage general cleanliness and environmental sanitation; reconciling of civil disputes between persons and/or organisations where parties are willing; assisting in traffic control; emergency relief operations; assisting in any other situations that will require the involvement of Hisbah.

Anything other than the above is beyond the statutory functions of the Hisbah Corps. This begs the question: can the Hisbah Corps give itself powers or functions that are not given to it by its enabling law? The answer is “No”! And one fundamental thing that can be deduced from the above functions is that the Corps seems not to have any “actual power” to execute anything. The Law seems only to empower the Corps to “advise”, “encourage,” and “assist”, nothing concrete and definite! The Hisbah Corps clearly has no power to arrest, detain, waylay or force anybody to do anything against his or her will. The Law could not be clearer, and it is there for all to see.

Conclusion

The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, is the first and the ultimate law of the country, the Grundnorm of the Land, so to speak. It creates and empowers the Kano State House of Assembly to make law for the peace, order and good government of the State or any part thereof. It is in the exercise of these powers that the Kano State House of Assembly made the Kano State Hisbah Board Law No. 4 of 2003, which brought into existence the Kano State Hisbah Board. The Kano State Hisbah Board Law, 2003, also creates the Hisbah Corps and empowers it with some specific functions and/or responsibilities.

It is the view of this writer that any act, no matter how noble or well-intentioned, done by the Board or the Corps must be in accordance with the provisions of the Kano State Hisbah Board Law, 2003; otherwise, the act is illegal, unlawful and ultra vires. And where an act of the Hisbah Board, or the Hisbah Corps,  happens to be in conformity with the Kano State Hisbah Board Law, 2003, but not in conformity with the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,1999, or any other law validly made by the National Assembly, then the Constitution, or the law of the National Assembly, shall prevail and that act stands unlawful and illegal, no matter how religiously rewarding or well-intentioned the act is. See the case of Musa v. INEC (2002) LPELR-11119 (CA).

Rabi’u Muhammad Gama is a Law student; he writes from the Faculty of Law, Bayero University, Kano, BUK. He can be reached via rabiuminuwa327@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam Imam

The Kano State Hisbah Board Monday said it apprehended 19 youths for same-sex marriage in the state.

The Commander General, Sheikh Harun Muhammad Sani Ibn Sina, confirmed the development to journalists.

Ibn Sina said the youths gathered to witness the wedding of two suspected homosexuals, Abba and Mujahid, at one event centre in the city.

However, he said their personnel arrived at the scene before the commencement of the wedding rites and 15 females, and four males were arrested during the operation.

He added that some of the ladies arrested said they were invited to the wedding from the neighbouring states.

He noted that the duo, tagged as bride and groom, Abba and Mujahid, escaped immediately after the arrival of the Hisbah personnel at the wedding venue.

A 21-year-old lady, Salma Usman, who is now in Hisbah custody, was said to be the event organiser.

Meanwhile, while reiterating that the Hisbah will intensify efforts to ensure the arrest of Abba and Mujahid, Ibn Sina said they would hand over those in their custody to the police for further action.

Some of those arrested who spoke to Radio Nigeria, Salma Usman, Sadiya, Aisha Adam, Maryam Ibrahim and Bilkisu Lukman, claimed to have been invited to a birthday party.

The ladies pleaded for leniency and promised not to engage in such acts.

By Uzair Adam Imam 

The Kano State Government is set to provide equipment and other relevant working materials to Hisbah offices to enhance operational capabilities.

Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, represented by the Kano State Commissioner for Religious Affairs, Dr Muhammad Tahir Adam, made the disclosure at the passing out parade of five hundred Hisbah corps.

Ganduje commended the efforts and commitments of the staff and management of the Hisbah Board in discharging their responsibilities.

He also called on the Kano residents to complement the government’s efforts by abiding by rules and regulations to maintain a crime-free society.

Speaking at the event, the commander general of the board, Sheikh Harun Muhammad Sani Ibn Sina, urged parents and guardians to be more vigilant. 

He said, “I call on the parents and guardians to be more vigilant and report any suspected person or character to relevant authorities to move the state forward.”

By AD Raula

I thought I should be one of those facilitating the spate of hatred and senseless vilification against Kano State Hisba over the runs of their functions in protecting the social mores of Kano folks. I once defied Hisba in their command office over their discriminatory treatment of poor people, after which they even locked me off and set me into trepidation of prosecution. This came after they dealt with me deftly and violated my justiciable rights. However, I was granted bail on that night as they could not take me to court after the miniature intimidation. Still, their treatment then was horrendous altogether.

The narration above had happened when I went to their state command in Sharada to pursue bail upon receiving a call from my brother, whom they arrested along with coteries in birthday function at Sharada municipality of the state.

Nevertheless, I didn’t arrive at their office in Sharada till late in the evening. They explained their inability to vouchsafe the detainees’ bail in their custody (including my brother) pending when their lawyer would be available the following day. Subsequently, the backwash of what transpired between us (me and Hisba) was the release of the then commissioner of the environment’s daughter, who was also my brother’s confederate. But we were kept (other bail seekers and me) outside the premises impotently.

My crime in the Hisba headquarters was merely unravelling what they might have forgotten that they represent Islam and that everything they do has to be in line with Islamic manners and principles. In contrast, what they did to us was the blended injustice, and that’s how everything became worst as I couldn’t withstand their ill-usage approach.

Howbeit, the honesty of the matter is that Hisba, as the morality enforcement body, has its shortcomings and lapses just as police and other military bodies have. We all know that their satisfactory moral and shari’a services within which they were established are far beyond that of other federal law enforcement agencies. But, why do we tend to transmit condemnatory gestures to them and not appreciation instead, which I believe they deserve only encouragement rather than the opposite from us as the Muslims? Also, most of these Hisba folks live with their families on low monthly earnings that you can never survive on as their denigrator.

My firm belief is that the existence of Hisba and operations reduce fornications and other social vices to certain degrees that their abolishment or nonexistence would have brought. Similarly, the extent to which they are playing justice between parties is more appealing, acceptable, and equitable if compared with other securities in the country.

In closing, people should know that no codification of laws on earth or being made favour poor folks. On the contrary, laws are always at the side of those with power and wealth. So, please, pray for Hisba, support their effort or keep silent.

AD Raula wrote from Kano. He can be reached via raulerabdul6@gmail.com.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

Hisbah, particularly that of Kano State, has become a constant subject of controversies. All thanks to social media, which provide platforms for the proliferation of information channels, expression of dissents, scrutiny and analyses of actions of agencies of government and organizations. Sadly, Hisbah is at the receiving end of online trolls, and the relative goodwill it enjoys is plummeting downward. The irony of Hisbah’s dilemma is her complicity in her woes. 

Generally, Hisbah is saddled with upholding community morals based on Qur’anic injunctions. However, in the case of Kano, it is a creation of the “Hisbah Board Law of 2003”. This became a child of necessity owing to the reluctance of the police to enforce the Sharia Penal Code.

In countries around the world where moral policing with the resemblance of what is obtainable in Hisbah is practised, like Pakistan and some Islamic countries, human rights violations are always prevalent. So, it is not surprising that people express their dismay when liquor bottles conveyed in trucks are confiscated. People believe their rights and the rights of others to do liquor business are being trampled on. For example, it’s alleged that the Kano State Hisbah Board recently invited Shatu Garko’s parents because she participated in the contest that led to her emergence as Miss Nigeria. Although Hisbah denied it, it did not sit well with liberal Muslims who argued that Miss Garko’s apparel aligns with Islamic teachings.

Another possible reason people are probably tired of Hisbah is how the organization dwells on trivialities amidst the many challenges that beleaguer today’s North and the country in general. This, no doubt, has reduced Hisbah to a comical sensation in some quarters. It is laughable that in a society where many of her youths are abusing drugs and coteries of substances, an organization for upholding moral values would focus its energy on the nudity of mannequins. In today’s North, many moral concerns of overwhelming importance are left unchecked.

A Hisbah’s top commander was reported to have been found under suspicious circumstances with a married woman in a hotel room. This was no doubt a clear case of a hunter being hunted. The organization did the needful by relieving him of his job. But the incident had doubtlessly left a dent on their image. I am not saying Hisbah members are angels that cannot violate the same ideas they seemingly defend and hold others accountable for. Still, just like how police in Nigeria are often viewed with suspicion, Hisbah would not be far from such if it keeps having corps with untamed libidinal desires.

Moreover, Hisbah has been selective in her moral crusade. The powerful and their children do not always answer for what Hisbah will term morally wrong if the ordinary man did it with no power. Not everyone can be summoned; the commoner with no voice is always the victim.

A Hisbah director recently tried to explain discrimination on who is invited for questioning and counselling. He opined that in Islam, leaders are not publicly chastised for their wrong actions. He is correct, however, does this rule extends to their children? With my modest understanding of Islam, it is not. It was rather a ridiculous excuse for what they can not do for obvious reasons. Although many see his excuse as hypocrisy, I do not see any difference either. Hisbah should not operate on the parlance of some animal farms where some animals are more equal than others. That way, it loses its credibility, goodwill and legitimacy.

Ahmad Deedat Zakari is an undergraduate at the Faculty of Law, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. He can be reached via ahmadzakari111@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Sabiu

The Kano State Hisbah Commission has debunked media reports making the rounds that it had invited the 44th Miss Nigeria, Shatu Garko, for questioning alongside her parents.

Hisbah Director, Dr. Aliyu Musa Aliyu Kibiya, confirmed the development to Freedom Radio, Kano.

He added that the commission, through its Commandant-General, Sheikh Harun Ibn Sinah, has never made such an invitation; it only tried to show the implications of such an event and contest in Islam to both Garko and her parents.

The 18-year-old Shatu Garko became the first Kano-born lady to be crowned Miss Nigeria at an event in Lagos on Friday, December 17, 2022.

However, Garko’s victory has sparked controversies, especially on social media. Many people, mainly among northern Muslims, describe the event as indecent, adding that it’s against the teaching of Islam and Hausa culture.