Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The Nigerian political landscape is never short of intrigue, speculation, and high-stakes maneuvering. The latest storm centers around Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, Nigeria’s National Security Adviser (NSA), and allegations made by his ‘former’ ally and friend, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, the former governor of Kaduna State.

El-Rufai has accused Ribadu of secretly positioning himself for a presidential bid in 2031, alleging that he is working to eliminate key northern politicians before the elections. In an Arise TV interview, El-Rufai said:

“Somebody wants to destroy my reputation. Why? Nuhu Ribadu wants to be president in 2031. He has to eliminate every northerner that he thinks is on the radar.”

These allegations have sparked intense debate, given Ribadu’s current position as the NSA, one of the most powerful offices in the country. The role demands absolute loyalty to the sitting president, and any sign of personal political ambition would be politically dangerous.

However, Ribadu has vehemently denied the claims, dismissing any suggestion that he is planning a presidential run in 2031. In his response, he stated:

“For the avoidance of doubt, I want to put it on record that I have never discussed running for president in 2031 with anybody.”

Currently, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is in the second year of his first term and is widely anticipated to run for reelection in 2027. If he wins, his administration would extend until 2031. Considering this timeline, it seems premature for anyone in Tinubu’s inner circle—particularly someone in such a sensitive position as the NSA—to be planning a presidential bid so early.

To be fair to Ribadu, every seasoned political observer knows he is too intelligent and experienced to make such a politically reckless move. Launching a presidential campaign while still serving in a crucial role would create unnecessary distractions, fuel rivalries, and generate deep animosities within the government. It would also call his loyalty to Tinubu into question.

So why is Ribadu being linked to 2031?

First, his close relationship with President Tinubu has earned him the title of Tinubu’s golden boy (Dan Fulani). His reputation as a disciplined, intelligent,  experienced, and competent leader makes him a natural contender in any discussion about potential successors. Any rising political figure will inevitably attract speculation in a political climate where future ambitions are often carefully managed behind closed doors but widely discussed publicly by everyday people.

Second, the political class understands that succession planning is always at play, even when not publicly acknowledged. While Ribadu may not currently campaign for the presidency, political opportunities can arise unexpectedly. Nigerian politicians are known for their ability to seize the moment when the circumstances align, even if it was not originally in their plans.

Politics is unpredictable, and today’s denials can quickly become tomorrow’s declarations. Whether or not Nuhu Ribadu harbors presidential ambitions, the reality is that he possesses the qualities of a strong contender—experience, credibility, and proximity to power. If the opportunity presented itself, would he take it?

Only time will tell. But one thing is sure: The road to 2031 has already begun, and the political maneuvering will only intensify in the coming years.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

President Bola Tinubu has appointed former INEC chairman, Professor Attahiru Jega, as his adviser and coordinator forthe Presidential Livestock Reforms. This was announced by Special Adviser Bayo Onanuga. 

Jega was the INEC chairman from 2010 to 2015 and previously co-chaired the Presidential Livestock Committee alongside Tinubu.

In July, Tinubu established a new Ministry of Livestock Development to address the farmers-herders crisis, based on the recommendations of the National Livestock Reforms Committee. 

Jega, 68, is also a member of the International Elections Advisory Council and chairs the Governing Council of Sa’adatu Rimi University of Education in Kano State. 

Jega’s appointment aims to support ongoing livestock reforms in Nigeria.

By Hassana Abdullahi

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has appointed Shamsedeen Babatunde Ogunjimi as the new Accountant General of the Federation, effective March 7, 2025. He will take over from Oluwatoyin Madein, who is set to retire on the same date.

Ogunjimi, 57, has over thirty years of experience in financial management. He holds a Bachelor’s degree in Accountancy from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, and a Master’s in Accounting and Finance from the University of Lagos. 

Ogunjimi is also a fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria and the Chartered Institute of Taxation of Nigeria.

Before his appointment, Ogunjimi served as Director of Finance and Accounts at the Ministry of Finance and later as Director of Funds in the Office of the Accountant General of the Federation. He was appointed Acting Accountant General in December 2024.

President Tinubu expressed confidence in Ogunjimi’s ability to uphold professionalism and transparency in managing Nigeria’s public finances.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Brigadier-General Nafiu Olakunle, a distinguished artillery officer from Ileogbo in the Aiyedire Local Government Area, Osun State, has been appointed the new Director-General of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC).

This prestigious appointment has brought pride to the people of Ileogbo, Iwoland, and Osun State and marks a significant milestone in the nation’s progress. 

Brigadier-General Olakunle is recognized for his unwavering commitment to national service, exemplary leadership, and dedication to the country’s development.

With his appointment, many expect Brigadier-General Olakunle to drive positive changes within the NYSC and reinforce its vital role in uniting and empowering Nigeria’s youth. 

His leadership is anticipated to enhance the NYSC program’s contribution to fostering national unity and progress.

This achievement represents not only a personal triumph for Brigadier-General Olakunle but also a significant moment for the Osun State community.

By Ibraheem A. Waziri

I am a son of Northern Nigeria, born into the 5th generational cohort—those of us ushered into life between 1968 and 1983, as the civil war’s echoes faded. From here, I’ve watched two giants of the 4th cohort, Nasir El-Rufai and Nuhu Ribadu, shape my homeland’s fate. They’ve lifted it at times, fractured it at others. To me, they’re more than names—they’re lodestars. Their brilliance has guided my hopes and, too often, left them drifting. 

El-Rufai has fueled my writing since 2013; his ideas have been a steady muse. Ribadu entered my life that same year, stepping into my Zaria home during my wedding week celebration, his vision setting my spirit ablaze. Now, in February 2025, their legacies show a compass split—its needle quivering between rival trails. For the North, for Nigeria, their reunion isn’t a wish. It’s a lifeline.

My tie to El-Rufai is ink, not intimacy. We met once, briefly, after he claimed Kaduna’s governorship in 2015—a moment too quick for him to recall. His ideas, though, I’ve known deeply. His 2015 election plans for Kaduna stunned me—clear, ambitious, a reformer’s blueprint. I dissected them as a commentator, later mapping his neoconservative path in my 2019 reflections. 

El-Rufa’i’s nine-page manifesto promised education, security, and infrastructure. He mostly delivered. I saw justice in his 2015 demolition of illegally grabbed lands at Alhudahuda College—even as friends grieved homes I’d known, now dust. El-Rufai is the architect and the systems man. A neoconservative who bets order can revive a stumbling North.

Ribadu came with a handshake and a dream. In my wedding week, through Abdulaziz Abdulaziz and Gimba Kakanda, he arrived at my Zaria doorstep, joining the celebration and seeking my support. Over tea and warmth, he sketched a Nigeria free of corruption’s grip. With my friend Dr. Waziri Garba Dahiru (now a professor), we told him how Dr. Aliyu Tilde’s pre-2011 presidential elections essay about him won us—and many Northerners—to his side over Muhammadu Buhari, the people’s hero then. His EFCC days had already made him a legend—a crusader chasing the mighty with a fire that echoed the North’s heart. He left my home with admiration, hoping that his progressive flame could guide us.

As a commentator, I’ve watched him and El-Rufai since—two men who once moved in harmony under President Olusegun Obasanjo. El-Rufai restored Abuja’s master plan with a surveyor’s eye. Ribadu hunted corrupt titans. Together, they danced a tandem of renewal. Both of the 4th cohort, born amid the civil war’s shadow, inherited a Nigeria of strife and potential. But ambition and ideals broke them apart. By 2011, Ribadu’s Action Congress of Nigeria presidential run clashed with El-Rufai’s loyalty to Buhari’s Congress for Progressive Change. The North’s compass cracked—progressive zeal versus conservative steel. 

El-Rufai’s rise in Kaduna cemented his neoconservative crown. Ribadu’s drift to the PDP and 2015 Adamawa loss dimmed his star. Yet his 2023 ascent as Tinubu’s National Security Adviser reignited it—tackling banditry and Boko Haram with a seasoned hand, though not without stumbles. Now, I see their rift clearly. 

El-Rufai’s Kaduna triumphs in 2015 earned my praise then. Ribadu’s path has shifted over time. Their jabs—subtle or stark—echo a generational clash I explored in my 2023 piece on the 4th cohort overtaking the fading 3rd. El-Rufai’s 2023 attack on Buhari’s inner circle, claiming they sabotaged Tinubu, and Ribadu’s quiet rise in Abuja hint at distance—yet also hope they might align again.

Why does this split haunt me? Northern Nigeria, my home, is a paradox—brimming with promise, torn by poverty, insecurity, and neglect. Bandits mar its forests. Boko Haram stalks its northeast. Education lags despite a proud past. 

As I wrote in 2019, the North’s fate is Nigeria’s pulse; its 19 states beat with the nation’s life. El-Rufai and Ribadu, with their tested mettle, stand among its best shots—but only together. El-Rufai’s Kaduna model—retooling institutions, lifting schools—maps a revival. Ribadu’s anti-corruption past and NSA role could strangle chaos at its source. Alone, they falter. Ribadu’s moral blade needs El-Rufai’s structural frame.

Reconciliation demands humility—something both have shown in fleeting glimpses. Why now? Nigeria’s security bleeds worse in 2025—bandits bolder, insurgents entrenched—while Tinubu’s early presidency offers a window for bold moves. Their Obasanjo-era alliance proves they can align. Back then, they were reform’s twin engines under his steady hand. Obasanjo could call them to the table again, his voice a bridge. 

Tinubu, as Ribadu’s boss and one whom El-Rufai respects, could push them too, melding Ribadu’s security clout with El-Rufai’s administrative spine. Friends like Abdulaziz or Dr. Tilde might spark it, but these giants could seal it. A Northern summit could fuse their strengths: Ribadu choking chaos at its roots, El-Rufai rebuilding what’s left. Nationally, their pact could drive devolution—state police, fiscal federalism—easing the North’s woes and binding Nigeria’s seams.

I’m no bystander. El-Rufai’s policies reshaped the Kaduna streets I walk. Ribadu’s 2013 visit lingers in my home’s walls. Their rift cuts me because I’ve staked my words—hundreds since 2013—on their promise. The compass lies broken but not lost. El-Rufai, the builder; Ribadu, the purifier—two halves of a whole I’ve followed for a decade. Their reunion could heal the North’s scars, pointing it toward hope. 

For Nigeria, it’s a shot at a shared destiny. As a 5th cohort voice, I plead in 2025: Mend the rift, reforge the compass, and let El-Rufai and Ribadu rise as our North Star. The stakes are mine. The hour is now. Our future demands it.

By Sadiq Mukhtar

Nigeria’s North-West region, comprised of seven states (Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Sokoto, and Zamfara), has long faced significant socioeconomic challenges, including poverty, insecurity, inadequate infrastructure, and limited access to essential services. Recognising the urgent need for intervention, the Nigerian government, through the North-West Development Commission (NWDC) Act, 2024, provided the legislative framework for the Commission’s operations, powers, and functions.

In 2024, under His Excellency, President Senator Bola Tinubu’s administration, the NWDC governing board was formally unveiled, ushering in a new era of development for the region. At the forefront of this ambitious initiative is Prof. Abdullahi Shehu Ma’aji, whose appointment as the pioneer Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer reflects his impressive track record and the immense confidence placed in him by the national leadership. Retained even after a rigorous review of nominees, Prof. Ma’aji’s selection underscores his reputation as a transformative leader poised to tackle the longstanding challenges of the North-West region.

On February 11, 2025, Prof. Ma’aji delivered his inaugural address as the pioneer Managing Director of the NWDC. He set the tone for his administration and outlined a bold vision for the future of the North-West region. He began by acknowledging President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s trust in him and reaffirmed his commitment to revitalising the region.

His speech reflected a profound understanding of the socioeconomic realities faced by the North-West region, encompassing poverty, education, and healthcare challenges, as well as agricultural stagnation, energy deficits, and environmental degradation. Despite these obstacles, he emphasised that the region also holds tremendous potential, including vast natural resources, a resilient population, and a rich cultural heritage. His clear message was that with strategic leadership, genuine collaboration, and a commitment to accountability, the North-West region can become a beacon of inclusive growth and sustainable development. 

He outlined his four key priority areas for the NWDC:

1. Infrastructure Development – Upgrading our roads, bridges, and power supply to boost economic activity and improve our quality of life.
2. Economic Growth & Job Creation – Supporting small businesses, fostering innovation, and revitalising agriculture to create jobs and drive industrial growth.
3. Human Capital Development – Investing in education, agriculture, healthcare, and technical skills training to prepare our workforce for the modern economy.
4. Transparency & Good Governance – Enforcing strong anti-corruption measures and ensuring all projects are carried out in a collaborative and accountable manner.

The MD also emphasised that Nigeria’s future lies in harnessing the strength of its workforce – especially by promoting technical skill acquisition. He underscored the need to empower the North-West youth through vocational and digital training, aligning our education system with the demands of the modern economy to create lasting job opportunities. He reaffirmed his commitment to a leadership approach rooted in transparency, innovation, and impact-driven policies. 

His vision for transformation extends beyond policy rhetoric. His leadership is anchored in practical solutions and result-driven strategies. His extensive background in development studies, social policy, and community engagement has equipped him with the practical insights needed to drive impactful change. 

His foresight in innovation was evident during his tenure as the Dean of Student Affairs of the Federal University of Technology Minna (FUT Minna), where he established a University Media FM. This pioneering initiative highlights his commitment to technological advancement, youth engagement, and innovative education.

Prof. Ma’aji believes that the North-West region can only reclaim its position as a dynamic economic hub through transparency, innovation, unity, and visionary leadership. The NWDC represents a vital opportunity to reverse decades of neglect and bring tangible change to communities. 

Under his leadership, the Commission will conduct comprehensive needs assessments, develop a robust strategic plan, and implement effective policies to revitalise key sectors like agriculture, infrastructure, and education. By leveraging modern technology, innovative financing models, and a collaborative approach, transformative change is within reach.

At a time when visionary leadership is crucial to overcoming longstanding developmental challenges, Prof. Abdullahi Shehu Ma’aji stands out as a transformative figure at the helm of the North West Development Commission. His unique blend of academic rigor, professional expertise, and ethical leadership sets the stage for the region’s revival.

As NWDC embarks on its ambitious mission to address poverty, insecurity, and infrastructural decay, the good people of the North West region remain hopeful that under Prof. Ma’aji’s guidance, a new chapter of growth, prosperity, and resilience is well within reach.

Sadiq Mukhtar, PhD writes from the Kano Municipal Local Government Area of Kano State via abubsadiq@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) leaders gathered at the party’s headquarters in Abuja for the National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting.

Armed security officers, including soldiers, in collaboration with other security agencies, barricaded all roads leading to the venue on Blantyre Street. Vehicle and pedestrian movement around the area was restricted, and journalists were denied access to the venue. 

However, APC spokesperson Felix Morka released a list of accredited journalists for the event on Wednesday morning.

Among those who arrived early for the meeting were members of the National Working Committee (NWC), state party leaders, former Zamfara State Governor Abdulaziz Yari, Minister of Budget and National Planning Atiku Bagudu, and Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives Benjamin Kalu.

Governors from Edo, Benue, Ondo, Ekiti, Kaduna, Jigawa, Nasarawa, Yobe, Niger, Lagos, Kogi, Ogun, Imo, Deputy Governor of Ebonyi, and former governors of Kogi, Kebbi, Niger, Zamfara, and Plateau also attended.

Notable absentees at the NEC meeting included former President Muhammadu Buhari, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, and former Rivers State Governor and ex-Minister of Transport Rotimi Amaechi.

Party leader, President Bola Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, and Speaker of the House of Representatives Tajudeen Abbas arrived at the meeting around 12 PM. The party’s national chairman, Abdullahi Ganduje, presided over the meeting.

This was the first NEC meeting since Tinubu assumed office as president in May 2023, following a party high-level meeting held at the Presidential Villa in Abuja.

Some party stalwarts, including El-Rufai and former Deputy National Chairman of the APC Salihu Lukman, have expressed concerns about the ruling party’s lack of internal democracy.

By Abubakar Idris Misau

Part (I)

In his natural quest and curiosity, it’s enticing that man wants to understand everything about all things – even though it’s an obviously unattainable goal. Observing, reading, speculating, conspiring, discussing, studying, manipulating, theorising…, in answering an “if” question of history, the man hardly provides a strictly wrong or right answer. This is simply because anything could be anything. Everything is just within the spectrum of possibility. What “if”, for example, Nigeria was colonised by the Spaniards?; Is a question that can be answered from multiple dimensions.

Reviewing the autobiography of the Former Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), titled A Journey in Service, is an inexhaustible assignment.

On a lighter note, borrowing the easiest yet [at least in ruffling feathers] most effective text analysis, a style often used by the critics of Sheikh Fantami and or his works, let us by taking a glance at the title of the memoir furiously carry our pens and jump into action. After all, we’ve heard hearsays much enough to take a side. Phew…

Firstly, they say he confirmed the victory of the renowned 1993 Presidential election by the business mogul Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola. And, in a gentlemanly manner, this evil genius made no attempt to contest the annulment that occurred under his watch, prioritising peace instead. He expressed regret and sought forgiveness.

Is that right?! 

Well, he can say that. He is such a nice guy [in Donald J. Trump’s voice]. I like him. He’s a successful guy, a really successful guy.

Meanwhile, based on what we know about the man if not for his health status, Badamasi, a maestro in rhetoric, would definitely make an excellent graduate assistant (GA) in my University’s Department of Political Science. Though a GA for a start, the author of ‘A Journey in Service’ would most certainly be awarded his MSc the day he resumes, his PhD in a week, and attaining readership is a possibility within a month. By the time he is to be crowned with the professorship title during the immediate convocation, naturally, our character would be too humble not to request to be re-nicknamed the political GOAT – for, many steps ahead of Maradona, he is clearly the combination of Ronaldo, Messi, and Mbappe.

In the court of analysis, however, the one crucial question we ask whenever we put history on trial is whether to judge our subjects by their ideals or the outcomes of their actions. Give it a look: While politicians insist that they stand for democracy and human rights (thus, better than soldiers), the argument of the uniform men is not any weaker; they are the nationalists whose role it is to restore order, fight corruption, and wage war against indiscipline – by sometimes risking their own lives (hence, the right patriots to lead). The whole debate sounds so sweet and convincing that one is tempted to suggest a system of government or constitutional arrangement that allows for a tenure for one and another for the other – continually.

Leaning towards social critics, however, it is hard to believe either side. For if for nothing, their actions contradict the gospels they preach. Even to compound that, most of the military-era soldiers are now politicians in their own rights. Recall, for instance, it’s a fact known to many that when G-34 (which, among other groups, was to become the People’s Democratic Party (PDP)), was established by some Nigerian politicians, one of their aims was to form a movement with a force capable of extinguishing military governance, for good, once and for all. 

With Alex Ekwueme (the first elected Vice President (1979-1983) and Professor Jerry Gana (who previously served as a Minister) as the first Chairman and Secretary of the PDP, respectively, it’s laughable that retired soldiers not only joined but ended up hijacking the party to make one of them the presidential candidate and later the first president in Nigeria’s fourth republic. So, who is who? Who are we to believe? Who are we to blame? Who is deceiving who? Who is the actual heroic champion of the power? Are the politicians ready? Can we even see any difference between the civilians and the soldiers?

Once pictured as a civilian vs military dichotomy, transmuted to a South vs North dichotomy, the ‘June 12’ incident, nobody ever sees it as a Muslim vs Christian dichotomy. However, it was a power heist involving friends – with MKO at the receiving end.

In my view, ours is a zero-ideology political arena. I especially expect Marxists (hoping we still have them) to agree with me here: the bunch of unforgiving capitalists who rule[d] Nigeria, death or alive, soldiers or politicians, whatsoever, have no regard for the ordinary citizens in their mind. Quote me.

Part II

Helen Keller, the blind, deaf American human rights activist, disability advocate, and excellent writer, said, “The country is governed for the richest, for the corporations, the bankers, the land speculators, and for the exploiters of labor.”

As a Nigerian (socially between the working and middle classes) with my vision and hearing still intact, Alhamdulillah, I can’t see or hear anything different. Thus, I am so fed up with hearing “democracy was r*ped” or “A and B were dictators.” What wasn’t r*ped, and who wasn’t a dictator fisabilLahi? Is it Fulgencio Batista or Fidel Castro? 

In case it isn’t clear as [and appearing for] what it is, we may well take another look. In the interest of democracy and development, take the most recent samples to the nearest laboratory. Tell me, for I genuinely want to understand: of what importance was it to the North when their son was the president, or to the South when their own was helming the boat (oh, yacht)?

All military Heads of State and democratically elected Presidents aside, the relationship between Babangida and Abiola was for a very long time so good that some historians and analysts were perplexed by what unfolded before them after the annulment: the bitterness, the chaos, the deaths, and then the silence. With not much to hold on to, conspiracy theorists took to the street with “the General knows the politician very well, so…” But since he was elected by his countrymen, in a process seen by many to be free and fair, that makes no sense whatsoever. 

Close to the above is another contention, shared by the legendary historian, Max Siollun, in his ‘Soldiers of Fortune’, that MKO wouldn’t have been as successful without the role played by his soldier President friend IBB. So, if it was, as explained by a friend recently, a case of two elephants fighting whence the grasses suffer, so be it. However, suffice is to say that it was never about the sold dichotomies. It can’t be about anything to do with talaka. It was all about their own interests. They are the very same people, birds of the same feather, two sides of a single coin.

Wonderful! I also forget other issues such as the assassination of Dele Giwa, the execution of Mamman Vatsa, and his refusal to appear before the Oputa Panel – the Nigerian 2001-commissioned Human Rights Violation Commission. Here, I think we must content ourselves with just one question, since our sources indicate that he expressed hope for the resolution of the Giwa mystery and seems to deliberately avoid the barysphere. My question, albeit odd, is not directed towards the author: Now that we have the other side of the story, are Nigerian human rights activists – including journalists and lawyers – on par with IBB? I only wish Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN) were alive. The book would have made an excellent exhibit… May his soul rest in peace.

In conclusion, the words of a “rebel” came to mind. I have yet to encounter a better description of Nigeria and its people than the one found in ‘Because I am Involved’ by the first president of the former Republic of Biafra, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. It was this Oxford-educated Nigerian military officer who remarked, “Our leaders are pseudo leaders; our intellectuals are pseudo-intellectuals; our professionals are pseudo professionals; while our occupations are pseudo occupations. Our middle class is pseudo middle class; our elite are pseudo elite; our socialists, Marxists, liberals, and even our conservatives are often very much pseudo.” 

Standing on the shoulders of William Shakespeare, our nation resembles a theatre, with players performing upon its stage while some manage the script and many observe with delight. From NSA-Canada to USAID-Boko H*ram, and now to the June 12 saga, we exemplify ‘one day, one drama’. Moreover, as can be readily deduced, Ojokwu was indeed a pseudo-rebel, just as this writer is a pseudo-writer.

…

To be continued!

Abubakar Idris Misau writes from Katsina, Nigeria. He studied Forestry and Wildlife at the University of Maiduguri and can be reached at abubakaridrismisau@gmail.com.

By Anwar Usman

The National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, said on Wednesday that when he assumed office, he found an N8.9 billion debt from the previous leadership.

The former Kano State governor made this known in Abuja, where he was speaking at the ongoing National Executive Committee meeting of the APC.

He stated that the expenses were incurred during pre-election legal battles, election cases, and appeals for legislative, governorship, and presidential elections.

He explained, “The current NWC inherited debts and legal liabilities amounting to N8,987,874,663, arising from various legal engagements.”

The former Governor explained that Professor Abdul Kareem Kana (SAN), the National Legal Adviser, has been working to alleviate the debt burden.

He pleaded, “We still passionately appeal to the National Executive Committee to intervene accordingly”.

In attendance were President Bola Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, Speaker of the House of Representatives Tajudeen Abbas, state governors, NWC members, and other party chieftains.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

Young education advocate Zuriel Oduwole has been nominated for the 2025 Nobel Peace Prize for her efforts to promote girls’ education worldwide. 

The 22-year-old filmmaker and activist has spent over a decade championing access to education, meeting with world leaders to push for policies that keep girls in school.

Oduwole, who was born in the United States to Nigerian and Mauritian parents, began her advocacy at the age of 10 through documentary filmmaking. 

Oduwole’s work has influenced discussions on education policy and earned her numerous accolades, including the Forbes Woman Africa Young Achiever Award.

While the Nobel Committee does not disclose nominations, news of Oduwole’s recognition has sparked widespread praise. If she wins, she would become one of the youngest recipients of the prestigious award. 

The 2025 Nobel Peace Prize laureate will be announced in October, and the official ceremony will be held in December in Oslo, Norway.