2027

By Yakub Aliyu

Nigeria has entered dangerous territory. The country has appointed as Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) a man whose most prominent public writing is an 80-page brief accusing whole communities of committing genocide. That document, published in 2020, framed national violence almost entirely through a Christian-victimhood narrative and presented sweeping, contested claims that many Nigerians find offensive, incomplete, or simply inaccurate.

Today, the author of that brief is the referee of our national elections. And yet, the political class, from the Presidency to the Senate to the parties, is maintaining a silence so absolute that it borders on negligence.

It is this silence, not the controversy itself, that is now the real danger.

The Integrity of Elections Is a National Security Issue
Every Nigerian knows elections in this country are not routine administrative events. They are national security operations involving millions of citizens, overstretched security agencies, and volatile political identities. The neutrality of INEC is therefore not optional. It is foundational.

When the person leading that institution has authored a highly divisive document, which is now weaponised against the country by some foreign powers, the question is no longer academic. It becomes a matter of national security.

If the chairman once wrote that a section of the country was engaged in “genocide,” how will those communities trust him? How will they interpret his decisions? How will they accept results in a tight contest? And what happens if the outcome of 2027 is close enough for suspicion to matter?

These are not theoretical questions. They are national security scenarios.

How Did This Appointment Pass Through Screening?
The more the issue is examined, the more troubling the answers become.

1. The Executive Vetting Was Inadequate.
   It is difficult to believe that the Presidency did not know about the 2020 brief. It is publicly available and widely circulated among advocacy groups. If the government did not know, it raises questions about the quality of its due diligence. If it knew and ignored it, that is an even bigger problem.
2. The Senate Screening Was Superficial
   A nomination of this magnitude requires hard questions about ideology, neutrality, and past publications. No such questions were asked. The Senate treated one of the most sensitive constitutional positions as a formality. This is a failure of oversight.
3. Political Actors Fear Religious Backlash
   Many southern politicians do not want to appear to be “attacking a Christian advocate.” Many northern politicians do not want to inflame tensions by addressing a document they consider deeply inaccurate. And politicians on both sides fear being dragged into arguments that can harm their coalitions.

The easiest solution for them is silence.

4. Some Actors Prefer a Weak INEC
   A chairman under suspicion is easier to pressure. A weakened INEC is more pliable. Some forces benefit from an institution whose credibility can be questioned but whose cooperation can be secured.

This is the cynical logic but it must be acknowledged.

Why the Silence Is Dangerous

The real risk is not that the chairman is personally biased. The risk is that millions of Nigerians may believe he is, especially when political temperature rises.

Nigeria’s democracy cannot run on suspicion. If a northern, Muslim candidate loses narrowly, the chairman’s own words from 2020 will be used immediately:
“How can the election be fair when the umpire once accused us of genocide?”

This single sentence is enough to delegitimise an election. In a fragile environment, it is also enough to trigger unrest.

Nation-states collapse not from the actions of one individual, but from the inability of institutions to command trust. INEC cannot afford this weakness. Nigeria cannot afford this gamble.

The Moral Issue Cannot Be Ignored
Beyond politics lies a moral question. Every section of Nigeria has suffered from violence. Christians in some regions have endured brutal attacks. Muslims in others have buried thousands. Any narrative that elevates one community’s pain while erasing another’s deepens division.

The brief published in 2020 was not balanced. It did not acknowledge the wide pattern of atrocities across faith and region. That lack of balance is precisely what raises concern today, not whether the author meant well or not.

Leadership of INEC must be above suspicion. It must be acceptable to all parts of the country. At present, that foundation has been shaken.

Why Is Everyone Silent?
The Presidency is silent because acknowledging the issue means admitting an error in judgment. The Senate is silent because speaking now exposes the weakness of its oversight. The political parties are silent because taking a position risks angering key religious blocs. Security agencies are silent because the moment they comment, the crisis appears larger.

But silence does not preserve stability. Silence delays conflict. Silence leaves the field open for extremists, propagandists, and opportunists.

Nigeria cannot enter 2027 with a question mark hanging over the referee.

What Needs to Happen

Three things are necessary.

1. The INEC Chairman must address the Brief publicly. He does not need to renounce his past or apologise for advocacy, but he must clarify:
   —that INEC belongs to all Nigerians,
   —that all communities have suffered, and
   —that his role demands strict neutrality. Not making this clarification would mean he has lost the moral authority to remain in that office.
2. The government must break the silence.
   Here, the Presidency must explain whether the brief was vetted, how it was evaluated, and why the appointment proceeded. Nigerians deserve transparency.
3. Political leaders must safeguard the integrity of elections. If trust cannot be rebuilt, other constitutional options exist. The aim is not punishment but protection of national stability.

A Final Word

Nigeria stands at a crossroads. This issue will not disappear. It will resurface at the most dangerous moment: during the heat of the 2027 elections. The silence of today will become the crisis of tomorrow.

The country cannot sleepwalk into an avoidable disaster.

If INEC is weakened, Nigeria is weakened. If trust in the umpire collapses, no winner will have legitimacy. And if political leaders continue to pretend that this controversy is insignificant, the consequences will arrive at a cost far higher than the discomfort of speaking the truth today.

It is time to speak. It is time to act. And it is time to protect the Republic.

By Musa Shehu

The rising speculation that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu may replace Vice President Kashim Shettima in the 2027 elections is not just a distraction—it is a dangerous political gamble that could cost the All Progressives Congress (APC) everything it has built since 2015.

While official voices try to downplay the narrative, recent events—especially within the party’s North-East wing—indicate that the matter is no longer mere rumour. What happened in Gombe, the calculated omissions in party endorsements, and the president’s deafening silence all point to a coordinated, if cautious, effort to test the waters of a political switch. But history, logic, and the current political climate all speak clearly against such a move.

Also, there has been another disturbingly growing speculation that President Tinubu may consider replacing Vice President Kashim Shettima with Dr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. While this idea may appear strategic on the surface, it would be a serious miscalculation.

Kwankwaso is not as capable or disciplined as Shettima. He lacks the patience, composure, and loyalty that Shettima has consistently demonstrated both during the 2023 campaign and throughout his time as vice president. Unlike Shettima, who has proven to be a team player and a stabilizing figure in the presidency, Kwankwaso is widely seen as a local champion whose political relevance rarely extends beyond Kano.

Again, Kwankwaso is also known for his domineering style and confrontational approach. He often moves with a crowd of blindly loyal supporters who tend to stir division rather than build consensus. Tinubu needs a dependable and steady partner, not a disruptive and self-centered figure who could complicate governance. Replacing Shettima with Kwankwaso would be inviting internal crisis, not national progress.

Moreover, Shettima is not just a placeholder or ceremonial figure in the Tinubu presidency. He was a key player in Tinubu’s emergence, standing firmly with him when many in the North, especially the political elite, were either undecided or opposed to Tinubu’s ambition.

His nomination as vice president was not just strategic—it was loyal, bold, and calculated to balance the controversial Muslim-Muslim ticket in a way that maintained the party’s regional grip while managing national tension. Attempting to discard him now undermines that delicate balance and sends a dangerous message to APC loyalists and the broader Northern constituency: loyalty is negotiable, and regional representation can be sacrificed at will.

Recent developments in the APC suggest that some within the party see Shettima as expendable. His name was glaringly omitted during key moments in the party’s North-East stakeholders’ meeting in Gombe. The violent reactions from party delegates who stormed the stage, chanting Shettima’s name and attacking speakers, are not random acts of protest. However, they reflect genuine political frustration and a deep sense of betrayal.

The North-East, especially Borno—Shettima’s home state—has stood firmly behind the APC even in difficult times. Discarding its most prominent representative in the federal government would not only be unwise, but also politically suicidal.

Moreover, dropping a sitting vice president in a bid for second term is historically rare and politically dangerous. Nigeria’s democratic experience, shaky as it is, has shown that stability in leadership tickets often yields better results.

Obasanjo retained Atiku in 2003 despite personal and political differences. Jonathan ran with Sambo in both 2011 and 2015. Buhari did not drop Osinbajo in 2019. In each of these cases, keeping the vice president on the ticket was a signal of continuity, unity, and loyalty to political partnerships. So why does Tinubu attempt to break from this tradition? This, according to many, will not be seen as strategic—it will be interpreted as cold, calculated betrayal.

Moreover, there is also no credible reason that has been given—or can be given—for dropping Shettima. He has not been involved in any scandal. He has not rebelled against the president or the party. He continues to represent the administration with measured tone, loyalty, and a calm that contrasts with the chaos in some parts of the country.

The idea that he lacks “visibility” is hollow. Shettima has always been a backroom operator, more interested in delivering results than seeking applause. That was his style as governor of Borno, and it remains his approach as vice president.

Furthermore, the APC risks opening old wounds and repeating past political mistakes if it proceeds with this plan. In 2015, the PDP lost its northern base largely due to internal exclusion and the perception that it had betrayed zoning arrangements. That single miscalculation allowed a coalition to form around Buhari, ultimately bringing the APC to power. Tinubu himself benefitted from that revolt. For him to now allow—or lead—a similar alienation of a key northern figure would be politically disastrous.

What is unfolding now mirrors the political climate of 1983, when President Shehu Shagari removed his vice president, Alex Ekwueme, under pressure from internal party factions. That decision split the party, weakened Shagari’s legitimacy, and accelerated the military coup that followed. The cost of betraying one’s political base in a fragile democracy like Nigeria’s is always steep. APC leaders, especially those urging a replacement, would do well to revisit that history.

Perhaps the most unsettling part of this entire episode is President Tinubu’s silence. Unlike his predecessors, who openly reaffirmed their vice presidents ahead of their second-term bids, Tinubu has allowed ambiguity to take root. The clarification by his media aide, Bayo Onanuga, that the president will only choose his running mate after accepting the party nomination is technically correct—but politically tone-deaf. The impression it leaves is that Shettima’s position is hanging by a thread. That kind of uncertainty does not build party confidence; it fractures it.

In truth, the campaign to replace Shettima is less about religion or regional balance and more about ambition—by those who believe they deserve the VP slot, and by those who think they can engineer a political realignment in their favour. But these short-term calculations ignore the long-term damage they could cause. The North-East has already shown signs of agitation, and the idea of switching loyalty to the PDP or other parties is no longer hypothetical. If APC loses that bloc, no amount of last-minute reconciliation will save it in 2027.

President Tinubu still has time to shut this rumour down and make it clear that the 2023 ticket remains the 2027 ticket. Anything less will continue to create chaos within the party and hand the opposition a ready-made campaign message. Nigerians are watching.

The North-East is watching. The APC base is watching.

Musa Shehu wrote in from Kano State, Nigeria.

By Uzair Adam 

The All Progressives Congress (APC) has issued a strong warning to Senator Ali Ndume following his recent remarks suggesting that President Bola Tinubu could face the same electoral fate as former President Goodluck Jonathan in 2027 if urgent reforms are not implemented.

Senator Ndume, who represents Borno South Senatorial District, made the statement during his appearance on Channels Television’s Politics Today on Sunday.

Responding to his remarks, the APC Director of Publicity, Bala Ibrahim, on Tuesday acknowledged Ndume’s longstanding role within the party but stressed that discipline within the party is of utmost importance.

“Senator Ndume is a senior and respected member of the APC. This is not the first time he has aired his views publicly about how the country is being governed by his party, sometimes expressing dissent or contrary opinions,” Ibrahim said.

He continued, “However, the APC is a party of liberal-minded people. We do not reject diverse ideas, provided they do not violate the party’s constitution.”

Ibrahim reiterated that while the APC upholds internal democracy and freedom of expression, members are expected to operate within the party’s defined limits.

By Maryam Ahmad

Former First Lady Dame Patience Jonathan has ruled out any intention of returning to Aso Rock Villa. She affirms her support for the incumbent First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Speaking at a public event over the weekend, Dame Patience expressed her commitment to working closely with Senator Tinubu to promote unity and women’s political participation. 

Mrs Jonathan noted that her focus is on national development and supporting the current administration’s efforts, rather than seeking a return to political power.

“I have no interest in returning to Aso Rock,” she said. “I am fully behind our First Lady, Senator Remi Tinubu, and I will campaign alongside her come 2027.”

Analysts see this move as a significant show of solidarity between two of Nigeria’s most prominent political women and a potential boost for the ruling party’s female outreach ahead of the polls.

By Usman Muhammad Salihu,

Northern Nigeria stands at a defining moment in its history. Once the bastion of decisive leadership and cultural resilience, the region is now plagued by a crisis of governance. 

The distinction between “leaders of the North” and “leaders in the North” has never been more pronounced. Leaders of the North carry the burden of the region’s progress on their shoulders, while leaders in the North are mere seat-fillers—occupants of political positions without a true sense of duty.

Unfortunately, today’s reality leans heavily towards the latter. The region is flooded with individuals who wear the titles of governors, senators, ministers, and traditional rulers. Yet, their leadership amounts to little more than self-interest, political survival, and personal ambition. 

The result? Northern Nigeria remains stuck in a cycle of poverty, illiteracy, and insecurity, trailing behind the rest of the country on almost every developmental index.

Banditry, kidnapping, and insurgency have become rampant, turning villages into ghost towns and leaving countless families in mourning. Youth unemployment and economic hopelessness have skyrocketed, while education continues to suffer, with millions of children out of school. 

Rather than prioritising sustainable policies, these leaders dish out empty rhetoric, making grand promises while doing little to uplift the people they claim to serve.

Hunger has become a political tool—wielded not as a crisis to be solved, but as a mechanism of control. Those who once enjoyed three square meals now struggle to afford even one. 

Yet, instead of confronting the root causes of poverty, many politicians prefer the optics of distributing bags of rice. They would rather keep the people hungry and dependent than invest in mechanised agriculture, industrialisation, or skills development. 

A well-fed, independent populace questions leadership. A starving one is easier to manipulate. Beyond economic woes, northern lives have become increasingly devalued, even beyond the region. 

The recent horrific killing of at least 16 northern travellers in Edo State is a chilling reminder of the dangers of mob justice and ethnic profiling. These victims, mostly Hausa hunters heading for Sallah festivities, were mistaken for kidnappers and brutally lynched. 

Their truck was torched, their bodies consumed by fire in a scene reminiscent of a lawless state. Such tragedies expose the colossal failure of leadership at all levels. 

A country with strong institutions and responsible governance would not permit the extrajudicial slaughter of innocent citizens. Figures like former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and activist Omoyele Sowore have rightly condemned the killings, while Edo State Governor, Monday Okpebholo, has ordered investigations. 

But the crucial question remains: Will justice be served? Or will this atrocity, like so many before it, fade into oblivion? Meanwhile, traditional institutions that once provided stability and moral guidance in the North have been hijacked by political interests. 

The reckless creation of new emirates and first-class chiefdoms is no longer about strengthening governance—it is about settling scores, wielding influence, and further fracturing the region.

Northern Nigeria is rich in potential, yet without sincere leadership, it will remain shackled to poverty, insecurity, and stagnation. The people must awaken to their power, demanding accountability and choosing leaders based on competence rather than ethnicity, religion, or political patronage.

A true leader does not throw food at his people; he empowers them to produce their own. He does not buy votes with handouts; he builds an economy where citizens can thrive without begging. 

The North needs statesmen who will champion food security, support industrial growth, and create jobs, not politicians who prey on hunger for electoral gain.

Above all, northern lives must matter—not just to those in power, but to the nation. If the cycle of mob justice and ethnic profiling continues unchecked, Nigeria risks deepening its fractures beyond repair. 

Leadership is not about occupying an office but securing justice, progress, and dignity for all. So, the question lingers: Will Northern Nigeria continue to be ruled by leaders in the North who exploit suffering, or will true leaders emerge to break this cycle of failure? 

The answer lies in the hands of the people.

Usman Muhammad Salihu is a PRNigeria Fellow.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri’s remarkable success in politics and governance is built on three solid pillars. First and foremost, he holds an unshakable belief that power is granted solely by the Almighty Allah, who bestows leadership upon whomever He wills. This belief is not just theoretical for Fintiri, it defines his attitude toward leadership, power, and responsibility.

Secondly, Fintiri is a man of conviction. He cannot be swayed or coerced into decisions. However, he remains open-minded and receptive to superior arguments. This rare blend of firmness and intellectual humility sets him apart in a political environment where many leaders either succumb to pressure or refuse to listen to alternative views.

Thirdly, Fintiri possesses an in-depth understanding of governance and political power, how it works, when to deploy it, and where it can be most effective. His grasp of these dynamics has allowed him to wield power not for personal gain, but in service of meaningful, people-focused development.

From his early days as a member of the State House of Assembly, through his rise to Speaker, Acting Governor, and now two-term Executive Governor of Adamawa State, Fintiri has consistently demonstrated strategic acumen. What has kept him ahead of his adversaries is not just political skill, but his deep-rooted belief that power belongs to Allah alone. This faith has given him clarity, courage, and calmness in the face of political storms, enabling him to remain fearless, resolute, and capable of making difficult yet visionary decisions. These are decisions that echo not only in the present but will define his legacy for generations to come.

His independence of thought, combined with a willingness to embrace sound reasoning, has driven unprecedented transformation in Adamawa State. In a state once typified by political patronage and a “yes-sir” culture, Fintiri has introduced a new style of leadership; one that prizes merit, innovation, and long-term development over short-term political expediency.

Under his leadership, Adamawa has witnessed a massive infrastructural renaissance. Roads, flyovers, and underpasses have sprung up, redefining mobility and connectivity. The 1,000 housing for the masses. He has established three mega science schools, one in each senatorial district, positioning the state as a hub for scientific and technological advancement. He also ensured the construction of 21 model nursery, primary, and junior secondary schools across all local government areas, ensuring that every child, regardless of background, has access to quality education.

Fintiri’s health interventions are equally groundbreaking. From the provision of free kidney treatment to the establishment of one of the most advanced medical laboratories in Nigeria at the Specialist Hospital in Yola, his vision is clear: a healthy population is the foundation of a prosperous state.

His administration has also been proactive in addressing youth unemployment and gender inclusion. Through programs like PAWECA (Poverty Alleviation and Wealth Creation Agency), thousands of women and young people have been empowered with skills, funding, and job opportunities, restoring dignity and creating pathways for self-reliance.

Leadership, as Fintiri understands it, is both a divine responsibility and a human enterprise. Often, when the Almighty Allah grants leadership, He also grants a unique wisdom, the ability to see what ordinary eyes cannot. Fintiri not only possesses this foresight, but he also understands the fine balance between authority and service. He knows when to exercise power and when to listen; when to act boldly and when to build consensus.

A perfect illustration of this wisdom was his recent declaration that his successor must be a grassroots politician. This was not a vague or politically convenient statement, it was a profound and strategic vision. What Fintiri meant was clear: his successor must share his belief in putting the people first, must be committed to inclusive and comprehensive development across all socioeconomic sectors, and must be a leader with the intellect, experience, and moral compass to lead Adamawa into the future. Such a successor, in Fintiri’s view, must be refined, educated, visionary, and capable of seeing tomorrow through the prism of today.

In summary, Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri exemplifies a rare style of leadership rooted in faith, defined by principles, and driven by results. You may agree or disagree with his politics, but one cannot ignore the defining qualities that make him not just a political figure, but a true grassroots leader .

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Isyaka Laminu Badamasi

In the move to ouster Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration and the All Progressive Congress (APC) from the mantle of leadership in 2027, the need for unity among our political leaders can not be overemphasised.

The recent visit by Atiku Abubakar and other top politicians to former president Muhammadu Buhari for the post-Sallah, cast serious doubts in the minds of Nigerians who are yet to recover from the shocks of the former president’s betrayal of 2015 – 2023. The Wazirin Adamawa clearly stated that the visit has nothing to do with the proposed merger.

Be that as it may, Atiku as the prominent opposition leader should also be very careful with the crop of politicians is aligning with to achieve this objective, as some of those seen in his entourage during the visit are people with questionable backgrounds, whose their reigns in power left an indelible mark of anger and uncertainty in the minds of their people, they are heartless with no sense of sympathy to the people, they are not different with Tinubu.

As the Hausa saying goes, one need not select water in an attempt to squelch a fire, but in some situations, there is a need for that, as some waters may be more harmful than the fire. The selection of who to join hands with towards emancipating this country from the hands of incessant geezers is of the utmost importance. Sending President Tinubu out of the villa in 2027 is non-negotiable and shouldn’t be handled with kid gloves.

As it stands today, Nigerians yearn for someone who is ready to implement policies and programs that will make their lives very easy and promising, someone who will bring an end to the wanton killings all over the country caused by one insecurity or another, someone who is ready to ensure that Nigeria remains one and united. 

For this, the need for the political leaders to unite and make necessary adjustments to face the heartless APC administration head om is very paramount,  any move that can not guarantee the aspirations of common man in the streets can not move to an inch, and, it will be for the advantage of Bola Tinubu and his APC to remain in power beyond 2027.

To those power drunk, who are making a mockery of the movement, should be reminded that the pre-2015 merger that brought APC to power is still workable. APC and Tinubu should get prepared.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi,  a public affairs commentator and advocate for sustainable development,  writes from Bauchi. 

By Kabiru Danladi Lawanti, PhD 

There is something about us, Arewa people. Whenever power shifts to the South, we start lamentations, accusing the leader, who is from the South, of nepotism or initiating policies that are deliberately aimed at destroying our region. 

We embrace this idea and write about it repeatedly. From 1999 to 2007, from 2010 to 2015, and now from 2023 to the present, we consistently reference our voting power in our writings. 

Recently, I read an article comparing our voting power and support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu with other regions of the country. How long can we continue these lamentations? When will we stop lamenting and start acting?

We need to shift the conversation from an overemphasis on population-driven electoral power to a more strategic focus on economic productivity and revenue generation. The viability and strength of Arewa are not solely determined by the sheer size of our population, but by how effectively that population is harnessed for economic growth, innovation, and wealth creation.

Arewa’s fixation on securing political dominance through demographic advantage has frequently overshadowed the more critical question we need to be asking ourselves. 

How do we convert our vast human and natural resources into sustainable development outcomes?

While concerns about the inequities of political appointments and perceived nepotism under the current Tinubu administration are valid, ongoing lamentation over political spoils can be counterproductive if not paired with proactive strategies for economic transformation.

What has happened to Arewa after all these years of political power? What becomes of the “K” states after each election season? What has happened to Jigawa or Bauchi? Is it enough to have just a Badaru or Tuggar as compensation for the over 5 million we gave the President?

What is required is a change in strategy: a deliberate and coordinated effort to leverage our expansive landmass and youthful population to drive industrialization, technological innovation, and inclusive economic growth. Our governors need to be wiser. Have you ever checked the total amount of FAAC allocations coming to our states and local governments? What are we doing with this money?

In this regard, lessons abound from the developmental trajectories of nations such as China and India, both of which have shown how demographic advantages can be transformed into competitive edges through disciplined policies, strategic investments in education and infrastructure, and a clear vision for economic self-reliance.

The path to power lies not just in numbers – voting power – but in what those numbers yield after elections.

I have learnt my lessons. What we need is not political power at the centre but what we do with that power and what our Governors are doing with the huge resources coming to them from Abuja. 

The agitation for removing Tinubu in 2027 can be compared to the agitations of removing the military in 1999 or Jonathan in 2015. They are driven by elite interests, not necessarily by situations we find ourselves in, Arewa.

By Uzair Adam  

The national leader of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Dr. Rabiu Kwankwaso, has expressed optimism about winning the 2027 presidential election.  

Kwankwaso, who was the party’s presidential candidate in the 2023 elections, made this assertion on Saturday during the inauguration of the NNPP Secretariat located along IBB Way, Katsina. 

Kwankwaso was in Katsina for a condolence visit to the Yar’adua family following the passing of their matriarch, Hajiya Dada.  

During his remarks, he stated that the NNPP is positioned to secure victory in the 2027 general elections, taking over the presidency and other key political positions across the country. 

According to him, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has lost relevance, prompting his departure from the party.  

He urged Nigerians, particularly women and youths, to avoid being swayed by superficial incentives like food or money in the upcoming elections. 

Kwankwaso called on party leaders to intensify their efforts to ensure the success of the NNPP at both the state and national levels.  

He also commended the stakeholders in the state for renovating the party’s secretariat, describing it as a vital step in the party’s preparations for the future. 

In addition, Kwankwaso pledged support for a young boy, Abubakar Ibrahim from Yammawa, who suffers from severe acute malnutrition. 

NNPP’s state chairman, Alhaji Armaya’u Abdulkadir, highlighted the importance of enlightening voters about the party’s new logo, which reiterated education for all, a core value of the Kwankwasiyya movement. 

He stressed the need for grassroots sensitisation to inform members of the significance of the new symbol.