APC

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Leaders and support groups within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) have threatened to hold nationwide protests unless President Bola Tinubu dismisses the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike.

The ultimatum was issued on Wednesday in Abuja by the APC Leaders Forum and the Tinubu/Shettima Solidarity Movement. Protesters marched to the national party secretariat bearing placards and a formal letter demanding Wike’s immediate removal from office.

They accused the former Governor of Rivers State of anti-party activities, insubordination, and actively undermining unity within the APC.

The groups cited Wike’s recent criticisms of party officials and his continued interference in the politics of Rivers State as actions that threaten the party’s cohesion and prospects in the 2027 general elections.

The coalition vowed to intensify demonstrations, spreading them across all states and local government areas, until their demand is met.

This confrontation underscores the deepening rifts within the APC, as Wike a former chieftain of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)continues to face fierce opposition from party loyalists despite his key ministerial role.

Internal party sources indicate that resolving this conflict is seen as crucial for the APC’s strategic planning ahead of the next election cycle.

By Ibrahim Yunusa

Plateau State Governor, Caleb Mutfwang, has officially resigned from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), citing the need for purposeful leadership, clarity of direction, and improved service delivery.

In a letter dated December 29, addressed to the Chairman of the PDP in Ampang West Ward, Mangu Local Government Area, Governor Mutfwang expressed that the current political reality necessitated a shift in platform.

He wrote: “Given the realities of the moment and guided by my commitment to purposeful leadership, clarity of direction, and service delivery, I am compelled to seek an alternative political platform.”

Rumours of the governor’s potential defection had been circulated, with reports suggesting he had been in talks with the ruling, All Progressives Congress (APC).

His official exit from the PDP appears to confirm those earlier speculations.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has criticised the Federal Government over what it described as poor public communication surrounding reported United States military strikes against terrorists in parts of northwest Nigeria.

The opposition party urged the Tinubu administration to adopt a more proactive and transparent method of addressing sensitive national security matters.

Reports had earlier emerged that on Christmas Day, December 25, 2025, former United States President Donald Trump announced that American forces carried out what he called “numerous precise strikes” against terrorist elements in northwest Nigeria. He claimed that the targets were militants responsible for attacks on Christians in the region.

Trump stated that the operation took place under his authority as Commander-in-Chief. He said the strikes focused on ISIS-linked fighters who have operated for years in areas affected by violence and insecurity.

According to him, the militants had been “viciously killing, primarily innocent Christians, at levels not seen for many years, and even centuries.” He also said he had earlier warned the groups to halt the killings or face consequences.

The Nigerian government later acknowledged that strikes had taken place in parts of northern Nigeria through the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Authorities, however, did not disclose details about the operation or clarify the level of Nigeria’s involvement.

In a statement issued on Friday, December 26, 2025, by its National Publicity Secretary, Comrade Ini Ememobong, the PDP said Nigerians first became aware of the reported operation through verified social media accounts linked to Trump and other American officials. The party said this happened long before any formal reaction came from Nigerian authorities.

The party noted that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs only released what it described as a “vague statement” several hours later. The statement, according to the PDP, merely offered passive confirmation that Nigeria was aware of and cooperated in the operation.

“While international cooperation in the fight against high crimes like terrorism is very much appreciated, the Peoples Democratic Party is deeply concerned about a communication structure where foreign powers break the news of security operations in our country before our government does,” the statement read.

The PDP warned that such an “inverted communication approach” does not protect the interests of Nigeria or its citizens. The party referred to reports that the United States military had in the past entered Nigerian territory and carried out operations without the prior consent or knowledge of Nigerian authorities.

The opposition party said the Federal Government ought to have taken the lead in informing the public about the operation. It added that such an approach would have helped in properly sensitising Nigerians instead of waiting to confirm information that was already circulating widely.

“The government should not be in a position of merely reacting to foreign announcements on security operations within its territory, unless it was taken unawares like the rest of the citizens,” the party stated.

By Isyaka Laminu Badamasi

It is becoming glaring that the Federal Government is taking Nigerians for granted. A few months back, we were all here condemning the new tax reform introduced by the APC administration led by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a reform whose implications will be deeply felt by Nigerians, especially the downtrodden.

Though some analysts and experts argue that the new tax reform is the right step, particularly for an economy whose revenue depends almost 70% on crude oil, my little contribution to the debate is not to analyse the reform or weigh its positive and negative impacts on our well-being. Rather, it is to raise a few critical questions arising from my thoughts on the matter at hand.

My concern is specifically about content creators who were engaged to sensitise Nigerians on the new bill—a development that sparked another debate, one that again exposed our disunity as a people and our lack of seriousness about matters of national importance and those inimical to our well-being. Nigerians, especially Northerners, instead of examining the bill and preparing for constructive criticism, began complaining that none of the selected content creators was from the core North. As if having a core Northern content creator in the sensitisation team would somehow change or reduce the taxes that will eventually be imposed on core Northerners.

With or without any sensitisation or awareness campaign, the new tax reform has come to stay. Regardless of how people accept or reject it, it will be implemented as planned. The content creators engaged by the government may not even understand the policy themselves, let alone be able to sensitise the public properly.

For me, therefore, this entire conversation about the “selection of content creators” is unnecessary. To my understanding, it was technically designed to divert Nigerians’ attention. Instead of focusing on constructive criticism of this inhumane policy, we have been pushed into arguing over who should be involved, when, and how—a distraction that does not help an already fragmented country.

Let us not forget that we are in 2025, in the 21st century—111 years as an amalgamated entity and 65 years as an independent nation, with more than two and a half decades of an uninterrupted democratic dispensation. It is high time we appreciate our togetherness despite the odds and chart a path toward unity. This is especially crucial at this moment, when we are facing serious and multidimensional security challenges, particularly here in the North, ravaged by bandits, insurgents, and kidnappers, with pockets of ethnic and religious conflicts here and there. Do we so easily forget that Nigeria was once declared a “country of particular concern” by the US President, Donald Trump?

It is important for policymakers and implementers to avoid introducing issues that, instead of fostering peaceful coexistence, end up dividing us. Meanwhile, those in positions of authority continue siphoning our meagre resources—resources that have failed to address our critical challenges in health, education, security, and other essential sectors.

On the issue of not engaging or selecting content creators from the core North for this “all-important” sensitisation campaign, the situation is both baffling and questionable. It is strange that the PR unit of the FIRS/FGN did not consider the three major languages—Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba—alongside English, our official language, as part of their information-dissemination strategy. However, it is still not too late to make corrections.

Whatever the reasons may be, Nigerians—regardless of region or religion—should prepare themselves, as the policy will take effect come January 2026.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi wrote via makwalla82@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam

The governor of Zamfara State has intensified efforts to secure major political concessions from the federal government as part of conditions for his planned defection to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Sources familiar with the development said the governor is seeking full control of the APC structure in Zamfara ahead of his anticipated move from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the ruling party.

He was said to have held a strategic meeting with President Bola Tinubu in Paris, France, alongside the governors of Enugu and Taraba states.

At the meeting, he reportedly expressed willingness to join the APC if his demands were met.

The Paris meeting, held months ago at the Peninsula Hotel, was described as a turning point, prompting the governor to return home and tighten his conditions for defection.

Insiders alleged that he has consistently pressed the Presidency to remove the Minister of State for Defence, Bello Matawalle, and hand over the APC structure in Zamfara to him as part of the deal.

The resignation of Mohammed Badaru as Minister of Defence was said to have renewed the governor’s push, with reports suggesting he urged the Presidency to act swiftly in easing Matawalle out of the cabinet.

Political analysts say the governor’s demands reflect his desire to secure full influence within the APC if he eventually joins the party.

There are also claims that the governor is receiving backing from certain security quarters to facilitate reports capable of weakening Matawalle’s standing in government.

Sources alleged that once the minister is removed, the governor plans to mobilise his PDP structure and loyalists into the APC to consolidate power ahead of the 2027 elections.

Observers note that the governor sees Matawalle as a major obstacle to his political ambition, especially within the northwest.

Matawalle has recently gained recognition for key security interventions, including the rescue of abducted students in Kebbi and efforts to restore peace in parts of Sokoto and Zamfara.

The unfolding power struggle now signals a potentially significant realignment in Zamfara and the wider northwest as both figures compete for control, influence, and relevance ahead of future elections.

By Abba Hikima

It is clear to even the most daft Nigerian that Nyesom Wike, a serving member of President Tinubu’s Federal Executive Council, is only in the PDP to sabotage it and clear the path for his benefactor, the President, come the 2027 elections. What may not, however, be clear is the extent to which Wike’s tactics and antics can undermine Nigeria’s democracy.

Whether you are APC, PDP, ADC or even politically indifferent, Wike’s actions should bother you, as long as you dream of a truly democratic Nigeria where institutions transcend whimsical meddling of the few.

From any angle, one sees a deliberate pattern that systematically seeks to dismantle the country’s main opposition party and tilts the political landscape dangerously toward one-party dominance.

The recent Federal High Court injunction, restraining the PDP from holding its planned November 15 National Convention, issued by Justice J. Omotosho, only reinforces this pattern. It aligns with a string of judicial outcomes and political manoeuvres that have consistently favoured Wike’s factional interests, all at the expense of Nigeria’s fragile democratic balance.

Between 2023 and 2025, Wike’s loyalists seized the PDP’s national secretariat at Wadata Plaza, installed their own acting chairman, and plunged the party into even deeper crisis. Earlier, he had been linked to moves to demolish the PDP headquarters in Port Harcourt and to lawsuits that derailed planned conventions.

These deliberate acts of sabotage are calculated to dismantle opposition structures and weaken the political alternatives that every democracy relies on. In Nigeria today, prominent political opposition actors are crosscarpeting from their political parties to the ruling APC, not because the APC is doing better, but to salvage their seats and realise their aspirations, which appear rather vivid with the APC.

In saner climes, inclusion of opposition figures within ruling governments is a laudable means of promoting national unity and bridging gaps. But in Nigeria’s case, Wike’s dual role, serving as a federal minister while wielding extraordinary control over an opposition party, is clearly a means of manipulation.

It blurs ethical boundaries and deprives citizens of genuine democratic alternatives.

Even more disturbing is Wike’s perceived closeness to certain segments of the judiciary- what Professor Chidi Anselm Odinkalu aptly described as a “pathological fixation.”

From 2019 to 2025, at least five major cases tied directly or indirectly to Wike’s interests have been heard before the same judge, fueling concerns of judicial clientelism —a scenario where powerful litigants can select their forums by proxy.

The danger goes far beyond politics.

If political elites can manipulate opposition parties while simultaneously bending judicial processes to their favour, then democracy becomes mere theatre. A performance that preserves power and erodes accountability.

Having said this, the National Judicial Council should randomise the assignment of politically sensitive cases and ensure that no single judge repeatedly handles matters involving the same litigants. A stronger ethical firewall must also be built between judicial officers and politically exposed persons.

Politically, Nigeria must introduce conflict-of-interest rules that bar sitting ministers or presidential appointees from exerting control over opposition parties. Democracy cannot thrive when the same hand both governs and manipulates its opposition.

Coming this far, we must accept that reform is not optional; it is existential.

Abba Hikima, Esq. wrote from Kano, Nigeria.

By Uzair Adam

Hon. Abdulmumin Jibrin Kofa, the House of Representatives member for Kiru/Bebeji Federal Constituency in Kano State, has officially returned to the All Progressives Congress (APC), pledging his support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s 2027 re-election bid.

Kofa disclosed this in a statement he personally signed on Monday, noting that he received a warm reception from thousands of his supporters in his hometown of Kofa, Bebeji Local Government Area.

The gathering reportedly resolved to leave the NNPP/Kwankwasiyya movement and join the APC in solidarity with the president’s agenda.

According to him, the event was attended by approximately 2,000 Islamic clerics who offered special prayers for the president, as well as for peace, development, and progress in Kiru/Bebeji, Kano State, and Nigeria at large.

Kofa’s defection comes two months after his expulsion from the NNPP, which sources say was due to alleged anti-party activities and unpaid membership dues.

His departure underscores the ongoing internal challenges within the NNPP in Kano and marks a significant political realignment in the state.

A former APC member and ex-Director-General of the Tinubu Support Group, Kofa’s return to the ruling party strengthens the APC’s foothold in Kano ahead of the 2027 elections.

By Uzair Adam

Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) presidential candidate in the 2023 elections, has stated that his party is open to forming alliances with other political parties, including the All Progressives Congress (APC), ahead of the 2027 general elections.

In an interview with BBC Hausa, the former Kano State governor emphasised that the NNPP is willing to collaborate with any party that shares its commitment to improving the welfare of ordinary Nigerians.

Kwankwaso clarified that any potential alliance with the APC or other parties must come with clear, tangible benefits for the NNPP, highlighting the party’s nationwide structures and gubernatorial candidates in all states.

He said, “If you are asking us to join APC, you must tell us what NNPP will gain. We have gubernatorial candidates in all the states and full structures nationwide. What will you offer them if we join?”

The senator reiterated that alliances will be based on shared ideals that guarantee a better quality of life for Nigerians.

He described the 2027 elections as likely to be fiercely contested, noting that citizens are now more informed, concerned, and engaged than ever before.

“We’re ready for anyone, whether it is the APC, PDP, ADC, Jonathan, or Peter Obi. If we are satisfied with their competence, we will join forces to achieve success.

“The key thing is that whoever we ally with must be committed to the needs of Nigerians,” Kwankwaso said.

He also condemned the state of insecurity in parts of the country, including Sokoto, Kebbi, Zamfara, and Kaduna, noting that ordinary citizens are the main victims while political elites live in luxury in Abuja.

On the recent proposal by the National Assembly to amend the 2022 Electoral Act, which would schedule presidential and governorship elections six months before the expiration of incumbents’ tenures, Kwankwaso said he is ready for elections to be held at any time, provided there is adequate notice for mobilisation.

Addressing claims of undue influence over the Kano State government, Kwankwaso dismissed the allegations as baseless, insisting that the current administration is acting independently and that time will reveal who is truly in charge.

“Our position is simple: if he seeks our counsel, we will gladly offer it. But if we notice anything wrong or harmful, we will call his attention to it. “That is why people claim they will defeat us, but the truth is, the youths are more aware now,” he clarified.

By Uzair Adam 

The Senate has confirmed Professor Joash Ojo Amupitan, SAN, as the new Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

The confirmation followed a three-hour screening session at the Senate Chamber on Thursday, during which lawmakers grilled the nominee of President Bola Tinubu on several issues regarding electoral integrity and independence.

After the session, Senate President Godswill Akpabio put the confirmation to a voice vote, and the “ayes” carried the day without any objection. Akpabio, thereafter, urged Amupitan to ensure that votes count under his leadership.

During the screening, Amupitan dismissed claims that he served as Legal Counsel to the All Progressives Congress (APC) during the 2023 Presidential Election Petition Tribunal or at the Supreme Court. 

He noted that the law reports of those proceedings were publicly available for anyone to verify.

The new INEC Chairman pledged to ensure credible elections where losers would freely congratulate winners, stressing that such outcomes would strengthen democracy and national development. 

He also vowed to prioritise logistics, safeguard election materials through technological innovations, and intensify voter education.

Amupitan entered the chamber at 12:50 p.m. after a motion by Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele (APC, Ekiti Central) was seconded by Minority Leader Abba Moro (PDP, Benue South) to suspend Order 12 and admit him into the chamber.

Before the questioning session began, Akpabio informed his colleagues that Amupitan had been cleared by the Office of the National Security Adviser (NSA), the Department of State Services (DSS), and the Inspector-General of Police, confirming he had no criminal record.

President Bola Tinubu had earlier written to the Senate seeking Amupitan’s screening and confirmation as INEC Chairman in accordance with Section 154 (1) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).

In his letter, Tinubu urged the Senate to expedite action on the confirmation process, attaching Amupitan’s curriculum vitae for consideration.

Akpabio subsequently referred the President’s request to the Committee of the Whole, which concluded the legislative process with the confirmation on Thursday.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Since February 6th, 2013, when the All Progressives Congress (APC) was formed, the party has been the darling of the North. In the 2015, 2019, and 2023 presidential elections, the North was instrumental in bringing and maintaining the APC in power at the centre. However, in President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s just two years in power, there is widespread aggrievement against the Tinubu government in the North. This is surprising and unsurprising as well:

Out of the 8.7 million votes that brought President Ahmed Bola Tinubu to power, the North collectively contributed 5.6 million votes, accounting for approximately 64% of his total. In contrast, the South contributed 3.2 million votes, or 36%. Given this overwhelming support, it is surprising that the President has allowed the North to slip from his political grip so easily.

To be fair to Tinubu, every President seeks to reward close associates, loyalists, and political allies, including in his own way of governing. However, Tinubu appears to have gone too far in prioritising his inner circle, often at the expense of the region that gave him his strongest mandate.

The good news is that Tinubu still has ample time to regain the North’s confidence. But to succeed, he must act based on facts, not emotions, nor the filtered narratives he hears from those around him.

Broadly, Tinubu must focus on four urgent actions, grouped under two components: one political and three socioeconomic.

The President has made good progress in building elite consensus but must expand to persuade more politicians and elites. Some seek recognition, relevance, appointments, or contracts. Tinubu can quickly address this: by calling, offering appointments, or granting contracts. There’s room for more Advisers, Special Assistants, and ambassadorial positions.

Furthermore, he should establish a Presidential Advisory Council in each state, a small team of respected voices who can meet quarterly to brief him directly on the needs and aspirations of their people. This will give Northern leaders a sense of inclusion and shared ownership in governance.

The second component, socioeconomic, comprises three elements: Agriculture, Livestock, and security and infrastructure.

This is where Tinubu must be most deliberate. Socioeconomic issues directly affect the masses, the real voters. The August 16, 2025, by-election has already shown that money politics will have limited influence by 2027.

Tinubu has tried to stabilise food prices, but the cost of farm inputs has skyrocketed. The North urgently needs a dedicated agricultural recovery program. Past initiatives, such as the Anchor Borrowers’ Programme, the Presidential Fertiliser Initiative (PFI), Youth Farm Lab, Paddy Aggregation Scheme, Agricultural Trust Fund, PEDI, and the Food Security Council, were well-conceived. Yet implementation failures meant that benefits rarely reached genuine farmers.

For instance, under the PFI, fertiliser blenders made fortunes, but farmers, who should have been the real beneficiaries, still buy fertilisers at ₦45,000–₦52,000 per bag, far above the ₦5,000 target price.

Tinubu must ensure that agriculture is reconnected to ordinary farmers, not just middlemen. The Ministry of Agriculture should recalibrate its projects and programs to target real farmers directly.

The creation of the Federal Ministry of Livestock Development was a brilliant and forward-thinking step. Yet, it has made little impact so far.

With proper funding and direction, this ministry can: transform nomadic herders into more settled, educated, and productive citizens; address the farmer-herder conflict that has claimed thousands of lives; reduce cattle rustling, banditry, and kidnapping, which are often linked to herder communities.

If effectively managed, the ministry can become one of Tinubu’s most enduring legacies in the North.

Security remains the North’s most pressing concern. The kinetic and non-kinetic strategies being coordinated by the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) are yielding some positive results, but much more is needed.

Tinubu should expand the non-kinetic approach through security communications, utilising massive public relations and grassroots outreach, particularly in the Hausa and Fulfulde languages. Talking directly to communities and even to at-risk groups will deepen trust, reduce misinformation, and weaken extremist recruitment.

Another way to rewin the North is through concerted efforts to make sure the ongoing and stalled infrastructure projects are fast-tracked, especially the ongoing rehabilitation of the Abuja-Kaduna expressway, some deplorable roads in the Northeast, especially along the Gombe-Adamawa axis, the Mambila hydroelectric project, Sokoto-Badagry Freeway/Highway, Kaduna-Kano Standard Gauge Rail Project, and Kano-Maradi Rail Link.

The North gave Tinubu his strongest mandate in the 2023 election. Losing its trust would be politically costly in 2027. To recover lost ground, the President must move beyond token gestures and adopt a deliberate, structured engagement strategy that balances elite consensus with grassroots socioeconomic transformation.

If Tinubu can act decisively on these four fronts, more political inclusion, agricultural recovery, livestock reform, enhanced security, and fast-track ongoing infrastructure projects, he will not only rewin the  Northern confidence but also secure massive votes in 2027

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.