Abba Kabir Yusuf (Gida-Gida)

By Ibrahim Yunusa 

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has relieved Alhaji Shehu Wada Sagagi of his duties as Kano State Commissioner for Investment, Commerce and Industry with immediate effect.

 The decision was announced in a statement issued on Thursday by the governor’s spokesperson, Sunusi Bature Dawakin Tofa.

According to the statement, Sagagi has been directed to hand over the ministry’s affairs to the Director of Commerce without delay.

 The move forms part of what the government described as an ongoing strategic realignment aimed at strengthening administrative efficiency and repositioning the state for sustainable growth.

Governor Yusuf expressed appreciation for Sagagi’s contributions during his tenure, particularly in the areas of politics, religion, and support for small and medium enterprises. 

He wished the former commissioner success in his future endeavours and reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to effective service delivery and good governance in Kano State.

This development comes amid ongoing suspicions that some key figures are undermining and backbiting the governor following his split from his former political godfather, Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso.

Reports also indicate growing confusion within the cabinet and among several appointees in government parastatals, as uncertainty persists over loyalties, specifically on who remains aligned with the governor and who is still loyal to his former mentor.

By Uzair Adam

One year after Kano State Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf announced automatic employment for 54 postgraduate students trained in India, the beneficiaries say the promise remains unfulfilled, raising concerns about accountability and policy follow-through.

The graduates, who studied at Symbiosis International University under the Kano State Government’s foreign scholarship programme, returned to the state on March 22, 2025. 

The Daily Reality recalls that during an official reception and Iftar held in their honour, the governor declared that the students would be absorbed into the state civil service.

“I was pleased to have Iftar with another set of our students who returned from India after completion of their studies,” the governor said at the time, adding that the 54 beneficiaries would be given automatic employment.

He also urged them to justify the investment made in them by contributing meaningfully to the development of the state, stressing that they should “repay the state by working assiduously.”

However, despite the governor’s public promise of automatic employment, the graduates remain without jobs one year later. 

The delay has created uncertainty and hardship for the scholars, who had planned their careers around the assurance, while no formal communication or timeline has been provided by the authorities.

Speaking on behalf of the affected graduates, a student’s representative who pledged anonymity said the commitment has not been implemented despite repeated follow-ups through appropriate channels.

“During the reception, His Excellency publicly announced automatic employment for all 54 returning scholars,” he said.

He explained that many of the graduates had structured their professional plans around the governor’s promise, but the delay has left them facing uncertainty and hardship. 

According to him, there has been no formal communication or clear timeline from the authorities regarding when the employment will take effect.

He said the situation has persisted for a year despite the group’s efforts to seek clarification.

“We believe this is a matter of public accountability and policy follow-through,” he added, calling for attention to the issue.

The Director General, Media and Publicity to the governor, Sunusi Bature Dawakin Tofa, did not respond to several calls seeking comment. 

Efforts to reach the governor’s Chief Press Secretary, Mustapha Muhammad, were also unsuccessful due to network constraints at his location.

The development comes amid ongoing state government investments in foreign education programmes to build skilled manpower, particularly in critical sectors such as health and education.

Many people believe that delays in implementing such commitments could weaken public confidence in government policies and affect future beneficiaries of similar programmes, even as the affected scholars remain hopeful that the promise will eventually be fulfilled.

In governance, performance should naturally translate into greater responsibilities. Since his appointment as Special Adviser on Youth and Sports, Hon. Sani Musa Danja has demonstrated capacity, commitment, and a people-oriented approach that has delivered visible impacts on youth development and sports advancement in Kano State.

Within his first month in office, over 3,000 youths were empowered through food-related initiatives such as Nija Food. This early intervention reflected responsiveness to the economic realities facing young people and set the tone for a tenure driven by action rather than mere rhetoric.

One of Hon. Danja’s most commendable achievements is his grassroots engagement across all 44 Local Government Areas of Kano State. Through open consultations with the youths, he listened to concerns on welfare, unemployment, insecurity, and inclusion. This initiative brought governance closer to the people and helped rebuild trust between the government and youth.

To strengthen coordination and sustainability, he worked closely with Senior Special Assistants on Youth across the 44 LGAs, fostering cohesive leadership and unified strategies for youth development across the state.

Understanding the strong link between unemployment and insecurity, Hon. Danja adopted a preventive empowerment approach. Over 300 youths previously involved in thuggery and phone snatching were redirected into productive ventures, including popcorn-gurguru production, fast-food services, shawarma preparation, and baking. This intervention not only provided livelihoods but also contributed to crime reduction and social reintegration.

His tenure also saw institutional support for voluntary youth and security organisations, including the Nigerian Boy Scouts and other community-based groups such as the Civilian JTF Kano. Through the provision of working materials and encouragement, discipline, and volunteerism, community service among young people was strengthened.

In addition, a statewide Youth Symposium Day was organised to promote dialogue, leadership, and civic engagement, involving participants from all 44 LGAs. Hon. Danja also paid visits to youth training and skills acquisition centres across the state, encouraging trainees and reassuring them that government support remains within reach (kusa da gwamnati).

Beyond programs, compassion has remained a defining feature of his leadership. Financial assistance was extended to youths facing serious health challenges, including those with spinal cord-related disabilities, demonstrating an inclusive and humane approach to governance.

In sports development, Hon. Danja contributed to the revival of neglected sports such as volleyball, encouraging youth participation and talent development. Administratively, he reorganised and strengthened his office to ensure efficiency, transparency, and effective service delivery.

Currently, his office is coordinating a large-scale youth empowerment initiative under YEIDEP, targeting over 1.2 million youth participants in skills acquisition and entrepreneurship, reflecting executive-level vision and readiness.

Given his performance, statewide reach, and ability to connect with young people, Hon. Sani Musa Danja is well-positioned to deliver even greater impact.

A passionate appeal is therefore made to His Excellency, Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf, to consider appointing Hon. Sani Musa Danja as the Commissioner for Youth and Sports and nominate him to the Kano State Executive Council. Such a decision would ensure continuity, consolidate gains, and further strengthen Kano State’s youth and sports development agenda.

Shamsuddeen Muazu (AbuMuhd) wrote from Kano State. He can be reached via abumuhdpress@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Sulaiman

Abba Kabir Yusuf has approved the merger of the state’s Ministry of Higher Education with the Ministry of Education in a move aimed at strengthening coordination and accelerating reforms in the education sector.

The decision was announced in a statement on Sunday by the governor’s spokesperson, Sunusi Bature Dawakin Tofa.

According to the statement, the newly unified body will operate as the Ministry of Education, with a specialised Directorate of Higher Education established within the ministry to oversee tertiary education in the state. The directorate will be headed by a permanent secretary and supported by relevant personnel to ensure effective administration of higher education institutions.

The statement added that agencies previously under the Ministry of Higher Education, including the state Scholarship Board, will now be returned to the Ministry of Education. State-owned universities and other tertiary institutions will also be supervised by the Directorate of Higher Education under the restructured ministry.

The restructuring forms part of the government’s broader education sector reform agenda, which seeks to eliminate duplication of responsibilities, improve policy coordination across all levels of education, and reduce the cost of governance.

Governor Yusuf said the reform is intended to enhance efficiency, strengthen accountability, and improve the overall quality of education administration in the state.

He reiterated his administration’s commitment to implementing comprehensive reforms that will revitalise the education sector and create better opportunities for the younger generation.

The Office of the Secretary to the State Government and the Office of the Head of Service have been directed to ensure the immediate and smooth realignment of the affected ministries and their departments.

By Muhammad Abubakar

The Kano State Government has approved the early payment of March 2026 salaries to civil servants to enable them to prepare for the forthcoming Eid al-Fitr celebrations.

According to a statement issued by the Office of the Head of Service, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf directed the immediate release and payment of the salaries to all workers in the state civil service.

The Acting Head of Service, Bilkisu Shehu Maimota, said the directive was intended to help workers make adequate preparations for the Sallah festivities in a convenient and dignified manner.

She explained that the early payment reflects the administration’s commitment to the welfare of civil servants and its appreciation of their dedication and contributions to the development of the state.

Maimota also urged civil servants to utilise the gesture responsibly while continuing to demonstrate commitment, discipline and efficiency in the discharge of their duties for improved service delivery.

The state government further reaffirmed its resolve to sustain policies that promote workers’ welfare and enhance productivity within the civil service.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

In Kano today, politics is no longer whispered in corridors; it is argued loudly in markets, mosques and on social media timelines. Since Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s reported decision to part ways with the NNPP, the city has become a theatre of competing loyalties, sharp sarcasm and deeper constitutional questions. Supporters have reduced complex political choices into street labels—Abba’s camp being teased as ’yan a ci dadi lafiya, while the Kwankwasiyya faithful wear wuya ba ta kisa as a badge of honour. Beneath the banter, however, lies a serious national issue: who truly owns a political mandate?

Governor Abba Yusuf did not emerge from a vacuum. His ascent to the Kano Government House was inseparable from the Kwankwasiyya political machinery, a movement painstakingly built by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso over two decades. From red caps to ideological messaging, the movement transcended party platforms and became a political identity. In the 2023 elections, many voters did not merely vote for a party; they voted for Kwankwasiyya as a symbol of continuity, defiance and populist appeal.

Yet, Abba Yusuf is no ceremonial beneficiary. He contested, won, survived legal battles and now governs with all the constitutional powers vested in an elected governor. His mandate, in law, is personal. Once sworn in, no political godfather—however influential—can legally issue directives from outside the Government House. This is where the tension lies: the clash between moral ownership of political capital and constitutional authority of office.

Those derisively tagged ’yan aci dadi lafiya by opponents argue that governance is about pragmatism, access to power and delivering dividends to the people. From their perspective, a sitting governor must build alliances beyond sentiment, protect his administration and ensure stability. Politics, they insist, is not a monastic vow of hardship but a strategic exercise in survival and results.

On the other side stand the wuya bata ƙi sa faithful—Kwankwasiyya loyalists who believe political struggle must be endured to preserve ideology. To them, Abba Yusuf’s move is not strategy but betrayal. They see it as an attempt to reap the fruits of a movement while discarding its architect. In their view, suffering with the movement, even outside power, is preferable to comfort without loyalty.

This divide exposes a recurring Nigerian dilemma: the uneasy relationship between political movements and the individuals they propel into office. From Awolowo’s disciples to Aregbesola’s rupture with Tinubu, Nigerian politics is littered with fallouts between founders and beneficiaries. Kano’s current drama is simply the latest chapter.

Kwankwaso’s influence in Kano politics is undeniable. Beyond elections, he represents a moral compass for millions who see him as a symbol of resistance against elite dominance. His supporters’ anger is therefore not merely partisan; it is emotional and ideological. To them, Abba Yusuf’s political identity was inseparable from Kwankwaso’s shadow.

However, governance demands autonomy. A governor who appears perpetually tethered to an external authority risks administrative paralysis and legitimacy questions. Abba Yusuf’s defenders argue that Kano cannot be governed from outside its constitutional structures. They insist that the electorate voted not just for Kwankwaso’s endorsement but for Abba Yusuf’s promise to lead.

The real casualty in this contest, unfortunately, risks being governance itself. When political energy is consumed by loyalty tests and factional supremacy, policy focus suffers. Kano’s challenges—urban congestion, youth unemployment, educational deficits, and security concerns—require a governor fully immersed in administration, not in constant political firefighting.

There is also the electoral implication. While Kwankwasiyya remains a formidable grassroots force, incumbency is a powerful weapon. State resources, visibility, and administrative control can quickly reshape political narratives. The assumption that loyalty automatically translates into electoral dominance may underestimate the pragmatism of Nigerian voters, especially when power dynamics shift.

Yet, Abba Yusuf’s path is equally fraught. Detaching from a movement that delivered his victory carries political costs. Kano’s electorate is emotionally invested, and symbols matter. If his administration fails to convincingly outperform expectations, the narrative of ingratitude could harden into electoral punishment.

Ultimately, this is not just a Kano story; it is a Nigerian one. It forces a national reflection on whether mandates belong to parties, movements, godfathers or the individuals elected by the people. The Constitution is clear, but politics rarely is.

Perhaps the wisest outcome lies not in triumph or humiliation but in recalibration. Political movements must learn to institutionalise beyond personalities, while elected officials must acknowledge the moral debts that brought them to power. Neither absolute loyalty nor total independence offers a sustainable path.

As the dust settles, the sarcasm of ’yan a ci dadi lafiya and wuya ba ta kisa may fade, but the questions will linger. In Nigeria’s democracy, mandate is both a legal instrument and a moral contract. Kano’s unfolding drama reminds us that ignoring either side of that equation comes at a cost—sometimes higher than any political suffering.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu is a journalist and syndicate writer based in Abuja

By Umar Sani Adamu (Kawun Baba)

The defection of Kano State Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf from the New Nigeria Peoples Party, NNPP, to the All Progressives Congress, APC, has exposed more than a political shift. It has laid bare the fragility of slogans elevated above reason and the contradictions within Kano’s dominant political movement.

For years, the phrase “Mayiyan Kano” was used by followers of Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso whenever events did not go their way. It served as a blanket response to court rulings, electoral outcomes, and opposing views. What began as a casual expression gradually hardened into a political shield used to dismiss criticism rather than engage it.

Ironically, Governor Yusuf was once celebrated as the ultimate proof of loyalty to the Kwankwasiyya structure. A report by The Daily Reality during the early phase of his administration went to remarkable lengths to present him as a devoted disciple of his mentor and political godfather. His actions, his rhetoric, and even his body language were framed as evidence of unquestionable allegiance. At the time, loyalty was portrayed as a virtue, and Yusuf was held up as its finest example.

That narrative has now collapsed under the weight of political reality. Following his defection, the same voices that once applauded his loyalty have rushed to brand him disloyal. The sudden moral outrage is striking not because politicians change camps but because of the selective memory at play. If loyalty were absolute, then it should have been defined beyond convenience. If it were conditional, then honesty demands admitting that politics is transactional, not sentimental.

The revival of Makiyan Kano, that’s “The enemy of Kano” or “One who works against the interests of Kano”. In this context reveals its emptiness. Rather than interrogate why a sitting governor would abandon the platform that brought him to power, some loyalists have retreated to slogans. It is easier to chant than to reflect. Easier to accuse than to accept that political authority ultimately rests with individuals, not movements.

What this moment exposes is a deeper problem within Kano politics: the attempt to freeze loyalty in time while ignoring changing realities. Governance is not sustained by personal allegiance to a mentor but by navigating power structures, resources, and national relevance. To pretend otherwise is to confuse political romance with political responsibility.

Supporters of the governor argue that his decision was informed by pragmatism and the pursuit of Kano’s broader interests. Whether one agrees or not, it is a position that deserves debate, not dismissal. Slogans do not govern states. Decisions do.

Makiyan Kano has returned to public discourse, but its meaning has shifted. It no longer signals confidence. It now sounds like frustration. In the end, movements that rely on chants instead of ideas often struggle when reality refuses to cooperate. Kano politics appears to be learning that lesson the hard way.

Umar Sani Adamu (Kawun Baba) wrote via umarhashidu1994@gmail.com.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

The Abba Kabir Yusuf has relieved Engr. Buba Galadima of his position as Chairman of the Governing Council of Kano State Polytechnic.

The decision was announced in a statement issued on Saturday by the Governor’s spokesperson, Sunusi Bature Dawakin Tofa.

In his place, the Governor approved the appointment of the Aliyu Ibrahim Abdulkadir, Emir of Gaya, as the new Chairman of the institution’s Governing Council.

According to the statement, the removal followed a restructuring process aimed at aligning the Polytechnic with the administration’s Kano First Agenda and ongoing reforms to enhance institutional performance. Although members of the Governing Council are expected to serve a three-year tenure, Galadima’s appointment was terminated before its expiration as part of the reform measures.

Governor Yusuf expressed appreciation to Galadima for his contributions during his tenure and urged the new Chairman to deploy his experience and leadership in repositioning the Polytechnic for improved academic and administrative excellence.

By  Ibrahiym A. El-Caleel

Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso should be competing on the national stage with contemporaries such as Senator Bola Tinubu, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, and other Class of 1999 political actors. By pedigree, experience, and longevity, Kwankwaso has clearly outgrown Kano politics, and he does not need to prove it again in 2027. However, he appears stuck in state-level politics. 

Kwankwaso is at odds with the two successive Kano governors after him, both of whom are his protégés: Dr Abdullahi Ganduje and the incumbent, Engr Abba Kabir Yusuf. He says they have “betrayed” him. There was a show of electoral force at his residence in Kano this afternoon. A large number of people trooped into his Miller Road residence in what he later called a “solidarity visit”.  

These developments indicate that Senator Kwankwaso is once again positioning himself for state-level dominance rather than advancing a national ambition in 2027. Ideally, Kwankwaso should defeat Governor Abba through a candidate he anoints for #KanoDecides2027. But a deeper question remains: should the 2027 ambition of a politician of Kwankwaso’s stature be focused on unseating a “betraying” godson at the state level, when Kwankwaso’s contemporaries have either honourably retired from politics or are positioning themselves for the presidency? 

Who exactly would Kwankwaso replace Abba with, and what assurance does he have that a newly installed godson would not eventually “betray” him, just as Ganduje and Abba did? At this point, there is little reason to believe the outcome would be different. The current godsons around him are likely to use his influence to rise and then assert their independence once in office. There is no clear indication that they would be more submissive than their two elder political siblings, Ganduje and Abba. How do you keep doing the same thing repeatedly while expecting a different result? 

There is also a genuine political risk. What if Abba Yusuf, like Ganduje before him, survives the onslaught and secures a second term? This is not an endorsement of electoral malpractice, but a recognition of Nigeria’s political realities. Kano’s 2019 gubernatorial election demonstrated how powerful interests can intervene decisively; Dr Ganduje ultimately retained office despite glaring indications that he lost at the polls.

If a similar outcome were to occur in 2027 and Governor Yusuf were to proceed to a second tenure, would that not constitute a second public humiliation for the godfather? What explanation would suffice then? That yet another protégé has matured enough to build political alliances strong enough to neutralise Kwankwaso’s influence? At that point, the narrative shifts decisively: from betrayed mentor to diminishing power broker.

On the other hand, if Senator Kwankwaso succeeds in unseating Governor Yusuf and installing another loyalist, what exactly would he be celebrating at the end of the day? That Kwankwasiyya has simply replaced Kwankwasiyya? That a godfather has prevailed over his own godson? Such victories may satisfy the logic of control, but they do little to expand political influence, strengthen institutions, or advance democratic culture. At best, they amount to an internal power rotation within the same political family, offering no clear gain to the broader society.

Ultimately, this debate goes beyond personalities. Do we really need a political model anchored on godfathers, covenants, and lifelong loyalty to patrons? Has Buhari’s repeated endorsement of anointed candidates meaningfully improved governance or political culture in the North? Has Tinubu’s entrenched godfatherism in the South West translated into measurable social or institutional progress? Until we seriously examine the long-term costs of political baptism, loyalty tests, and patronage politics, it remains difficult to argue that godfatherism is the most viable model for a modern democratic society.

 Ibrahiym A. El-Caleel wrote via caleel2009@gmail.com.

By Ibrahim Yunusa

Amid tensions in the Kwankwasiyya movement and Kano NNPP, fueled by speculation that Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf might defect to APC, the ADC Youth Mandate, with ADC Waziran Waziri, urged Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso to join other national stakeholders under ADC to help rescue Nigeria from worsening socio-economic and security crises under the APC-led government.

The coalition pointed to worsening economic hardship, insecurity, and governance failures, expressing fears over the ruling party’s push toward a one-party state. They emphasised the need for a united front of progressive leaders to offer Nigerians a credible and people-oriented alternative.

Speaking on behalf of both groups, Engr. Ammar Hamisu Dandago, the Coordinator of ADC Youth Mandate, stressed the political value of Kwankwaso’s experience and mass grassroots appeal. He expressed confidence that Kwankwaso, in collaboration with other prominent figures like Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, Rotimi Amaechi, and Nasir El-Rufai, could form a formidable force capable of unseating President Bola Tinubu.

The statement concluded with a renewed commitment to youth mobilisation, national unity, and support for genuine efforts to provide competent leadership and restore hope across the country.