APC

By Abba Hikima

It is clear to even the most daft Nigerian that Nyesom Wike, a serving member of President Tinubu’s Federal Executive Council, is only in the PDP to sabotage it and clear the path for his benefactor, the President, come the 2027 elections. What may not, however, be clear is the extent to which Wike’s tactics and antics can undermine Nigeria’s democracy.

Whether you are APC, PDP, ADC or even politically indifferent, Wike’s actions should bother you, as long as you dream of a truly democratic Nigeria where institutions transcend whimsical meddling of the few.

From any angle, one sees a deliberate pattern that systematically seeks to dismantle the country’s main opposition party and tilts the political landscape dangerously toward one-party dominance.

The recent Federal High Court injunction, restraining the PDP from holding its planned November 15 National Convention, issued by Justice J. Omotosho, only reinforces this pattern. It aligns with a string of judicial outcomes and political manoeuvres that have consistently favoured Wike’s factional interests, all at the expense of Nigeria’s fragile democratic balance.

Between 2023 and 2025, Wike’s loyalists seized the PDP’s national secretariat at Wadata Plaza, installed their own acting chairman, and plunged the party into even deeper crisis. Earlier, he had been linked to moves to demolish the PDP headquarters in Port Harcourt and to lawsuits that derailed planned conventions.

These deliberate acts of sabotage are calculated to dismantle opposition structures and weaken the political alternatives that every democracy relies on. In Nigeria today, prominent political opposition actors are crosscarpeting from their political parties to the ruling APC, not because the APC is doing better, but to salvage their seats and realise their aspirations, which appear rather vivid with the APC.

In saner climes, inclusion of opposition figures within ruling governments is a laudable means of promoting national unity and bridging gaps. But in Nigeria’s case, Wike’s dual role, serving as a federal minister while wielding extraordinary control over an opposition party, is clearly a means of manipulation.

It blurs ethical boundaries and deprives citizens of genuine democratic alternatives.

Even more disturbing is Wike’s perceived closeness to certain segments of the judiciary- what Professor Chidi Anselm Odinkalu aptly described as a “pathological fixation.”

From 2019 to 2025, at least five major cases tied directly or indirectly to Wike’s interests have been heard before the same judge, fueling concerns of judicial clientelism —a scenario where powerful litigants can select their forums by proxy.

The danger goes far beyond politics.

If political elites can manipulate opposition parties while simultaneously bending judicial processes to their favour, then democracy becomes mere theatre. A performance that preserves power and erodes accountability.

Having said this, the National Judicial Council should randomise the assignment of politically sensitive cases and ensure that no single judge repeatedly handles matters involving the same litigants. A stronger ethical firewall must also be built between judicial officers and politically exposed persons.

Politically, Nigeria must introduce conflict-of-interest rules that bar sitting ministers or presidential appointees from exerting control over opposition parties. Democracy cannot thrive when the same hand both governs and manipulates its opposition.

Coming this far, we must accept that reform is not optional; it is existential.

Abba Hikima, Esq. wrote from Kano, Nigeria.

By Uzair Adam

Hon. Abdulmumin Jibrin Kofa, the House of Representatives member for Kiru/Bebeji Federal Constituency in Kano State, has officially returned to the All Progressives Congress (APC), pledging his support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s 2027 re-election bid.

Kofa disclosed this in a statement he personally signed on Monday, noting that he received a warm reception from thousands of his supporters in his hometown of Kofa, Bebeji Local Government Area.

The gathering reportedly resolved to leave the NNPP/Kwankwasiyya movement and join the APC in solidarity with the president’s agenda.

According to him, the event was attended by approximately 2,000 Islamic clerics who offered special prayers for the president, as well as for peace, development, and progress in Kiru/Bebeji, Kano State, and Nigeria at large.

Kofa’s defection comes two months after his expulsion from the NNPP, which sources say was due to alleged anti-party activities and unpaid membership dues.

His departure underscores the ongoing internal challenges within the NNPP in Kano and marks a significant political realignment in the state.

A former APC member and ex-Director-General of the Tinubu Support Group, Kofa’s return to the ruling party strengthens the APC’s foothold in Kano ahead of the 2027 elections.

By Uzair Adam

Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) presidential candidate in the 2023 elections, has stated that his party is open to forming alliances with other political parties, including the All Progressives Congress (APC), ahead of the 2027 general elections.

In an interview with BBC Hausa, the former Kano State governor emphasised that the NNPP is willing to collaborate with any party that shares its commitment to improving the welfare of ordinary Nigerians.

Kwankwaso clarified that any potential alliance with the APC or other parties must come with clear, tangible benefits for the NNPP, highlighting the party’s nationwide structures and gubernatorial candidates in all states.

He said, “If you are asking us to join APC, you must tell us what NNPP will gain. We have gubernatorial candidates in all the states and full structures nationwide. What will you offer them if we join?”

The senator reiterated that alliances will be based on shared ideals that guarantee a better quality of life for Nigerians.

He described the 2027 elections as likely to be fiercely contested, noting that citizens are now more informed, concerned, and engaged than ever before.

“We’re ready for anyone, whether it is the APC, PDP, ADC, Jonathan, or Peter Obi. If we are satisfied with their competence, we will join forces to achieve success.

“The key thing is that whoever we ally with must be committed to the needs of Nigerians,” Kwankwaso said.

He also condemned the state of insecurity in parts of the country, including Sokoto, Kebbi, Zamfara, and Kaduna, noting that ordinary citizens are the main victims while political elites live in luxury in Abuja.

On the recent proposal by the National Assembly to amend the 2022 Electoral Act, which would schedule presidential and governorship elections six months before the expiration of incumbents’ tenures, Kwankwaso said he is ready for elections to be held at any time, provided there is adequate notice for mobilisation.

Addressing claims of undue influence over the Kano State government, Kwankwaso dismissed the allegations as baseless, insisting that the current administration is acting independently and that time will reveal who is truly in charge.

“Our position is simple: if he seeks our counsel, we will gladly offer it. But if we notice anything wrong or harmful, we will call his attention to it. “That is why people claim they will defeat us, but the truth is, the youths are more aware now,” he clarified.

By Uzair Adam 

The Senate has confirmed Professor Joash Ojo Amupitan, SAN, as the new Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

The confirmation followed a three-hour screening session at the Senate Chamber on Thursday, during which lawmakers grilled the nominee of President Bola Tinubu on several issues regarding electoral integrity and independence.

After the session, Senate President Godswill Akpabio put the confirmation to a voice vote, and the “ayes” carried the day without any objection. Akpabio, thereafter, urged Amupitan to ensure that votes count under his leadership.

During the screening, Amupitan dismissed claims that he served as Legal Counsel to the All Progressives Congress (APC) during the 2023 Presidential Election Petition Tribunal or at the Supreme Court. 

He noted that the law reports of those proceedings were publicly available for anyone to verify.

The new INEC Chairman pledged to ensure credible elections where losers would freely congratulate winners, stressing that such outcomes would strengthen democracy and national development. 

He also vowed to prioritise logistics, safeguard election materials through technological innovations, and intensify voter education.

Amupitan entered the chamber at 12:50 p.m. after a motion by Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele (APC, Ekiti Central) was seconded by Minority Leader Abba Moro (PDP, Benue South) to suspend Order 12 and admit him into the chamber.

Before the questioning session began, Akpabio informed his colleagues that Amupitan had been cleared by the Office of the National Security Adviser (NSA), the Department of State Services (DSS), and the Inspector-General of Police, confirming he had no criminal record.

President Bola Tinubu had earlier written to the Senate seeking Amupitan’s screening and confirmation as INEC Chairman in accordance with Section 154 (1) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).

In his letter, Tinubu urged the Senate to expedite action on the confirmation process, attaching Amupitan’s curriculum vitae for consideration.

Akpabio subsequently referred the President’s request to the Committee of the Whole, which concluded the legislative process with the confirmation on Thursday.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Since February 6th, 2013, when the All Progressives Congress (APC) was formed, the party has been the darling of the North. In the 2015, 2019, and 2023 presidential elections, the North was instrumental in bringing and maintaining the APC in power at the centre. However, in President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s just two years in power, there is widespread aggrievement against the Tinubu government in the North. This is surprising and unsurprising as well:

Out of the 8.7 million votes that brought President Ahmed Bola Tinubu to power, the North collectively contributed 5.6 million votes, accounting for approximately 64% of his total. In contrast, the South contributed 3.2 million votes, or 36%. Given this overwhelming support, it is surprising that the President has allowed the North to slip from his political grip so easily.

To be fair to Tinubu, every President seeks to reward close associates, loyalists, and political allies, including in his own way of governing. However, Tinubu appears to have gone too far in prioritising his inner circle, often at the expense of the region that gave him his strongest mandate.

The good news is that Tinubu still has ample time to regain the North’s confidence. But to succeed, he must act based on facts, not emotions, nor the filtered narratives he hears from those around him.

Broadly, Tinubu must focus on four urgent actions, grouped under two components: one political and three socioeconomic.

The President has made good progress in building elite consensus but must expand to persuade more politicians and elites. Some seek recognition, relevance, appointments, or contracts. Tinubu can quickly address this: by calling, offering appointments, or granting contracts. There’s room for more Advisers, Special Assistants, and ambassadorial positions.

Furthermore, he should establish a Presidential Advisory Council in each state, a small team of respected voices who can meet quarterly to brief him directly on the needs and aspirations of their people. This will give Northern leaders a sense of inclusion and shared ownership in governance.

The second component, socioeconomic, comprises three elements: Agriculture, Livestock, and security and infrastructure.

This is where Tinubu must be most deliberate. Socioeconomic issues directly affect the masses, the real voters. The August 16, 2025, by-election has already shown that money politics will have limited influence by 2027.

Tinubu has tried to stabilise food prices, but the cost of farm inputs has skyrocketed. The North urgently needs a dedicated agricultural recovery program. Past initiatives, such as the Anchor Borrowers’ Programme, the Presidential Fertiliser Initiative (PFI), Youth Farm Lab, Paddy Aggregation Scheme, Agricultural Trust Fund, PEDI, and the Food Security Council, were well-conceived. Yet implementation failures meant that benefits rarely reached genuine farmers.

For instance, under the PFI, fertiliser blenders made fortunes, but farmers, who should have been the real beneficiaries, still buy fertilisers at ₦45,000–₦52,000 per bag, far above the ₦5,000 target price.

Tinubu must ensure that agriculture is reconnected to ordinary farmers, not just middlemen. The Ministry of Agriculture should recalibrate its projects and programs to target real farmers directly.

The creation of the Federal Ministry of Livestock Development was a brilliant and forward-thinking step. Yet, it has made little impact so far.

With proper funding and direction, this ministry can: transform nomadic herders into more settled, educated, and productive citizens; address the farmer-herder conflict that has claimed thousands of lives; reduce cattle rustling, banditry, and kidnapping, which are often linked to herder communities.

If effectively managed, the ministry can become one of Tinubu’s most enduring legacies in the North.

Security remains the North’s most pressing concern. The kinetic and non-kinetic strategies being coordinated by the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) are yielding some positive results, but much more is needed.

Tinubu should expand the non-kinetic approach through security communications, utilising massive public relations and grassroots outreach, particularly in the Hausa and Fulfulde languages. Talking directly to communities and even to at-risk groups will deepen trust, reduce misinformation, and weaken extremist recruitment.

Another way to rewin the North is through concerted efforts to make sure the ongoing and stalled infrastructure projects are fast-tracked, especially the ongoing rehabilitation of the Abuja-Kaduna expressway, some deplorable roads in the Northeast, especially along the Gombe-Adamawa axis, the Mambila hydroelectric project, Sokoto-Badagry Freeway/Highway, Kaduna-Kano Standard Gauge Rail Project, and Kano-Maradi Rail Link.

The North gave Tinubu his strongest mandate in the 2023 election. Losing its trust would be politically costly in 2027. To recover lost ground, the President must move beyond token gestures and adopt a deliberate, structured engagement strategy that balances elite consensus with grassroots socioeconomic transformation.

If Tinubu can act decisively on these four fronts, more political inclusion, agricultural recovery, livestock reform, enhanced security, and fast-track ongoing infrastructure projects, he will not only rewin the  Northern confidence but also secure massive votes in 2027

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Abdulrahman M. Abu-Yaman 

The title race is between two horses and a little horse that needs milk and needs to learn how to jump. –  Jose Mourinho

When the controversial Jose Mourinho made this statement above, it was about football and the race to the Premier League title in 2014, but we never knew a time would come when it would be more suitable to fit into the Nigerian political context as it relates to the switch and frequent change of allegiance from one political party to another.

THE FIRST HORSE

The first horse, being the All Progressives Congress (APC), is the current defending champion in political power and the acclaimed favourite to retain the presidential title going into 2027, based on the power and influence that come with being an incumbent leader in Nigeria. Only once has it occurred since the fourth republic that an incumbent was defeated, and even that took what some have tagged as a miracle when President Jonathan made the famous call to the late former President Muhammadu Buhari (of blessed memory) and conceded. 

This horse has taken on different forms over the years and has been given various names by the political power brokers who have bet on it to win. Part of its defunct origin was the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), formed in 1998, a year before the fourth republic general elections. However, its popularity was quite limited to the northern part of Nigeria, not as pronounced in other regions of the country. Former President Muhammadu Buhari had contested twice and lost under the ANPP in 2003 and 2007, respectively.

Another major segment of its primordial origins emerged from the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), which was formed in 2006. It was formerly known as the Action Congress, which in turn was formed from the merger of its factions with minor political parties, including the Alliance for Democracy (AD), the Justice Party (JP), and the Advanced Congress of Democrats (ACD), among others.

Then came the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), founded in 2009. It gained significant influence due to the impact of late Muhammadu Buhari and his millions of supporters in the northern part of Nigeria, who contested under the party’s platform in the 2011 elections. 

In 2013, the progressives and congresses in some major political parties with these words present in their acronym merged into one; the Action Congress of Nigeria, Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), a faction of the All Progressive Grand Alliance and finally, the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) to form the All Progressives Congress (APC) – the most formidable opposition group as a party in Nigeria since the return to democracy in 1999 to unseat any incumbent President in power.

THE SECOND HORSE(S)

The second horse(s) in the race are obviously divided and sharing that position based on recent trajectories and events that had left one of the horses deemed as second favourite to crumble and hanging on a thin thread; speaking of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), as long as it still has time to regroup and put its house in order, it cannot be ruled out of the race based on its political structure long established that cuts across all states in Nigeria.

The PDP was formed in 1998, in the twilight leading up to the 1999 general elections, by a group of political bigwigs who adopted Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, a former military head of state and a prisoner released from the dungeon after the end of the Abacha era. Obasanjo, coming from the south-west region of the country, was seen by many as the best candidate to step into what would have been Chief MKO Abiola’s rightful position as winner of the annulled June 12 elections if he had lived up to 1999 but for his sad and shocking demise in 1998.

The PDP won the 1999 election by a majority of votes and held a majority of seats in the National Assembly. In 2003, the party continued to dominate the political space in Nigeria, growing in influence and power, albeit under some questionable electioneering processes in 2003, 2007 and 2011, respectively, having spent sixteen years in power as the ruling party. During that period, it became the largest party not only in Nigeria but also on the African continent.

However, unfortunately for the PDP, their dream of achieving the milestone of twenty years in power was cut short in 2015 when the APC, a new, formidable force energised and regrouped, ran them out of control. 

Since then, the PDP has contested twice as an opposition party and lost to the APC in 2019 and 2023, but edged them out in 2015. The PDP has also had to lose some of its members who have decamped to the APC and has since struggled to remain as firm and relevant as it once was. The only reason it occupies the second spot as a favourite is its longevity, structural base, and the influence of some stakeholders behind the corridors of power, who are still salvaging what is left to stand firm.

Moving away from the PDP, the other second favourite only came to fruition and gained traction a few months ago, orchestrated by one man, Mal. Nasir El-Rufai, who initiated the movement that led to the formation of a coalition that later evolved into the political party rebranded as the African Democratic Congress (ADC). The party had been in existence before its formation in 2005 as the Alliance for Democratic Change. 

The formation of the ADC elicited mixed reactions in the Nigerian political space. While some saw it as the long-awaited vibrant opposition to challenge the incumbent party in power, others viewed it as a selfish endeavour created by those who had been bruised and pushed out of the epicentre of power, seeking to make a comeback by any means necessary. This notion was proven to be more relevant when the ADC reached out to past or aggrieved members of the APC and PDP to form part of its board and core membership from the official flag-off. 

Nevertheless, it is still considered the second favourite in the race because if history is anything to go by, just as in the words of Jesse Jackson: 

“In politics, an organised minority is a political majority”

Just as in the case of the APC, which was formed two years short of the 2015 elections and later emerged as the winner, the regrouped ADC party and its influx of new members can’t be underestimated.  

Another reason the ADC could be frontrunners could be their ability to capitalise on the harsh economic realities in the country that have affected the masses and present the party as an alternative to better their welfare, just as the same members of the ADC did way back in 2015 when they were members of the APC, which they now want to substitute out of power. 

THE LITTLE HORSE IN THE RACE

The little horse that needs milk to learn how to jump is the Labour Party (LP). It was also driven and triggered to relevance in the 2023 general elections due to the influence of one man, specifically Peter Obi, who was spoken of as the party’s flag bearer. The LP not only defeated the APC in their own stronghold in Lagos but also defeated the ruling party in the Federal Capital Territory, Nigeria’s capital and centre of governance. It was unprecedented and sent a clear message that the LP did not just come to make up the numbers like some minority parties. 

But be that as it may, their numbers in Lagos and Abuja, coupled with the ones from the east and the Niger Delta region, were not enough to put them in second position in the race. This is why it needs to spread its wings to cover all political nooks and crannies in other regions, especially northern Nigeria, where it is yet to get a solid grip.

The recent involvement of Peter Obi with the ADC could lead to a compromise and weaken the party’s strength, as it revolves around him. One of the LP’s former spokesmen also lamented him for not doing enough as a leader and his inability to resolve the party’s internal crisis. He also raised concerns about his failure to build a strong party base to secure the mandate. 

Still, the only reason the LP is coming in third in the horse race is because of the unexpected stunt it pulled and its potential to do more if, and only if, it can capitalise on its momentum to leap ahead like other horses in the race.

THE EXODUS AND CONVENIENT SWITCH BETWEEN PARTIES 

Nigerian politics and politicians tend to switch sides to any political party that offers them a higher chance of winning. It occurred in 1999, when the PDP was formed and founded by members of various political parties. 

In 2003, as the PDP grew in strength and power, it received more members, and others had to decamp from their prior political platforms to join it. It was beginning to look like the only way to win an election was to join the party that was already winning. 

2007 and 2011 were no different as the PDP retained power in government. However, the only parties that managed to maintain some of their strongest and most popular members were the ANPP in 2003/2007, and the CPC in the 2011 general elections, when they fielded Muhammadu Buhari as their presidential candidate in the respective years.

In the buildup to the 2015 election, a massive exodus of politicians decamped from the ‘umbrella’ that had sheltered them in political office to the newly formed APC, which was gaining immense popularity, especially in the northern and western parts of Nigeria. The presidential flag bearer was a familiar figure who was contesting for the fourth and possibly his last attempt, having been persuaded to do so. The APC, like the PDP in the past, also welcomed all members from other parties, irrespective of their past reputation or allegations while in office. In the end, the party grew from being the strongest opposition to becoming the favourite to win the election, which they eventually did.

LOST OF POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES/IDENTITIES

When we start seeing political players decamping at will, it is time to question whether any of the political parties place a high premium on their criteria for membership in relation to their ideologies before accepting any candidate into their fold. Do politicians care any less if the party they join aligns with their manifestos and visionary blueprint for good governance and leadership?

It is beginning to look like a game of chess, with calculated moves aimed at checkmating the ultimate power in the political positions they crave. The only pawns in this game are the masses who have yet to figure out that changing their clothes to another has nothing to do with the real person behind those clothes. A stained reputation, especially in previous leadership positions, coupled with a proven track record of underperformance and incompetence, cannot be covered by new political platforms.

However, the interesting aspect of all this is the emergence of a solid opposition to keep the ruling parties on their toes. Previously, with the decline and crisis in the PDP, Nigeria was moving towards a single-party state due to the frequent switch of its members to joining the APC. It is well timed that the LED coalition, which has resolved to adopt the ADC as its political platform, includes big names like former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who is also a former PDP presidential aspirant. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s presidential candidate, has also been seen and involved in some of their meetings. And for the first time since the APC’s ascension to power, they seem concerned about the growing popularity of the ADC and the threat it may pose to their hold on power. Deja vu?

Conclusively, all the parties involved in the horse race have exhibited similar symptoms of identity and ideological crisis in their consistent switch of allegiance to suit their needs. The thin line between them is getting blurrier in their actions and adoptions. Everyone is welcome to any party at any time. No litmus test, exceptional integrity, or individual evaluation criteria needed. Once you are in, all sins are forgiven, and then you are baptised as a new member. 

The ADC is not only like the APC alphabetically, but also in the content of its members and its contextual existence. The primary concern here is whether some members of the ADC could potentially break away from the party in the future, particularly in the event of any unresolved disagreement or fallout within the party. Are we to brace ourselves for another hypothetical ‘ABC’ party if it comes to that? Time is the ultimate revealer. 

By Anwar Usman

Former presidential candidate and the national leader of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso, has firmly denied claims that he submitted a letter of intent to join the ruling All Progressives Congress.

He made this statement in response to reports of his imminent defection to the APC.

This comes amidst rising political chatter early Friday morning, suggesting that the former Defence Minister had made formal overtures to the APC and had already begun talks with the party’s National Chairman behind closed doors.

In a statement personally signed and released through his media team on Friday, Kwankwaso refuted the claims, describing them as “online statements” lacking credibility or foundation.

The statement in part reads “we have been alerted to some online statements suggesting that we have submitted a letter of intent to join a political party in the country”.

“We would like to clarify that we have not made any such submission to any party. The public is therefore advised to stay informed of any further information regarding our matter through the established official channels”.

The speculation has triggered fresh speculation within political circles, especially as the 2027 general elections begin to cast long shadows across the country’s volatile political landscape.

Earlier on Friday, reports from political sources within the APC said that Senator Kwankwaso had allegedly sent a “discreet” letter to the party’s national secretariat indicating interest in joining the party.

The reports also hinted at ongoing discussions between Kwankwaso and the APC National Chairman, sparking a flurry of reactions across social media platforms and party caucuses.

With 2027 elections coming closer and the APC reportedly eyeing a broader northern consolidation, insiders believe both sides may be keeping lines of communication open — even if no formal letter has yet changed hands.

For now, Kwankwaso maintains that no move has been made — but in Nigerian politics, silence and denial are often the calm before a calculated storm.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Ahead of the 2027 general elections, top figures of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Kano State have declared their intention to reclaim the state from the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) and secure the re-election of President Bola Tinubu.

The pledge was made on Thursday in Abuja following a strategic meeting of party stakeholders.

The meeting was led by former APC national chairman Abdullahi Ganduje, Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin, and House of Representatives member Abubakar Bichi.

Addressing journalists, Dr. Ganduje, a former governor of Kano, stated that the meeting was held to assess the party’s progress and affirm its unwavering support for President Tinubu.

He expressed confidence in the APC’s growing strength in the state, despite its loss in the 2023 polls.

“We have resolved that we will continue to work very hard to ensure that we succeed in the next gubernatorial election in Kano State,” Ganduje said.

He added that part of their strategy includes mobilizing supporters for the ongoing voter registration exercise.

Echoing this sentiment, Senator Barau Jibrin cited President Tinubu’s “giant strides” and developmental projects in Kano and the wider northern region as the reason for their solid backing.

He pledged that stakeholders would intensify efforts to publicize the administration’s achievements.

Similarly, Hon. Abubakar Bichi dismissed claims that Tinubu lacks support in the north, labeling such insinuations as “cheap politics.”

He affirmed that the APC in Kano is united and determined to deliver victory for the party in the 2027 elections.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has launched a sharp attack on President Bola Tinubu’s administration, accusing it of failing to secure the North-Central region of Nigeria. 

Abubakar’s statement claims that the government has abandoned the area, resulting in a “monumental failure” in protecting its citizens.

Abubakar highlighted a dramatic rise in violence, citing Kwara State’s new status as a hotspot for kidnappings and bandit attacks. He also noted continued bloodshed in Niger, Plateau, and Benue states, where thousands have been killed in just two years.

The former Vice President went on to accuse the ruling APC of using thugs to disrupt opposition meetings, with security forces allegedly failing to act.

He warned that violence “is a vicious circle” that will harm those who use it, and called on the Nigeria Police Force to remain neutral and fair, reminding them that taxpayers, not the APC, fund them.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Kebbi State is no stranger to complex and sophisticated politics. To govern this dynamic state requires more than charisma; it demands deep sociopolitical mastery and a pragmatic grasp of socioeconomic realities. Governor Comrade Dr. Nasir Idris, Kauran Gwandu, has emerged as a leader who embodies both politics and development, weaving them into a single, effective strategy that is rapidly reshaping Kebbi’s political landscape and developmental trajectory.

In a state once defined by fragmented interests and rivalries, Governor Nasir Idris has achieved what many thought impossible: unity. Today, all Kebbi senators, legislators, and major political stakeholders are firmly in the All Progressives Congress (APC). Former governors who once stood on different political lines now speak with one voice. Elections that once tested the party’s strength are now won seamlessly, reflecting a politics of representation, inclusiveness, and acceptability.

This new sense of belonging has left no major stakeholder uninvolved. As one political observer put it: “In Kebbi today, everyone that matters has a seat at the table of decision-making that transforms the lives of the common man.”

That is why analysts argue that the once-ambitious former Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, may have lost political relevance, with 2027 looking like a closed road for him.

However, politics is only one aspect of Governor Nasir Idris’ multifaceted approach. On the other hand, there is a clear, tangible commitment to socioeconomic transformation that cuts across all 21 local government areas of Kebbi, both rural and urban.

The results in just 20 months are staggering. In education: 1,954 schools have either been built or renovated, with 336 new schools constructed and 1,618 renovated. Teachers now earn wages aligned with national benchmarks, with the state implementing the ₦70,000 minimum wage categories.

On infrastructure, the administration has embarked on massive projects, including the dualization of the Birnin Kebbi–Ambursa Road, the construction of the Birnin Kebbi Ultra-Modern Motor Park, the rehabilitation of Birnin Kebbi city roads and Yauri township roads, the Koko-Mahuta-Dabai Road linking seven LGAs in Kebbi South, bridge repairs on Bunza–Dakingari Road, and culverts along Birnin Kebbi–Makera Road.

Healthcare delivery has seen the renovation of Argungu General Hospital, the rehabilitation of health centres, and the expansion of medical facilities across the state. In public institutions, the government has overseen the construction of the State Ultra-Modern Secretariat in Gwadangaji, the remodelling and furnishing of the Government House, and the expansion of the Pilgrims Welfare Agency. Other key projects include the construction of a fuel dump at Sir Ahmadu Bello International Airport and the dualization of Argungu’s Old Bypass Road.

Governor Nasir Idris has also prioritised building strategic international partnerships. By engaging with donor agencies and development partners, Kebbi is not only attracting new funding but also becoming an integral part of global development conversations.

The “Nasir Idris formula” is clear: politics without rancour, governance without neglect, and development without bias. His administration has combined inclusiveness in politics with an aggressive rollout of life-changing projects, creating a blend of stability and growth.

In Kebbi today, the once-elusive dream of a government that unites political forces while delivering practical, people-centred development is now a reality. With this trajectory, Governor Nasir Idris has not just set the pace for his state; he is redefining what effective governance looks like in Northern Nigeria.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.