APC

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

In Kano today, politics is no longer whispered in corridors; it is argued loudly in markets, mosques and on social media timelines. Since Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s reported decision to part ways with the NNPP, the city has become a theatre of competing loyalties, sharp sarcasm and deeper constitutional questions. Supporters have reduced complex political choices into street labels—Abba’s camp being teased as ’yan a ci dadi lafiya, while the Kwankwasiyya faithful wear wuya ba ta kisa as a badge of honour. Beneath the banter, however, lies a serious national issue: who truly owns a political mandate?

Governor Abba Yusuf did not emerge from a vacuum. His ascent to the Kano Government House was inseparable from the Kwankwasiyya political machinery, a movement painstakingly built by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso over two decades. From red caps to ideological messaging, the movement transcended party platforms and became a political identity. In the 2023 elections, many voters did not merely vote for a party; they voted for Kwankwasiyya as a symbol of continuity, defiance and populist appeal.

Yet, Abba Yusuf is no ceremonial beneficiary. He contested, won, survived legal battles and now governs with all the constitutional powers vested in an elected governor. His mandate, in law, is personal. Once sworn in, no political godfather—however influential—can legally issue directives from outside the Government House. This is where the tension lies: the clash between moral ownership of political capital and constitutional authority of office.

Those derisively tagged ’yan aci dadi lafiya by opponents argue that governance is about pragmatism, access to power and delivering dividends to the people. From their perspective, a sitting governor must build alliances beyond sentiment, protect his administration and ensure stability. Politics, they insist, is not a monastic vow of hardship but a strategic exercise in survival and results.

On the other side stand the wuya bata ƙi sa faithful—Kwankwasiyya loyalists who believe political struggle must be endured to preserve ideology. To them, Abba Yusuf’s move is not strategy but betrayal. They see it as an attempt to reap the fruits of a movement while discarding its architect. In their view, suffering with the movement, even outside power, is preferable to comfort without loyalty.

This divide exposes a recurring Nigerian dilemma: the uneasy relationship between political movements and the individuals they propel into office. From Awolowo’s disciples to Aregbesola’s rupture with Tinubu, Nigerian politics is littered with fallouts between founders and beneficiaries. Kano’s current drama is simply the latest chapter.

Kwankwaso’s influence in Kano politics is undeniable. Beyond elections, he represents a moral compass for millions who see him as a symbol of resistance against elite dominance. His supporters’ anger is therefore not merely partisan; it is emotional and ideological. To them, Abba Yusuf’s political identity was inseparable from Kwankwaso’s shadow.

However, governance demands autonomy. A governor who appears perpetually tethered to an external authority risks administrative paralysis and legitimacy questions. Abba Yusuf’s defenders argue that Kano cannot be governed from outside its constitutional structures. They insist that the electorate voted not just for Kwankwaso’s endorsement but for Abba Yusuf’s promise to lead.

The real casualty in this contest, unfortunately, risks being governance itself. When political energy is consumed by loyalty tests and factional supremacy, policy focus suffers. Kano’s challenges—urban congestion, youth unemployment, educational deficits, and security concerns—require a governor fully immersed in administration, not in constant political firefighting.

There is also the electoral implication. While Kwankwasiyya remains a formidable grassroots force, incumbency is a powerful weapon. State resources, visibility, and administrative control can quickly reshape political narratives. The assumption that loyalty automatically translates into electoral dominance may underestimate the pragmatism of Nigerian voters, especially when power dynamics shift.

Yet, Abba Yusuf’s path is equally fraught. Detaching from a movement that delivered his victory carries political costs. Kano’s electorate is emotionally invested, and symbols matter. If his administration fails to convincingly outperform expectations, the narrative of ingratitude could harden into electoral punishment.

Ultimately, this is not just a Kano story; it is a Nigerian one. It forces a national reflection on whether mandates belong to parties, movements, godfathers or the individuals elected by the people. The Constitution is clear, but politics rarely is.

Perhaps the wisest outcome lies not in triumph or humiliation but in recalibration. Political movements must learn to institutionalise beyond personalities, while elected officials must acknowledge the moral debts that brought them to power. Neither absolute loyalty nor total independence offers a sustainable path.

As the dust settles, the sarcasm of ’yan a ci dadi lafiya and wuya ba ta kisa may fade, but the questions will linger. In Nigeria’s democracy, mandate is both a legal instrument and a moral contract. Kano’s unfolding drama reminds us that ignoring either side of that equation comes at a cost—sometimes higher than any political suffering.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicate writer based in Abuja

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, which commenced in 1999, introduced a distinctive political culture that has since become entrenched in the nation’s democratic practice. Governors automatically emerge as leaders of their political parties in their respective states.

Although this arrangement is not expressly written into the 1999 Constitution or party constitutions as a rigid rule, it has evolved into an accepted political convention. In practical terms, once a governor belongs to a political party, he becomes the undisputed leader of that party in the state.

This “default” leadership status flows from the enormous constitutional powers, financial control, and political influence vested in state governors. Under the 1999 Constitution, governors are the chief executives of their states, control significant public resources, influence appointments, and play central roles in policy direction. These powers naturally position them as dominant actors within the political structure of their states. Political parties, being vehicles for acquiring and exercising power, inevitably gravitate toward the governor as their rallying point.

Critics often argue that this arrangement departs from earlier republican experiences. During Nigeria’s First, Second, and even Third Republics, governors and presidents were not automatically regarded as the formal leaders of their parties at the state or national levels. Party structures were often more independent, with clearer institutional separation between party leadership and executive office holders. However, Nigeria’s political system has evolved significantly since then. The current democratic framework places far greater burden, administrative authority, fiscal control, and political leverage in the hands of governors than was previously the case. It’s about the position!

The emergence of governors as de facto party leaders is not accidental but a result of political evolution shaped by key realities. The 1999 Constitution centralises executive authority in governors, making them the most powerful figures in their states. They also control critical political resources, finances, networks, appointments, and patronage, which are essential for party survival and electoral success. In a competitive electoral environment, incumbency provides structure, visibility, and mobilisation strength that few others can match.

Above all, political parties require unified command; without clear leadership at the state level, factionalism and instability can easily arise.

Imagine the chaos and unhealthy rivalry that could engulf a political party if a sitting governor chose to remain indifferent to party affairs. Competing factions would struggle for supremacy. Conflicting directives could weaken party cohesion. Such fragmentation could easily cost the party elections and governance effectiveness.

Furthermore, when it comes to interfacing between the executive arm at the federal level and party structures within the states, particularly in matters relating to appointments, political negotiations, federal-state collaboration, and reward systems, the governor’s role becomes indispensable. Governors serve as the bridge between national party leadership and grassroots political actors. In fact, Presidents often rely on Governors to win a state 

Just as the President functions as the leader of his party at the national level, governors serving as party leaders in their states create symmetry within the political order. This structure promotes stability, clarity of authority, strategic coordination, and internal discipline.

It is therefore not surprising that across Nigeria’s 21 registered political parties, this practice is widely accepted. Once a governor joins a party, he naturally assumes leadership of that party in the state, not necessarily by proclamation, but by political reality.

While debates may continue about whether this system strengthens internal party democracy or concentrates excessive influence in one individual, its practical utility in maintaining order, direction, and electoral viability cannot be ignored.

The emergence of governors as party leaders in their states reflects the reality on the ground, political necessity, and democratic evolution in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Umar Sani Adamu (Kawun Baba)

The defection of Kano State Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf from the New Nigeria Peoples Party, NNPP, to the All Progressives Congress, APC, has exposed more than a political shift. It has laid bare the fragility of slogans elevated above reason and the contradictions within Kano’s dominant political movement.

For years, the phrase “Mayiyan Kano” was used by followers of Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso whenever events did not go their way. It served as a blanket response to court rulings, electoral outcomes, and opposing views. What began as a casual expression gradually hardened into a political shield used to dismiss criticism rather than engage it.

Ironically, Governor Yusuf was once celebrated as the ultimate proof of loyalty to the Kwankwasiyya structure. A report by The Daily Reality during the early phase of his administration went to remarkable lengths to present him as a devoted disciple of his mentor and political godfather. His actions, his rhetoric, and even his body language were framed as evidence of unquestionable allegiance. At the time, loyalty was portrayed as a virtue, and Yusuf was held up as its finest example.

That narrative has now collapsed under the weight of political reality. Following his defection, the same voices that once applauded his loyalty have rushed to brand him disloyal. The sudden moral outrage is striking not because politicians change camps but because of the selective memory at play. If loyalty were absolute, then it should have been defined beyond convenience. If it were conditional, then honesty demands admitting that politics is transactional, not sentimental.

The revival of Makiyan Kano, that’s “The enemy of Kano” or “One who works against the interests of Kano”. In this context reveals its emptiness. Rather than interrogate why a sitting governor would abandon the platform that brought him to power, some loyalists have retreated to slogans. It is easier to chant than to reflect. Easier to accuse than to accept that political authority ultimately rests with individuals, not movements.

What this moment exposes is a deeper problem within Kano politics: the attempt to freeze loyalty in time while ignoring changing realities. Governance is not sustained by personal allegiance to a mentor but by navigating power structures, resources, and national relevance. To pretend otherwise is to confuse political romance with political responsibility.

Supporters of the governor argue that his decision was informed by pragmatism and the pursuit of Kano’s broader interests. Whether one agrees or not, it is a position that deserves debate, not dismissal. Slogans do not govern states. Decisions do.

Makiyan Kano has returned to public discourse, but its meaning has shifted. It no longer signals confidence. It now sounds like frustration. In the end, movements that rely on chants instead of ideas often struggle when reality refuses to cooperate. Kano politics appears to be learning that lesson the hard way.

Umar Sani Adamu (Kawun Baba) wrote via umarhashidu1994@gmail.com.

By Anwar Usman

The Peoples Democratic Party has criticised Governor Ahmadu Fintiri’s defection to the All Progressives Congress, describing his exit as an act of cowardice that undermines the principles of multi-party system of government in Nigeria.

Tanimu Turaki (SAN)-led PDP National Working Committee, through its National Publicity Secretary, Ini Ememobong, on Friday reminded Fintiri that history and posterity serve as the ultimate and impartial judges of human actions, constantly recording both deeds and omissions.

After weeks of speculation, Fintiri formally left the PDP and joined the ruling All Progressives Congress on Friday.

In response, the Peoples Democratic Party stated that Fintiri’s decision to leave a platform that supported his political journey through multiple election cycles over minor inconveniences clearly shows unrestrained cowardice rather than the conduct of a principled politician.

The party stated that “We are aware of the official announcement of the long-speculated defection of His Excellency, Governor Ahmadu Fintiri, from our party to the All Progressives Congress, today via a broadcast in Adamawa State.

“This move, though long speculated, had attracted several rebuttals from the governor himself, even as recently as last week, after the presidential visit to Adamawa. By this announcement, the governor himself has confirmed what hitherto was a rumour, by aligning with the ruling party, a move he says is in the developmental interest of his state.

“While we acknowledge that this move is well within Fintiri’s legal rights, it is clearly against political principles and morality, a challenge to multi-party democracy and democratic consolidation.

The PDP urged its members in Adamawa State to accept what it described as a sad reality with composure.

The party further reiterated that “They should remain resolute in the hope that the rebirth movement of our party is on course and will certainly reposition our party back to winning ways”.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, has said he now regrets his role in the creation of the All Progressives Congress (APC) ahead of the 2015 general elections, noting that Nigeria’s situation has worsened compared to the period before the party emerged.

He made the statement on Thursday in Abuja during a press briefing attended by opposition figures who gathered to discuss the country’s condition and ongoing political consultations ahead of the 2027 elections.

Atiku recalled how opposition leaders came together in 2014 to form a united front under the APC to challenge the administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan. He explained that the move was driven by concerns over insecurity and economic difficulties at the time.

According to him, there were fears that democratic governance was under threat, which prompted the coalition to act in order to redirect the country’s path.

“We came together in 2014 because we believed democracy was faltering. The issues then were insecurity and the economy. But today, the situation has become even worse than what we set out to correct,” he said.

The former presidential candidate maintained that the current challenges facing the country have exceeded those that led to the formation of the APC. He stressed the need for political actors to learn from past alliances.

Atiku, who is a chieftain of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), cautioned that any new coalition or opposition arrangement must be carefully planned and focused on rebuilding democratic institutions as well as restoring public trust in governance.

“We must ensure that whatever steps we take now are aimed at restoring true democracy in Nigeria,” he stated.

The briefing drew several notable opposition leaders. Their presence points to ongoing discussions and possible political realignments ahead of the 2027 general elections.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The All Progressives Congress (APC) has dismissed allegations by the African Democratic Congress (ADC) linking it to a reported shooting involving ADC members in Edo State, describing the claims as unfounded and premature.

In a press statement signed by Felix Morka, National Publicity Secretary of the APC in Abuja on February 26, 2026, the APC said the opposition party had rushed to conclusions without allowing security agencies to investigate the incident.

“The African Democratic Congress (ADC) is, undoubtedly, its own nemesis. It needs no external help to achieve its political demise. The party is doing a good job crippling itself even before it has time to stand on its feet.”

The ruling party criticised the ADC leadership, accusing it of making reckless claims and disregarding due process.

“In its press statement of February 25, 2026, the ADC claimed that the APC was responsible for the shooting incident involving its members in Edo State. That is utterly delusional. Accusing the APC even before any investigation is carried out by law enforcement is particularly senseless, and shows the ADC as a party that lacks focus and without regard for the due process of law.”

The APC added that such allegations suggest that the ADC had assumed multiple roles in the matter.

“By its baseless conclusion, the party has declared itself to be the accuser, investigator, prosecutor, and judge in its own cause.”

The party questioned the ADC’s capacity to manage national issues, especially security concerns.

“Nigerians must wonder how a party that cannot manage a single incident with proper guidance, maturity, and in line with legal and constitutional process can be trusted to manage the complexities of Nigeria’s security environment.”

It also faulted the ADC’s reference to alleged acts of terrorism, describing the claim as irresponsible.

“The ADC’s reference to ‘cases of acts of terrorism by the ruling APC against our party’, in its presser, is reckless and unjustifiable.”

The APC maintained that such remarks show a lack of awareness of the country’s security challenges and the sacrifices of security personnel.

“It’s flippant accusation clearly shows that the ADC is out of touch with the prevailing realities of the country’s war on terror, and insensitive to the patriotic sacrifices of our troops in the frontlines in defence of our lives and liberty.”

While condemning political violence, the party called for a proper probe into the Edo incident.

“Make no mistake, violence of any kind in our political space is unacceptable and must be condemned by all well meaning Nigerians. Our great Party roundly condemns the reported shooting incident in Edo state. We call on police and other law enforcement authorities to carry out an expeditious investigation into the incident and bring the perpetrators to justice.”

The APC further suggested that investigators should examine internal issues within the ADC.

“Investigation of this incident should begin with a thorough scrutiny of the ADC, its leaders and members as prime suspects.”

It alleged that internal disputes within the ADC could be linked to the incident.

“Among other leads, law enforcement investigation should focus on widely reported violent clashes and confrontations among its factional leaders over control and access to certain meetings of the party.”

The party insisted it had no involvement in the incident and stated that it remains focused on recent electoral successes.

“To be clear, the APC has absolutely no role or responsibility in the unfortunate shooting incident. We are too busy taking stock of our recent  big wins in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) municipal elections, and the Rivers and Kano states constituency elections to pay any attention to a fringe and inconsequential meeting of ADC political wanderers in Edo state.”

The APC also took a swipe at the ADC’s performance in recent elections.

“The ADC should be just as busy trying to fathom its back-to-back dismal and disgraceful performance in previous and recent by-elections in the country despite its nuisance rants.”

The party expressed appreciation to voters and reaffirmed its commitment to governance under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

“We are grateful to Nigerians for the solid and growing support of our great Party. We particularly appreciate the electorate in the FCT, Kano and Rivers states for their eloquent vote of confidence in our Party, and in the visionary and transformative leadership of President Bola Tinubu, GCFR.”

It concluded by restating its focus on national development.

“Our Party and Mr President remain focused on building a stronger, more resilient and prosperous country for the good of all Nigerians.”

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has declared that its victories in last weekend’s by-elections across several states serve as a clear public referendum endorsing the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his administration’s policies.

The Lagos State Chapter of the APC characterized the outcomes in Rivers, Kano, and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) as a resounding affirmation of the “Renewed Hope Agenda.”

“The resounding victories recorded by our candidates reaffirm the confidence of the electorate in the Renewed Hope Agenda and the transformative policies being implemented at both the federal and state levels,” the statement read.

The ruling party asserted that the results demonstrate public recognition of its governance strides, including economic reforms and infrastructural development. It framed the wins as a direct rebuttal to opposition criticism, stating that “the people have spoken decisively through the ballot.”

In a pointed critique of its political rivals, the APC described the opposition as “uninspiring and unworthy of serious consideration.” The party suggested that the by-election results represent “the final straw on the back of an opposition that has remained largely uninspiring,” accusing them of relying on “rhetoric, sensationalism, and obstruction” rather than offering credible alternatives.

The Lagos APC also downplayed the influence of digital activism, suggesting that the opposition’s significant presence on social media failed to translate into actual votes. “The amplified noise of the opposition across digital platforms did not translate into real electoral penetration or public acceptance when it mattered most—at the ballot box,” the statement noted, adding that “Democracy is ultimately decided by voters, not virtual trends.”

Looking ahead to the 2027 general elections, the party expressed strong confidence, suggesting the recent momentum could make the next national vote “a walk in the park” for the APC.

The party extended its appreciation to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for conducting the polls and commended security agencies for their professionalism. It also lauded its party members and campaign teams for their grassroots engagement.

The Lagos APC concluded by reaffirming its “unwavering support” for President Tinubu and calling on all Nigerians, including those in the opposition, to collaborate on the task of nation-building.

By Kamal Alkasim

The PDP candidate’s manifesto during his campaign focused on community welfare, women’s empowerment, improved healthcare services, and enhanced education opportunities for children.

The Premium Times reported that the PDP defeated its contender from the All Progressives Congress (APC), Yahaya Shehu, who scored 17,788 votes.

Declaring Mr Kasim as the winner, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Returning Officer, Philip Akpen, said the election was peaceful and smooth.

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Mohammed Kasim, has won the Gwagwalada Area Council chairmanship in the local government elections held across the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) on Sunday.

Mr Kashim polled 22,165 votes to defeat his rivals in the election.

Mr Kasim’s manifesto during his campaign focused on community welfare, women’s empowerment, improved healthcare services, and enhanced education opportunities for children.

The elections were in two categories: the chairmanship and the councillorship.

PDP pulled through in the election at a time it is facing its most devastating crisis, which has led to division in its national leadership and loss of governors and lawmakers elected on its platform to the All Progressives Congress (APC) and its top figures, such as the former vice president, Atiku Abubakar, to the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

Although the outcome of the local election does not necessarily mirror the PDP’s popularity at the national level, it is a significant victory for the party in a section of Nigeria’s capital, reflecting the country’s multi-ethnic and multi-religious composition.

It may also point to the fact that APC’s enhanced dominance, driven by high-profile defections from opposition parties to its fold in the last year, may not have taken strong hold in many local areas of the country.

INEC conducted the local elections across the six council areas of the FCT, including Gwagwalada, on Saturday. The rest are the Abuja Municipal Area Council (AMAC), Abaji, Kwali, Abaji and Kuje.

Kamal Alkasim

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has declared two All Progressives Congress (APC) candidates as winners of Saturday’s by-elections in Rivers state.

TheCable reported that the by-elections were conducted to fill vacant seats in the state house of assembly — Ahoada East constituency II and Khana constituency II.

Napoleon Ukalikpe of APC was declared the winner of Ahoada East constituency II with 3,980 votes, while his closest challenger, Godstime Egor of the Allied Peoples Movement (APM), scored 38 votes.

For the Khana constituency II seat, Bulabari Henrietta Loolo of APC won the poll with 7,647 votes, while Anthony Ndor of Zenith Labour Party (ZLP) garnered 47 votes.

Ahoada East constituency II seat became vacant following the resignation of Ehie Edison, who is now the chief of staff (CoS) to Siminalayi Fubara, governor of Rivers state.

Dinebari Loolo’s death in September 2023 created the vacancy for the Khana constituency II seat in the Rivers House of Assembly.

TheCable observed that the African Democratic Congress (ADC), the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and the Labour Party (LP) were absent from the ballot sheets for the by-elections.

By Dr. Saifullahi Shehu Imam

Politics is often debated in abstract terms of strategy and alignment. But sometimes, it is written in the language of the streets, the markets and the stadiums.

The formal reception of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf into the All Progressives Congress (APC) was one such moment, but to define it merely as a “defection” is to miss the profound human story at its core.

From the moment the Vice President of Nigeria, Alhaji Kashim Shettima’s delegation touched down at Malam Aminu Kano International Airport, it was clear this was not a routine political event; it was a historic convergence of federal intent and grassroots will.

The journey to the Sani Abacha Stadium was, in itself, a powerful political narrative. The first stop was not a politician’s lounge, but the fire-ravaged Singer Market. There, amidst the charred remains of shops and livelihoods, the Vice President Shettima delivered more than just a condolence message, where he also announced a concrete federal commitment of ₦5 billion to support the affected traders. This was not a symbolic politics; it was governance meeting grief with action.

For the traders of Kano, this single act transformed a political realignment into a tangible promise of partnership. It signaled that Kano’s alignment with the centre has already started yielding immediate, practical and tangible support for its people in their moment of need.

From the market, the procession to the stadium became a rolling testament to the depth of this new alliance. The mammoth crowd that lined the streets and filled the venue was not a rented gathering. It was a cross-section of Kano’s very soul. This massive turnout was more than a welcome party; it was a clear and potent signal of electoral mathematics. Public energy of that magnitude rarely gathers around symbolism alone; it gathers around expectation. It was a strong indication that the APC, now fortified with Governor Yusuf’s leadership and grassroots structure, is poised for a landslide in 2027.

The message from the crowd was unambiguous. The coast is clear for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to secure Kano’s votes, for Governor Abba to secure a second term, and for the party to sweep elections from the National Assembly down to the State Assembly.
In his address, Governor Yusuf framed the move not as a personal ambition, but as a strategic decision to bring Kano into the “mainstream of our national politics” and align with President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda. The logic is undeniable. Kano, as the North’s commercial and demographic powerhouse, has often been held back by being at odds with the federal government. This realignment changes that equation overnight. It means Kano will no longer be a political outlier but a primary beneficiary of federal infrastructure, economic investment, and developmental programmes. It means a direct pipeline from the Renewed Hope Train to the heart of Kano. This is what “Kano First with Renewed Hope” truly means. It means a new compact where federal power is not a distant concept but a present partner in progress. The foundation has been laid, not in sand, but in the solidarity of its people. Now, the work of building a greater Kano begins.

Dr. S.S. Imam is a senior researcher and a political analyst from Bayero University, Kano, Nigeria. He can be reached via: saifaz2005@gmail.com