APC

By Amir Abdulazeez

During the early and mid-months of 2002, I would often visit an uncle (now deceased) who generously provided me with newspapers before he had even read them himself. On one such visit, I picked up a copy of the Daily Trust, a relatively new publication at the time, and while flipping through its pages, I read the delightful news that not only made me happy but also propelled me into a brief career in partisan politics. Retired General Muhammadu Buhari had decided to join democratic politics and announced his entry into the All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP).

At the time, the Obasanjo-led administration was widely perceived as underperforming, failing to address Nigeria’s mounting challenges sincerely. The PDP had morphed into a formidable political giant, while the ANPP was weakening steadily; other newly registered parties existed only in the briefcases of their founders.  Buhari’s decision to enter politics at that time represented the single most decisive move that changed the Nigerian democratic landscape over the last 25 years. Youths, pensioners, activists, comrades, veterans and even fence-sitters found a new rallying point, and almost everyone else joined the new messiah.

Although many harboured reservations about Buhari, especially those whose interests had been hurt during his military regime or the post-1999 established elite who saw him as a threat, I was among the countless young Nigerians who adored Buhari to a fault. My admiration for him was so intense that another uncle once felt compelled to caution me. It was just before the 2003 presidential election when he walked into my room, saw a large framed portrait of Buhari on my wall, smiled, and advised me to moderate my obsession.

My love for Buhari began about 30 years ago. The establishment of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) by General Sani Abacha’s administration in 1994 coincided with our early years in secondary school. By the time the Fund was a year old in 1995, the name of Muhammadu Buhari was on the lips of virtually all Nigerians. In my estimation, then, he was the only tangible positive aspect of the Abacha government. In fact, he appeared to be more popular than Abacha himself; a hypothesis that reportedly inspired Obasanjo to scrap the Fund in 1999 to avoid ‘running a government inside a government’.

I vividly recall a day in 1995 or 1996 when I accompanied my father to a bookshop. The PTF low-price edition of every book we went to buy was available at a 50% or so discount without any compromise in quality. While paying the money, I could see the smile on my father’s face reflecting deep satisfaction and appreciation for the work of the PTF. That was the first time in my life that I truly felt and understood the direct impact of government on the people. In pharmacies, PTF drugs were sold at subsidised rates. There was no propaganda, rhetoric, cosmetics, or media packaging; the work of Buhari’s PTF was there for everyone to see and touch. I was fortunate as a young lad to join elders on travels across the country from 1995 to 1997. I got tired of seeing the PTF road projects that I once asked: “Why won’t this Buhari return as president to fix Nigeria?”

Muhammadu Buhari, a constant figure in Nigerian political discourse since 1983, is no longer with us. Few anticipated his death, as the brief illness he suffered in London seemed either a rumour or a routine medical trip. Ironically, many of his detractors had “killed” him multiple times in the past; some of them dying before he did. In 2014, former Ekiti State Governor Ayo Fayose ran a notorious advertisement predicting that Buhari wouldn’t last in office for months if elected. Yet he won, served for eight years, and died just months short of turning 83.

Buhari lived a long, dedicated, and enduring life of service and commitment to Nigeria, spanning about six decades in both military and civilian capacities. Save perhaps for Obasanjo, there’s no Nigerian, dead or alive, who matches his array of public portfolios. His personal reputation for discipline, honesty, integrity, and austerity endured throughout his public life. He stood as a symbol of principled and stoic leadership, leaving behind a legacy that will continue to resonate for generations.

Just before his death, the debate of who made him president in 2015 resurfaced with an exchange of tantrums between some pro-Tinubu and pro-Buhari gladiators. While I found the debate outdated, my position remains that Buhari ought to have become president 12 years earlier. For the avoidance of doubt, Muhammadu Buhari did not lose the 2003 presidential elections; it was brutally rigged to return Obasanjo for a second term. That year’s election ranks among the most fraudulent in modern global history. In 2007, the presidential election results were allegedly fabricated, so we can’t even call that an election, let alone determine who won or lost.

Despite my immense love for Buhari, I was left with no choice but to join his critics after 2015. Less than a year in, it became clear that his government lacked the vision and effectiveness many had hoped for. In 2015, I queued until about 10:00 p.m. to vote for him, believing he was Nigeria’s last chance. By 2018, I was disappointed and called for him to serve just one term. I argued then that if he couldn’t lead like Nelson Mandela, he could at least exit like Mandela. By 2021, while in his second term, I was so disillusioned that I openly advocated for his impeachment.

It remains a mystery how our much beloved, tested, and trusted (his campaign slogan in 2003) Buhari failed to meet expectations so short. Some blamed his arrogant and underperforming appointees; others cited a fractured and directionless party. But ultimately, he bore the responsibility. His inability or unwillingness to discipline ineffective ministers eroded his credibility. In 2022, during the eight-month strike by university lecturers, I contacted one of his aides (a relative), who confirmed that it was Buhari’s ministers, not Buhari himself, who opposed paying the lecturers. Another indicator that he wasn’t really in charge. 

In the midst of the storm, Buhari’s administration achieved several landmark milestones in infrastructure, social welfare, and the fight against terrorism. He delivered the elusive Second Niger Bridge, the Lagos-Ibadan and Abuja-Kaduna railways and upgraded numerous critical road networks. His government implemented the Treasury Single Account (TSA), which significantly improved public financial transparency and curbed leakages. Buhari’s war against Boko Haram yielded mixed results but succeeded in reclaiming substantial territory from insurgents. He introduced arguably the largest Social Investment Program in the history of Africa, targeting millions of beneficiaries through initiatives such as N-Power, Trader Moni, Survival Fund, Anchor Borrowers Scheme, and conditional cash transfers.

Nigerians are free to hold divergent views on Buhari. But there should be decency in how we express those views. No one is without flaws; we all have our good and bad sides. One day, we too shall pass, and others will speak of us. Buhari had both triumphs and failings; some reaped benefits, others suffered losses. If you can pray for him, please do. If not, be measured in your words.

The past few days have witnessed a flurry of deaths, a sobering reminder that life is fleeting and death is inevitable. Today’s giants will one day lie lifeless. When Garba Shehu broke the news of Buhari’s death, I immediately made up my mind to put up a tribute. A few minutes after the announcement, I visited his Wikipedia page to verify some information about the general. To my surprise, the information about his death had already been updated: “Muhammadu Buhari (1942-2025)”—so swiftly? I said to myself. Baba is gone. May Allah forgive and grant him Jannatul-Firdaus.

By Muhammad Isyaku Malumfashi

One thing I despise about Katsina’s political realm is the absence of a strong and formidable opposition that will tackle the government’s dormancy and make them very focused and renaissance-like toward their responsibilities by using both envious and constructive criticism against those in power, so that at least the citizens may witness democratic dividends seen in some states.

But for the opposition to hold hands and keep mute without holding those in power accountable for any misfortune is unhealthy, and that’s the reason why we are here. Many citizens have questions about the power, but they are afraid to ask due to threats of arrest or intimidation by those close to the power. Perhaps some would disguise themselves in the name of advice to convince you not to oppose this failed government led by the so-called PhD, but they will not prove to you that what you said about the government is not true.

It’s a good thing to advise one to be cautious and watchful of his tongue, but it’s cowardice to intimidate him with arrest or cite the quibbles of his words without pointing out the error in them. The present Katsina government at all levels has become a failure despite the boasting made about the ‘educational qualification’ of the governor during the campaign and even after in his first year of office.

The governor made it clear that he would work with only ‘educated people’ because he is a PhD holder. His academic position was also used to deceive people into believing that Katsina would have a governor for the first time who had attained such a high level of education, unlike his predecessors, who were only master’s degree and diploma holders. People believed that the highest level of education equates to good governance until Governor Radda spent two years in office with nothing to show, or at least outshine or perform better than his predecessors.

That’s when we realised that a secondary school leaver may do better than a PhD in governance because it’s not about the qualification but fear of God, experience, integrity, and honesty. This administration of a PhD holder has not endangered any sector in Katsina. Take the security issue first, which is the most pressing issue in the state.

During the campaign, the governor made it clear that even if it’ll cost him not constructing a single gutter, he’ll eliminate insecurity in the state. We were happy to hear that and even began to see some desirable steps toward actualising that by distributing ammunition to citizens, launching the Katsina State Security Watch Corps, and arresting and killing many people found sabotaging the fight against insecurity. But what happened along the way?

The emphasis was later shifted to politics; the bold promise of no negotiation with bandits at the weak point was broken, and we saw negotiations made in some local governments when it was apparent that the bandits breached many trusts that had been placed in them by the previous government after the talks, and the insurgency escalated. It’s only during Radda that we’ve seen the worst of banditry, especially in my hometown of Malumfashi.

Initially, they only attacked villages, but later they expanded their attacks to cities. People are no longer safe. The son of our immediate local government chairman has been in bandits’ captivity for months now. My sibling, a sister of the same father and the same mother, was kidnapped in the same area where the ex-chairman lived while in office, and his child was abducted.

Many people inside Malumfashi were kidnapped; some were killed, and some had ransom paid to release them. Even today, I woke up seeing the sad news of the death of a PDP leader in Malumfashi from bandits. It’s under this government that dozens of villages in Malumfashi were evacuated due to banditry, and a whole brigadier general from Tsiga was kidnapped and spent more than 50 days in their hands before gaining freedom after millions were paid to them as ransom.

And a first-position winner from Katsina of the National Qur’anic Competition (Musabaqa) held in Kebbi was also kidnapped with his parents along their way back to Faskari from Katsina, where the governor gave him prizes and gifts, but was not able to ask security to escort him home despite the apparent danger of their town. And the governor made a blatant lie in a video, which I saved for my unborn children to remind them that ‘he’s the one feeding every family whose head is kidnapped in the state.’ This is not just a capital lie but a grievous one.

If you take education, you still have nothing to show. The previous government was paying WAEC and NECO for every student in government schools who passed the qualifying exams. Still, this government of ‘PhDs’ paid only NECO to every student, even if he or she passed both WAEC and NECO last year. Katsina’s NECO result was released late last year, after many schools had concluded their admission processes, and the pass rate was very low. Katsina was ranked among the three lowest-passing states in the NECO exam last year.

The governor employed thousands of teachers and a few from the health sector. I agreed, but he did not tell us how many thousands have retired in every sector every year and how far along the replacement process is. No school will go without seeing a shortage of teachers, and the same goes for clinics.

How long did it take him to implement the 70k minimum wage, and has it been implemented 100%? You’ll hardly see a civil servant who saw an increase of up to 50k in his salary, like in other states. What was the cause of his dispute with the university staff about the minimum wage implementation, and how many times did they reject his low implementation of minimum wage for them?

The tertiary school fees were raised when many students were dropping out due to the high cost of education, even though the governor is now earning more than his predecessor because of the removal of subsidies. His predecessor did not increase the school fees, but PhD did. In his just two years in office, he claims to have spent more on security than the previous government did in 8 years, yet there has been no clear difference between the two governments in their success against banditry in the state.

Only these two crucial areas are sufficient to condemn this Yan Boko government, but the lack of opposition in Katsina is giving the governor the confidence to speak badly about the coalition. 

Coalition/opposition has come to stay in Katsina, and no man born of a woman can stop it.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The All Progressives Congress (APC) has dismissed rumors of northern opposition to President Bola Tinubu’s potential 2027 re-election bid, asserting instead that the region offers “unwavering” support.

Senator Ajibola Bashiru, APC National Secretary, made the declaration on Monday at a media roundtable organised by the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) Zone B (South-West) in Ibadan.

Bashiru vehemently rejected claims of a northern conspiracy against Tinubu, labelling them “a lie from the pit of hell.”

He stated his position was based on firsthand knowledge and adherence to principled truth-telling.

“The North is firmly behind President Tinubu,” Bashiru asserted. “It’s a lie from the pit of hell to claim the North is ganging up against Tinubu. I say this from a position of knowledge. I guide myself by Amilcar Cabral’s words: ‘Tell no lies, claim no easy victories’.”

He cited visible public enthusiasm as evidence, claiming Tinubu receives warm receptions in northern cities like Katsina, Kaduna, Kano, and Gombe, with street celebrations occurring.

Bashiru also noted that a song by popular northern musician Dauda Kahutu Rarara, ‘Omo Ologo’, dedicated to Tinubu, has become an anthem in the region.

Dismissing opposition efforts, Bashiru characterized the ADC coalition as a “mushroom party” and “contraption” filled with self-serving individuals lacking political relevance.

He insisted the northern APC structures in states like Sokoto, Bauchi, Kebbi, and Zamfara remain solidly behind Tinubu, with influential leaders rallying support.”There is no vacancy in Aso Rock until 2031,” Bashiru declared, suggesting opposition hopefuls wait their turn.

He pointed to the APC’s success in recent elections, claiming a win rate above 75%, as proof of the party’s national acceptance.Bashiru also praised Tinubu’s inclusive leadership and infrastructure progress, claiming growing support throughout the North.

He downplayed the significance of former National Chairman Abdullahi Ganduje’s resignation, stating it posed no crisis for the party.

On a personal note, Bashiru, who has declared interest in the Osun 2026 governorship race, expressed confidence in his prospects, stating his chances are “very bright.”

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The growing political controversy surrounding the Tinubu/Shettima presidential ticket for the 2027 general elections came to the fore at the Northeast Zonal Meeting of the All Progressives Congress (APC), held in Gombe on Saturday, June 14, 2025. Party leaders, stakeholders, and delegates gathered to endorse Tinubu for a second term, amid rising internal debates over the party’s viability, unity, and future direction ahead of the next electoral cycle.

If President Tinubu decides to drop Vice President Kashim Shettima in favour of another Muslim from the North, it could reignite the deeply divisive Muslim-Muslim ticket debate that stirred significant controversy during the 2023 presidential election.

Retaining Vice President Kashim Shettima may help the Tinubu camp avoid reigniting the contentious Muslim-Muslim ticket debate, but it also raises questions about the ticket’s continued strategic value. While the pairing was originally calculated to consolidate support among Muslim voters in the North during the 2023 election, changing political dynamics suggest that the ticket may no longer hold the same appeal. With growing dissatisfaction in parts of the North and shifting voter sentiments nationwide, some within the APC believe that the Tinubu/Shettima combination may now offer diminishing electoral returns.

Even if President Tinubu opts for a new Muslim running mate, the Muslim-Muslim ticket may no longer deliver the same political dividends in the North. A growing number of Northern-Muslim voters reportedly feel underrepresented or sidelined in the current administration, despite the religious alignment of the top two offices. 

Discontent over perceived sidelining in federal appointments, economic policies, and security outcomes has weakened the assumption that religious pairing alone can secure Northern loyalty. As such, simply replacing Shettima with another Northern Muslim may not be enough to re-energise the base or guarantee widespread support in 2027.

Should President Tinubu replace Shettima with another Muslim from the North, it would likely provoke renewed backlash from Christian communities nationwide, especially in the North. Many would raise the familiar and legitimate question: Are there no capable Northern Christians fit to serve as Vice President? In a country where religious identity plays a central role in politics and representation.

If President Tinubu chooses a Northern Christian as his running mate, he risks alienating a core part of the APC’s support base. These Northern Muslim voters have historically been the backbone of the party’s electoral strength in the north. Many within this bloc view the Muslim-Muslim ticket as both symbolic and strategic. Without votes from the north, Tinubu’s second term will have key-leg

Selecting a running mate from the Northwest could trigger resistance or even quiet rebellion from the Northeast, which may interpret the move as a political slight or marginalisation. Having produced the current Vice President, the Northeast might expect to retain the position as a matter of continuity and recognition of its contribution to the party’s 2023 victory. Overlooking the region could stir resentment among its political leaders and grassroots supporters, potentially weakening the APC’s hold in key Northeastern states. It may also open the door for opposition parties to exploit regional grievances and rally disaffected voters under the banner of regional justice and equity. The  NorthCentral will also ask some questions- Tinubu won four states in north central- Kogi, Benue, Kwara and Niger

Choosing another Muslim running mate from the Northeast, but outside the Borno-Yobe axis, could provoke backlash from that axis. The Borno-Yobe axis, long considered the APC’s stronghold in the Northeast, may view such a move as a betrayal of loyalty, especially given that Borno was the only state in the region that delivered a win for Tinubu in the 2023 presidential election. Overlooking this issue in favour of another Northeastern state could result in protest votes or political apathy from key stakeholders and voters who feel their support is being taken for granted. In a tightly contested 2027 race, such fractures could prove costly.

Ultimately, the debate surrounding the Tinubu/Shettima ticket for 2027 is shaping up to be an early and avoidable self-inflicted wound for the APC. Rather than uniting the party around governance and strategy, it has reopened an unnecessary debate and controversy. This is fueling unnecessary tension within the party ranks and distracting from core governance issues that could strengthen the APC’s re-election prospects. 

Yet, amid all the speculation and lobbying, it is important to remember that the selection of a running mate remains the sole constitutional prerogative of the presidential candidate. While input from party leaders and stakeholders matters, the final decision rests with President Tinubu, who must now weigh loyalty, optics, regional dynamics, and electoral viability in making a choice that could define both his legacy and the APC’s future.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Salisu Uba Kofar Wambai

Audu Bulama Bukarti is a noisemaker who understands nothing about politics. His recent comments on the newly formed opposition coalition are not only shallow but also dangerously misleading. While millions of Nigerians are applauding this coalition as a timely and necessary step to challenge the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration and rescue the country from economic suffocation, Bukarti — a London-based lawyer — chose to mock the effort on social media.

Rather than supporting a credible and coordinated opposition, he is promoting a vague, unstructured “youth political party,” claiming that only the youth can bring about change. This may sound attractive on paper, but it shows just how politically naive he is. Politics isn’t wishful thinking — it’s a game of structure, influence, visibility, and strategic alliances.

Just like filmmaking, where unknown actors rarely carry a blockbuster, political success depends on familiar, trusted, and tested figures. The leaders in the ADC-led coalition may not be perfect, but they possess the political weight, experience, and resources to help Nigeria emerge from this crisis. They are not saints, but they know what the people are going through, and their unity reflects the seriousness of the moment.

We must not forget the damage the Tinubu-led APC government has caused: the reckless removal of fuel subsidy, the crippling naira devaluation, inflation that has turned food and transportation into luxury, and a general sense of hopelessness among ordinary citizens. Nigerians are hungry and angry — and they need relief, not political experiments.

Bukarti’s idea that youth alone can take over now is not only unrealistic, but also risky. It will divide the opposition, weaken the resistance, and give the APC a smooth ride into another term of hardship. The youth are important, yes. However, they must join hands with established political structures to make an impact, rather than isolating themselves in emotional idealism.

The ADC coalition brings together people who understand Nigerian politics, who have reach, recognition, and machinery. That’s what it takes to defeat a regime that has weaponised poverty and punished the poor. Unity is the only way forward. This is not a time to gamble or experiment — it is a time to act wisely and strategically.

Bukarti’s obsession with promoting his “youth party” at this critical point raises serious questions. Is it merely ignorance, or is he playing a hidden role to distract and sabotage the coalition’s genuine efforts? Either way, Nigerians must not be fooled. The real enemy is not the coalition, but the hunger, insecurity, and hopelessness forced on us by the Tinubu government.

This is not the time for ego or empty noise. What Nigerians need are leaders with courage, experience, and structure, not social media loudspeakers who offer nothing but confusion. Bukarti should either contribute meaningfully or step aside.

The ADC coalition may not be perfect, but it is Nigeria’s best shot at ending the nightmare. This moment demands unity, not division — strategy, not noise — and above all, action, not confusion.

Salisu Uba Kofar Wambai wrote from Kano. He can be reached via salisunews@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam 

The New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) has declared that its 2023 presidential candidate, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, no longer has the party’s platform to contest against President Bola Tinubu or any other presidential hopeful in the upcoming 2027 elections.

This was announced in a statement on Saturday by the party’s National Chairman, Dr. Agbo Major, in response to comments made by Buba Galadima, who claimed that Kwankwaso would remain in the NNPP and contest the next presidential election on its ticket.

Galadima had dismissed speculations that Kwankwaso was defecting to the All Progressives Congress (APC), insisting the former governor would strategically stay in the NNPP until the 2027 political whistle is blown. He also urged Nigerians to support Kwankwaso’s presidential ambition.

However, Dr. Agbo refuted Galadima’s claims, stressing that both Kwankwaso and Galadima had long been expelled from the party for anti-party activities and therefore could not speak for or use the NNPP for any political ambition.

“Our Memorandum of Understanding with the Kwankwasiyya Movement, led by Kwankwaso, ended shortly after the 2023 elections. We cannot allow Kwankwaso back into the NNPP because of the internal crises and legal battles he caused,” Agbo stated.

He alleged that Kwankwaso attempted to hijack the party by changing its logo to reflect the Kwankwasiyya movement’s identity, which was later reversed through court intervention after a controversial convention in Abuja.

Agbo also dismissed the possibility of Kwankwaso receiving another automatic ticket from the NNPP, stating that such a privilege would not be granted again.

“Kwankwaso is known for joining only political parties where he can control leadership. But here, that era is gone. His ambition is dead on arrival,” Agbo added.

While affirming Kwankwaso’s constitutional right to contest any office, Agbo emphasised that the NNPP would not be involved in any antagonism against the President or other political parties.

He said the party is now considering fresh aspirants ahead of 2027 and will ensure due process and transparency in selecting its next presidential candidate.

“The NNPP has moved on. We will not be drawn into needless controversies. We advise Kwankwaso to form his own party if he still wants to pursue his ambitions,” Agbo concluded.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

Frankly, as 2027 draws closer, whispers are growing louder; some are plotting, some are speculating, and others are simply wishful thinkers. They say President Tinubu might drop Vice President Kashim Shettima from the ticket to boost electoral chances. But if we are being honest, not sentimental, dropping Shettima would be one of the biggest political mistakes of this era.

Let’s be clear: Shettima wasn’t brought in to win photo ops. He was not chosen to shout. He was chosen because he represents strategy, loyalty, and capacity.

During the 2023 storm, when many were still calculating risks, Shettima stood firm by Tinubu, took all the heat, and became the stabilising voice in the North. He brought Borno home. He calmed the waves of religious tension. He didn’t just represent Northern Nigeria, he defended it.

People love to talk numbers, but politics isn’t always about arithmetic. It is about perception, loyalty, and structure. Yes, the ticket lost five out of six states in the North-East, but let us not be blind to the facts: the region was deeply divided, and only a few could have held it together the way Shettima did with calm, intellect, and dignity.

Some say he is quiet now. That he doesn’t shout like others. But since when did noise become the metric for leadership? The man is focused. In meetings, in negotiations, and in execution, Shettima is playing chess while others are busy playing checkers. He understands the principles of statecraft, loyalty, and sacrifice. And President Tinubu knows this more than anyone else.

Let us also not forget: those pushing to remove Shettima are not doing it for Nigeria’s sake. They want access. They want control. They want to plant division between two men who have stood the test of storms. But Tinubu is no stranger to betrayal and loyalty. He knows that in the trenches of 2023, Shettima was not just a running mate; he was a co-strategist, a co-sufferer, and a co-winner.

And please, let us not pretend that swapping Shettima will win the North. In politics, you don’t throw away the one who stood by you during war, just to flirt with the illusion of peace. The North respects loyalty. The North watches consistently. And dropping Shettima will be read not as a strategy, but as desperation.

Look at Shettima’s journey: former banker, former governor who rebuilt Borno in the middle of terror, a man of books and action. He didn’t become Vice President by luck. He earned it. And he’s still earning it every single day without trying to outshine his principal.

President Tinubu knows the value of this. He knows that the Renewed Hope Agenda is not a solo script; it was co-authored with Shettima. Replacing him would mean rewriting the entire playbook at halftime. That is not just risky; it is reckless.

Let us not fall for planted headlines and deliberate silence from those who are trying to test the waters. If anything, Shettima remains Tinubu’s best bet for 2027, not just for the votes, but for the trust, balance, and competence he brings.

You don’t gamble with loyalty. Not when the stakes are this high. Not when your legacy is on the line. Tinubu knows. And that is why he won’t blink.

Lawan Bukar Maigana writes from Yobe State and can be reached via email: Lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

Political drama recently unfolded in Gombe State as tensions escalated between the All Progressives Congress (APC) National Chairman, Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, the APC National Vice Chairman (Northeast), Comrade Mustapha Salihu, Gombe State Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya, and Borno State Governor, Prof. Babagana Umara Zulum.  At the heart of the storm were whispers of a plot to replace Vice President Kashim Shettima. But in the eye of that storm stands Shettima himself; silent, composed, and unfazed.

There has been no speech, social media post, or press release. Shettima has not acknowledged the theatrics or addressed the speculations. There is no rebuttal, no outrage, just purposeful silence—a silence that suggests a man far more committed to duty than distractions.

While the speculations make the rounds in political circles, Vice President Shettima’s schedule remains unchanged. In January 2025, he represented Nigeria at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. There, he engaged in high-level sessions on digital trade and investment and co-chaired discussions focused on humanitarian resilience, building international bridges while avoiding the noise of local politics.

He used the global platform to launch the Humanitarian and Resilience Investment Roadmap for Africa, advocating for deeper public-private partnerships across the continent. As always, his approach was less about rhetoric and more about results.

Back home in Maiduguri, Borno State, the Vice President continues to prioritise grassroots development. He commissioned the Expanded National MSME Clinic and Fashion Hub, a project expected to create over 48,000 jobs annually. He also distributed unconditional grants to entrepreneurs and pledged continued support through public-private partnerships to boost local businesses.

Shettima also inaugurated the National Asset Restoration Programme, reinforcing his long-standing commitment to post-insurgency reconstruction in the Northeast.

His record across sectors reflects structural impact. Over 300,000 businesses have been supported, and more than one million jobs have been generated under initiatives he directly oversees. These aren’t political promises; they’re measurable achievements.

At the national level, he chairs the National Council on MSMEs, advocating for innovation, job security, and stronger synergy between the public and private sectors, all under the framework of President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

As a champion of youth empowerment, Shettima spearheads human capital development efforts. He inaugurated the Nigeria Jubilee Programme Steering Committee, designed to train and equip thousands of graduates with marketable skills and workplace readiness.

He has also remained active in strengthening regional cooperation. At the 5th Lake Chad Basin Governors’ Forum in Maiduguri, he emphasised the importance of pairing military security with economic inclusion to secure lasting peace in the subregion.

In every assignment, Shettima has demonstrated sagacious loyalty, not only to his office and the President but also to the people he serves. Amid swirling conversations about his replacement, he has not lost focus. He has doubled down on leadership, service, and delivery.

His calculated silence is a strategy. He understands that emotional outbursts or political mudslinging could deepen divisions within the party. His restraint underscores a higher allegiance to duty, national stability, and unity.

The Vice President’s quiet determination sends a message: true leadership is about resolution, not reaction. In a political landscape often dominated by noise, Shettima has chosen the steady path of substance, letting results, not rumours, define his legacy.

Even as political storms gather, Shettima stays the course. His silence isn’t ignorance or weakness—it is discipline. And with his continued focus on economic development, job creation, and regional security, his work speaks louder than any rebuttal ever could.

Lawan Bukar Maigana is a journalist with PRNigeria and Economic Confidential, headquartered in Abuja. He can be reached via email: Lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam 

The Kano State Government has refuted claims that it secured a new external loan of $6.6 million under the current New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) administration.

In a statement issued on Thursday, the Director General of the State Public Debt Management Office, Hamisu Sadi Ali, described the allegation as false and politically driven.

The claim was made by a group known as the APC Patriotic Volunteers, which alleged that Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s government had taken a fresh loan within two years of assuming office—an allegation earlier reported by the Daily Nigerian on June 11, 2025.

Sadi Ali dismissed the report, insisting that the present administration had not contracted any new domestic or external loans since coming into power.

“Since the inception of the NNPP-led administration till today, the Kano State Government under the leadership of His Excellency Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf has not taken a single fresh loan,” he said.

He clarified that the government is still servicing loans inherited from the previous All Progressives Congress (APC) administration, which he described as a “wasted” eight-year period under former Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje.

The debt office boss also criticised Usman Alhaji, the leader of the APC group and former Secretary to the State Government, questioning his understanding of the 2021 law that established the State Public Debt Management Office—a law signed during the APC administration.

“If he claims ignorance of the law, we must remind him of Section 4(b), which empowers the State Debt Management Office to borrow on behalf of the government—under strict procedures and documentation,” Sadi Ali said.

He challenged the group to provide verifiable evidence from the Federal Debt Management Office in Abuja to back their claims.

“They should provide the name of the creditor, the subsidiary loan agreement, the purpose of the loan, the amortisation schedule, and whether it is a multilateral or bilateral loan,” he added.

Sadi Ali emphasised that the public can now differentiate between facts and political propaganda, adding that Governor Yusuf remains committed to fulfilling his mandate without being distracted by baseless accusations.

By Uzair Adam 

The All Progressives Congress (APC) has issued a strong warning to Senator Ali Ndume following his recent remarks suggesting that President Bola Tinubu could face the same electoral fate as former President Goodluck Jonathan in 2027 if urgent reforms are not implemented.

Senator Ndume, who represents Borno South Senatorial District, made the statement during his appearance on Channels Television’s Politics Today on Sunday.

Responding to his remarks, the APC Director of Publicity, Bala Ibrahim, on Tuesday acknowledged Ndume’s longstanding role within the party but stressed that discipline within the party is of utmost importance.

“Senator Ndume is a senior and respected member of the APC. This is not the first time he has aired his views publicly about how the country is being governed by his party, sometimes expressing dissent or contrary opinions,” Ibrahim said.

He continued, “However, the APC is a party of liberal-minded people. We do not reject diverse ideas, provided they do not violate the party’s constitution.”

Ibrahim reiterated that while the APC upholds internal democracy and freedom of expression, members are expected to operate within the party’s defined limits.