2023 Elections

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

Youth Society for the Prevention of Infectious Diseases and Social Vices (YOSPIS) has called on the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to forestall the recurrence of the mistakes that pervaded the Kano State gubernatorial election. 

YOSPIS made the appeal in a press statement signed by its Executive Director, Zainab Nasir Ahmad, on Wednesday. 

In the statement, the group outlined their observations of the election and recommended what INEC should do differently in subsequent elections. 

Some of the group’s recommendations include reducing the number of party agents at the polling unit, addressing the technical issues of BVAS, and the security of electoral materials, amongst other things. 

The group congratulated the Kano governor-elect, Abba Kabir Yusuf and wished him the best in his administration.

By Mohammed Kabir Ibrahim

The March 18, 2023, governorship election in Adamawa State was unarguably the tightest-ever contested race in the history of the state. The incumbent governor, Ahmadu Fintiri, was up against a formidable challenger, Aishatu Dahiru Ahmed (popularly known as Binani), a former member of the House of Representatives and the current senator representing Adamawa Central Senatorial District.

The election was shaped to a large extent by ethnoreligious sentiment. While most Christians and ethnic minorities voted for the governor, most Hausa-Fulani/Muslims voted for Binani. Although the election was declared inconclusive, Binani committed avoidable mistakes that denied her the chance for a landslide victory.

Disrespect for elders was Binani’s first mistake. Shortly after the APC primaries that saw her defeat prominent politicians, including a former governor, Jibrilla Bindow, and former EFCC chairman, Nuhu Ribadu, some concerned Adamawa elders prevailed on Binani to reach out to those who lost the primaries for their cooperation and support towards winning the general election. Rather than heeding their elderly sound counsel, Binani was said to have exhibited a high level of arrogance and dismissed them as “Ribadu’s errand boys”. The elders took offence and refrained from making any further reconciliatory efforts. This singular display of hubris emboldened her opponents to teach her political lessons. While former Governor Bindow, alongside thousands of his supporters, dumped the APC for PDP, the former EFCC boss, Ribadu, opted to challenge the nomination process at the court.

Binani’s second mistake was populating her strategic campaign team with an army of incompetent, immature and belligerent youth under the aegis of “Binani Ambassadors”. These young people, some of whom are still fresh students in universities and colleges, have become her veritable political strategists. They dished out spurious propaganda and disparaged anyone who challenged Binani’s politics. The brazen manner in which the Binani Ambassadors demonised and denigrated Binani’s challengers on various social media platforms without restraint contributed to anti-party activities, particularly among thousands of Ribadu supporters during the governorship elections.

The Binani Ambassadors also misled her into believing that she had sufficient grassroots support and, as such, she didn’t need the backing of APC stalwarts in the state. The case of Fufore Local Government Area is a glaring example where Binani and her incompetent strategists bypassed and excluded renowned APC stalwarts and appointed lightweight politicians to coordinate her campaign.

Preference for political vendetta against perceived political opponents over reconciliation and cooperation preparatory to the all-important general election was Binani’s third political mistake. Perhaps acting on the ill-advised strategy of the insecure Binani Ambassadors, Binani initiated and pursued indiscriminate infighting between her loyalists and anybody loyal to Bindow or Ribadu within the Adamawa APC. The obsequiousness of the former state chairman of the party, Alhaji Ibrahim Bilal, further aggravated the intra-party conflicts. It had reached a point where the party leadership in the state got fed up and showed Alhaji Bilal the exit door.

Binani’s seemingly conceited and domineering nature is another mistake that cost her a sweeping victory at the end of the March 18 election and may likely work against her at the forthcoming supplementary polls. Those who know her say she always insists on having her way at all costs, even when her actions are supposedly unreasonable. For example, she allegedly stormed Ribadu Ward in Fufore Local Government Area and unilaterally sacked duly elected ward officials of the party. A senior ward official made several pleas for reconciliation and cooperation, but Binani was said to have dismissed his overtures and challenged him to go to court. A cursory look at the results from IREV shows that she narrowly won the Ribadu Ward, a largely Hausa-Fulani domain that could have given her an edged advantage.

Binani also shot herself in the foot when she started an unwarranted battle against the party officials at her Ward in Yola South Local Government Area. She was alleged to have orchestrated the suspension of some key party officials loyal to Ribadu, although her antics were not successful. Binani’s relentless pursuit of political vendetta did not stop at the state level. She was also said to be clandestinely fighting with the loyalists of the first lady, Aisha Buhari and Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Boss Mustapha. Perhaps that explains why Mrs. Buhari’s brother, Mahmood Halilu, was seen alongside Governor Fintiri at the residence of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar during a press conference calling for the declaration of the election results after several delays. Even most recently, there are speculations that Binani is behind the suspension of the SGF.

Regardless of the outcome of the yet-to-be-scheduled supplementary election, Binani has succeeded in creating the impression that she is an authoritarian who will give no room for the opposition if, by the rarest coincidence, she becomes Nigeria’s first democratically elected female governor.

On the other hand, her philanthropic initiatives, massive support of women voters, ethnoreligious sentiment, and the fact that she hails from the central zone, which has the highest concentration of voters in the state, contributed in large measures to her impressive performance at the March 18, 2023 polls. Winning the cooperation and support of her party stalwarts would have closed the insignificant margin and propelled her to a landslide victory. As it stands now, Binani would need a miracle to win over 35,000 votes from the mere 37,000 available to defeat Governor Fintiri and become Nigeria’s first elected female governor.

Mohammed Kabir Ibrahim wrote from Kaduna and can be reached via mohammedkabir.ibrahim@gmail.com.

By Pharm. Mustapha M Umar

Rigasa is a ward in Igabi local government in Kaduna State endowed with people. It has an estimated population of 3 million people. Politically, Rigasa as a ward provides the largest number of votes, even higher than some local governments, in the state. The people of Rigasa are zealous about any development, which gives birth to different community-based organisations working tirelessly to move the community forward. Rigasa Action and Awareness Forum (RAAF) is among those organisations regarded as the most collaborative and active pressure group in Rigasa.

Elections are won and lost due to voters’ choices. There are no voters without voter cards. Every person who got a new voter’s card or transferred from anywhere to the Rigasa ward did that through the RAAF effort.

After the conclusion of the initial phase of Continuous Voters Registration (CVR) on 21st September 2021, RAAF observed poor awareness in the Rigasa community. With the new polling units added to Rigasa from 23 to 153 and the big dream of having an LGA or constituency one day, we realised that we must come together and mobilise to ensure all new polling units have the required number of voters to avoid cancelling any polling unit.

To achieve this, RAAF constituted and inaugurated a CVR committee in October 2021.  This committee works day and night. It enters all the nooks and crannies in Rigasa. Single-handedly, RAAF’s CVR committee members registered and transferred more than 11000 voters, the highest in the nation as a ward.

The committee worked from October 2021 up to July 2022. To ensure the new and transferred voters collected their cards, RAAF extended the period of the committee work to help mobilise and ensure the Rigasa community had collected their cards. It was a successful job, and about 90% collected their cards.

The presidential election came with poor voters turning out, which was the same nationwide. For our efforts not to be in vain, a voter’s mobilisation committee was inaugurated to ensure people come out in mass during the governorship and state house of assembly election.

One of the issues observed as the cause of the poor voters turning out is the voters’ migration, which affected many people unaware of where to vote.

The committee members worked tirelessly by printing signs to help people locate their new polling units. Then, immediately, it stationed its members at every main polling unit to check and direct voters to where they are to vote using the INEC website. It was fantastic to work that significantly increased the number of votes cast.

Every single time, energy and resource spent by the members of the RAAF with little or no help from anyone are for the betterment of the community. We thank the Almighty that our effort has yielded a result.

The best ladies and gentlemen always volunteer to develop the Rigasa community, not for personal gain. We are game-changers.

The winner of the Igabi West State assembly seat, the speaker, Hon Yusuf Zailani, got almost half of his winning votes from the mighty Rigasa ward, which is 46.28% of the total votes. The remaining six wards combined gave him 53.72%. With this, Rigasa cannot be ignored for any reason.

Rigasa gave the governor-elect, Hon. Uba Sani, 32.06% of the total votes from Igabi LGA, the second LGA with the highest vote for his victory. No single ward in Kaduna gave the governor-elect this percentage of votes.

We have done our part of the bargain. The winners must do their part. Our community needs to get representatives in this government, structural and human development, and adequate government support equal to the effort we put together toward your victory.

Always remember those that help you when you are in need. There will be another time when you will need them again. What you did today to reward their efforts determines what will happen next time you need them. Four years is just around the corner. Time and history will always judge us.

His Excellency Governor Nasir El-Rufai needs all the gratitude from the winners of this election because we couldn’t have convinced people if he had not done all he did for Rigasa. May Allah bless and protect you, sir, as you hand over to the next governor, which we are hopeful will make Rigasa Community proud as they made them proud.

Pharm. Mustapha M Umar wrote from Rigasa Kaduna and can be contacted via mustaphau03@gmail.com.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has fixed Saturday, April 15, for the conduct of all supplementary elections. 

On Monday, the commission made this known in a press statement signed by its National Commissioner and Chairman Information and Voter Education Committee, Mr Festus Okoye. 

Part of the statement reads: ” The Commission has fixed Saturday, 15th April 2023, for the conduct of the supplementary elections in the affected polling units nationwide.

We appeal to all political parties, candidates and stakeholders to note the date and locations of the supplementary elections. The earlier accreditation for polling and collation agents, observers and the media still subsists for the supplementary elections.”  

As regards the gubernatorial polls, voting is expected to take place in Kebbi and Adamawa states on the said date. 

The governorship elections in Adamawa and Kebbi states were earlier declared inconclusive by INEC owing to cancelled votes, which were more than the margins between leading candidates.

INEC will also conduct supplementary elections for federal and state parliamentary elections, which were declared inconclusive on the said date.

By Nusaiba Ibrahim

The 2023 gubernatorial elections will go down in history as one of the most highly contested, especially in Kano. After eight years of Dr Abdullahi Ganduje-led government, his party, APC, could not secure the first position. Neither the victory of the President-elect, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, nor the popularity of President Muhammadu Buhari was significant in the tight race that was fiercely fought between the governorship candidates. 

There were just countless permutations, combinations, analyses and whatnot on the proposed outcome of the gubernatorial elections coming from different viewpoints and existing realities, especially after the presidential and upper chamber elections. However, one thing that stood out was the incredible performance of the NNPP in Kano. And this became a challenging point for the ruling APC until the opposition candidate Abba Kabir Yusuf of NNPP emerged victorious.

While the Presidential elections had minimal cases of vote buying, Kano recorded massive acts of vote buying with petty items like soaps, detergents, wrappers and spaghetti during the gubernatorial and state house of assembly elections. In addition, in some strategic locations, there were significant disruptions in the voting and counting processes. But, of course, all of these aren’t out of the normal as tensions had already heightened after the presidential polls.

Nothing summed up the 2023 elections in Kano for me more than the chants of competence over spaghettis. Indeed, “taliya ba ta zabe” (loosely translated – spaghetti doesn’t vote). The likes of Senator Barau Jibrin, among others, only escaped losing their seats because of the hard work they channelled to community service and distinctive competencies. I’m in awe of how each candidate has been weighed based on the capacity to earn the invaluable mandate of the people. Here are my takes on each candidate.

Governor–elect Abba Kabir Yusuf: By resisting all odds to emerge the winner of the elections in Kano State, the heart of Northern Nigeria, you deserve resounding applause. You have also proven your worth to the electorates after losing the 2019 election, which was first declared inconclusive. So, your victory is a testimony of a relentless effort to achieve this desired objective. More so, preserving a loyal fanbase over these years is unimaginable and a strategic tool for your success. But you need to understand that more must be done. The game has just begun.

You would be serving the entire citizens of Kano, which includes your loyalists and a bunch of opposition. It would be easy if you’ve not made many promises during your campaigns, and even if you haven’t, you’ll still be judged anyway. You might face the gigantic task of restoring Kano State to what it used to be. The truth is, that might be impossible to do. Do not waste your time unveiling the errors of the past administration; the people are already full of new yearnings and aspirations. Focus on health, security, education, economy and adverse effects of climate change. They are the priority now.

Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna: Kano is proud of a citizen like you, though you have yet to accept defeat. Nothing compares to being crushed in a public engagement. You’ve taken a wise decision of not resorting to leading thugs to disrupt collation processes this time because you would make news for the wrong reasons, coupled with a widely shared photo of you explaining what happened to police offers. You must have performed your best after serving the people of Kano under three with three administrations in your lifetime. You should be thankful for this rare achievement that not everyone is fortunate to have. You’ve also made the history of being a loyal assistant for eight years – not so many deputies were lucky as you are. Better still, you can go to court if unsatisfied with the results.

Shaaban Ibrahim Sharada: When all youths were wary and incompetent to approach the governorship candidacy, you dared all doubts to stand out. Your candidacy was an ideal reflection of the future of the northern youths. There was so much to cull from what you exuded until the election. Your confidence reminded youths about the times of Tafawa Balewa, Sir Ahmadu Bello Sardauna, Malam Aminu Kano and Maitama Sule. Your grasp of the Kano situation wowed the audience anytime you spoke. You were ready to oppose the status quo even at the risk of your dearest life. But, unfortunately, the political trajectory was faulty. Defeating candidates with an established loyal fanbase needs more time, not a dying-minute preparation.

Mallam Ibrahim Khalil: Like Shaaban, you tried hard to showcase that an Islamic cleric is efficient enough to contest an election. You boldly did not play politics lowkey by supporting some politicians during your sermons and lectures. You challenged the maxim of playing politics as a war without or sometimes with bloodshed. You blocked your ears on people’s thoughts about the inappropriateness of clerics going into politics despite its indecency and ruthlessness. Although you lacked the support of other clerics, you were still confident in your quest. I applaud your effort, mainly because, unlike others, you didn’t hide under religion to back dubious politicians. Unfortunately, the current political trend is not ready for your clean style.

Results from around the country show signs of revolution from all over the nation. It is not just a red cap revolution in Kano but a ‘wake da shinkafa’ [rice and beans] revolution across the country – Zamfara State is one interesting illustration. I’m overly pleased that competence was echoed until it transformed into an actuality.  I hope these revolutionary divergences will be a reason for the prosperity of Kano and Nigeria.

Nusaiba Ibrahim Na’abba is a master’s student from the Department of Mass Communication, BUK. She is a freelance writer and researcher. She can be reached via nusaibaibrahim66@gmail.com.

By Aliyu Idris

It’s undeniable that Sen. Aisha Dahiru Ahmed Binani’s name has travelled in the ears of many Nigerians. Her emergence as the flagbearer of the Adamawa State Governorship Candidate of APC grasped and arrested the attention of the country’s populace. With these, she received massive support and countless prayers from the people in the country and even the diaspora. Without a doubt, she’s a notable personality in this year’s election.

Binani might win or lose the election, but she won the people’s hearts. She has become influential and has set a pace for people to follow in the country’s politics. Among her influence is making the incumbent governor (Ahmadu Umar Fintiri) substitute his male running mate (Crowther Seth) with a female (Prof Keleptawa Farauta). This remarkably uplifts the status of women’s participation in politics and dismantles the common sense of some people that women don’t have a role to play in politics.

Binani’s bravery is incomparable; her audacity and capacity have shaken and made the sitting governor shiver and quiver. She made him initiate last-minute empowerment and execute some projects at the election deadline. Similarly, how she defeated strong male candidates during the party’s primary election is encouraging.

Binani will now be leaving the red chamber. Her four years as a senator representing Adamawa Central Senatorial Zone birthed legacies that will live on forever. Her projects in different sectors such as education, health, poverty alleviation programs, the establishment of Federal Medical Centre Mubi, upgrading Federal Medical Centre Yola to a Teaching Hospital and Modibbo Adama University Yola (MAU Yola) from a technology University to a conventional university, solar power lights supplies, unending and unbiased empowerment of hand workers, donations to religious organisations, youths association, and other life touching projects during her single tenure as senator will remain a testimony of making her the best-elected representative in the state.

Binani’s attracted even the opposition and proved to the present administration that their chanting and ranting of no opposition in the state is merely an illusion and a mirage but fortunate enough. They have now realised her intense display of spirit towards achieving a goal can never be underestimated, like Shakespeare’s lady Macbeth still gives them sleepless nights. Binani is a beacon of steadfastness that motivate the two genders, and her political career is now a fad, and she remains vivacious.

We need more Binani in us, around us and with us. The pavement of strong female participation in contemporary Nigeria has been set and revived by Binani. 

Binani is energetic, and the declaration of inconclusive is not the end of the journey but rather a fresh beginning to return and positively impact people’s lives. May Adamawa State and Nigeria succeed.

Aliyu Idris writes from Jimeta (Yola North) and can be reached via aliyuidreesali@gmail.com.

By Dr Raji Bello

Last Tuesday, I listened to a panel on AIT’s morning programme discussing the increasing weaponization of ethnic and religious identity in Nigeria, particularly during the current election cycle. The discussants were particularly alarmed by the developments surrounding the governorship election in Lagos state, which has witnessed threats, intimidation and violence against voters of a particular ethnic group. The politicisation of ethnic and religious identity in this election cycle is, of course, not limited to Lagos.

Religious identity was a major issue for the APC presidential ticket and some governorship tickets like that of Kaduna state. Religion was a major issue in the Taraba governorship contest, and the issue of indigene vs settler reared its head during the Kano governorship election. There is even a Facebook group which is committed to getting candidates with pure Hausa blood elected into the governorship posts in the Northwest states. Nigeria may be on a slippery slope towards eventual implosion. 

What I have noticed about the AIT discussion is the same thing that I have observed about other similar discussions – they are limited to expressions of sadness followed by appeals to Nigerians to change their behaviour. There is very little discussion on why Nigerians do what they do and if there are any enablers for those tendencies. In my personal reflections, I have tried to answer these questions.

Most negative human tendencies have things which enable them, and rooting out the enablers is an important part of the measures for suppressing these tendencies. Anyone who is familiar with Islamic theology, for example, knows that there is little tolerance for things which are deemed to be enablers of vices. The prohibition of the consumption of alcohol is an example; alcohol intoxication is regarded as an enabler for many vices, which has necessitated a full prohibition of it.

Likewise, the encounter, in isolation, of two eligible and unmarried members of the opposite sex is regarded as an enabler for sexual vices. In the secular world as well, drinking and driving are prohibited in many countries because it is an enabler of fatal road accidents. Relationships between academic instructors and students are prohibited or restricted in many American institutions because they could be enablers for abusive relationships and conflicts of interest.

If Nigerians have come to the conclusion that toxic identity politics is harmful to the corporate well-being of the country, they must find the enablers for such politics and uproot them. Issuing passionate appeals is bound to be ineffective because human beings do not always respond to reason or appeals to stop a negative behaviour, especially when there are things which incentivise such behaviour. In my view, there are two enablers for the weaponization of identity in Nigeria:

1. There is no punishment for it. There are either no laws against toxic identity politics and incitement against ethnic and religious groups in Nigeria or they are never enforced. The result is that offenders almost always get away with their actions. This lack of accountability is a powerful enabler for similar behaviour by the same individuals or others.

2. There is a reward for it under our federal system. Our current constitution provides for semi-autonomous federating units (states) which are loosely coterminous with ethnic and religious identities – for example, Imo State is Igbo and Christian, Katsina is Muslim and Hausa-Fulani, Niger is Nupe, Gbagyi and Hausa, Ogun is Yoruba etc. The federal system has also granted these federating units the power to elect their own leaders (governors and LGA chairmen), unlike in unitary states where these leaders are often appointed by the central government.

Since elections are competitive and every state is identified with certain ethnic and religious identities, the possession of these identities by any individual becomes an advantage towards winning elections. This is why Nigerians have learnt to hold on to these identities and even to flaunt them. Being a Tiv is a huge advantage in Benue state, just like being a Kanuri is in Borno state. It’s not hard to imagine that when electoral competition becomes very stiff, these identities will be weaponised. There is no way to stop Nigerians from engaging in toxic identity politics as long as these two enablers are in place.

Our country was founded on the basis that it has diverse and irreconcilable ethnic and religious communities. Our founding fathers wanted it that way, and they chose a federal system which they thought was best suited to manage our diversity (although most of the major federal states in the world are not so diverse internally). While countries like Ghana took off with the mantra of unity in diversity and did everything to build a united nation, our founding fathers did not even pretend that the country was united. Each of them had regional priorities higher than Nigeria’s unity.

We started with three federating units and have now grown to thirty-six plus the FCT, and the more we created states and LGAs, the more identity fault lines we created. The country is now balkanised into 37 identity enclaves (states), and 774 LGAs and each citizen is marooned inside their own enclave and is entitled to few formal privileges in others – even neighbouring ones.

In the First Republic, this divisive effect of federalism wasn’t up to what we have now because the federating units were much bigger, and they functioned as unitary states internally. The former Northern Region, for example, had thirteen or so provinces whose administrators were appointed rather than elected, and a northerner from one province could be posted to work in any of the other provinces. The provincial boundaries did not keep northerners away from each other, and as a result, the people of the region saw themselves as one because they were indeed one in practice. 

The Northern Region alone has now evolved into 19 federal states and hundreds of LGAs, each with a rigid boundary which separates it physically and functionally from other federating units. This has made intercommunal relations to be worse than they were in the old Northern Region. The late former SGF Alhaji Gidado Idris, who was from Zaria, was once a divisional officer in Benue, Adamawa and Sardauna Provinces, but his grandchildren cannot work for the Benue State Government in today’s Nigeria. They may even struggle to gain admission into state-owned schools in Benue State.

Mr Selcan Miner, a former secretary to the government of Benue-Plateau State, was once an administrative officer in Sokoto Province, and he still has fond memories of his stay there, particularly his close relationship with Sultan Abubakar III. But in the present day, the government of Sokoto State may not grant privileges to Mr Miner’s grandchildren because they are not “indigenes” of the state.

The late chief of the Mbula people in Adamawa state Joram Fwa, who was a US-trained educationist, was the pioneer principal of Ramat Technical College in Maiduguri under the then Northeastern State. He was entrusted with the assignment of establishing the college and was made its pioneer head. The college has since grown to become Ramat Polytechnic and belongs to the Borno State Government. I will not be surprised if, in the present day, the application of Mr Fwa’s grandchildren for entry into the polytechnic is turned down on the grounds that they are not from Borno state. I have used the examples of these three Northern elders to illustrate what we have done to ourselves over the years through our so-called federal system.

Not too long ago in the 1990s, the governor of Lagos state was a military officer named Buba Marwa, a native of Adamawa State. He was appointed under the military government’s unitary style, and he was well-received in the state because the people knew that that was the system in operation then. At a different time before that, a native of Lagos State, Bode George, was appointed the governor of Ondo State. From all indications, Marwa had performed well in Lagos in terms of infrastructure and crime fighting.

If we do a cost-benefit analysis of the process of appointing Marwa as governor and that of the re-election of Governor Sanwo-Olu in 2023, we would see that the former didn’t cost any significant amount of money and didn’t involve any fracture in relations between major ethnic communities in Lagos while the latter had cost the federal government a lot of money in election expenses and has led to flaring of inter-ethnic animosity, intimidation and violence. In the end, both governors are capable of doing a lot of good for Lagos, the difference in the nature of their appointment notwithstanding. This is why we need to ask ourselves if we really need to have elected governors and LGA chairmen as provided in our current federal constitution or we could simply have them appointed and monitored by the central government.

In the late 1960s and 70s, the governor of Kano State was Audu Bako, a police commissioner and native of present-day Kebbi State. He was appointed by the government of General Yakubu Gowon, and from all historical indications, Kano State has had it so good under him. His appointment didn’t cause any inter-communal upheaval in Kano, and there was no violence. Compare that to the re-election of Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje in 2019 or the election of Abba Kabir Yusuf in 2023, which were both marked by communal tension and violence. Why should we keep using this costly option of election and risk so much when Kano can have good appointed governors just like Audu Bako and Sani Bello? Only a small number of democracies around the world have elected sub-national chief executives as we have, and countries which don’t have them are not deemed to be less democratic than us.

Sometimes Nigerians view unitary systems negatively because they equate them with military governments, but there is nothing that stops us from having a unitary democracy like many countries in the world. The appointed governors and LGA chairmen under this system are going to be civilians, maybe even members of the ruling party at the centre, just like in the system in Ghana, whose 16 regions are all governed by appointed regional ministers who, at the same time, are elected members of the national parliament.

The other fear that Nigerians have about a unitary president becoming too powerful is also misplaced. Ghana’s presidents are not regarded as dictators, and opposition presidential candidates have even won elections there. In any case, parliament is always there as a check on the powers of the president. Unitary systems are cheap, can minimise toxic identity politics, guarantee harmony in the pursuit of developmental priorities and provide better coordination in fighting insecurity. It’s a better system to have than our current federal system, with its unaccountable and politically autonomous governors whose elections are now driving our ethnic and religious communities further apart and threatening the stability of our country.

Whoever brought this American-style federal constitution and gave it to our African tribal groups to implement has not served us well. It’s time we found the courage to abandon the farce. What Nigeria requires is a unitary democratic system with an element of rotational leadership at the centre to ensure its various groups of inclusion.

Dr Raji Bello wrote from Yola, Adamawa State.

By Engr. Auwal Rabiu Dansharif, PhD

The presidential and national assembly elections have come and gone, but the intense political scheming for leadership roles in the National Assembly is still ongoing. 

While it is very logical and democratic for every geopolitical zone in the country to express interest in any leadership role of their choice, it is important to note that some zones are more qualified and befitting to be chosen based on their incredible performance during the February 25, 2023, presidential and national assembly elections. 

In this regard, the Northwest zone of the country comprising Kano, Kaduna, Katsina, Kebbi, Zamfara, Sokoto, and Jigawa states should be given topmost priority and consideration for the Senate Presidency. 

A critical study of the presidential election results has shown that these seven (7) states alone gave the All Progressives Congress (APC) and its candidate Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a total of 2652824 votes against Atiku Abubakar, who polled a total of 2197824 votes in the region.

The votes of the Northwest have exceeded the 2542797 given to the President-Elect by the South-West, his home region, and represent 30 per cent of the overall votes won by the incoming president. This is a clear demonstration of the confidence and trusts the people of the Northwest have towards President-Elect Tinubu. In Kano, the presidential election results show that the APC scored the second-highest number of votes, with 517341 votes, after the NNPP. 

It is pertinent to note that the APC was able to achieve such success with the good efforts of experienced politicians like Senator Barau Jibrin, who was able to lead the party to success in spite of the formidable opposition in the state. It is only very fair for the Northwest region to be rewarded with the Senate Presidency for its efforts, and no candidate befits such reward more than Senator Barau Jibrin.

Barau Jibrin is the longest-serving senator from the region and has held positions that gave him the experience and network that is required for the seat of the Senate President. These make him the best choice among others to be considered for the position in the 10th National Assembly. 

To support this fact, let us revisit the election results that returned Senator Barau back to the Senate. As the saying goes, charity begins at home. Senator Barau of the All Progressives Congress (APC), who represents Kano North Senatorial District, polled 234,652 votes to defeat his main challenger, Dr Abdullahi Baffa Bichi of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), who scored 177,014 votes.

This may appear simple, but it was a really difficult feat for Senator Barau to be able to win re-election in Kano State, where almost all the candidates of the APC lost their elections or re-elections to the opposition in the state.

This was possible for Senator Barau because he has become endeared to his people owing to a patriotic philanthropist who gave generously to society and was always on the front line leading efforts to solve the problems of people both within his political domain and beyond. 

Since he was first elected into the Nigeria Senate in 2015, Senator Barau has initiated and executed almost uncountable interventions and projects in both his constituency and other parts of Kano State, which have directly impacted the lives of the common people positively. 

Some of the projects and programmes he has successfully implemented include the construction of the multi-billion naira Kabuga- Dayi Road, the establishment of Kabo Federal Polytechnic, the construction of access roads in all the 13 local governments of Kano North, construction of five (5) General Hospitals in Kano North, securing employment for a total of 1,459 youths in both state and federal levels as well as empowering thousands of women and youths in different trades and lots more of such. 

Senator Barau, in addition to bringing development to his state and constituency, has also forged excellent relationships with leaders across political divides. He is admired and enormously respected even among formidable opposition figures. 

As the political tsunami in Kano swept away candidates of the ruling party, Senator Barau enjoyed support from people in opposition strongholds who saw him as a bridge builder, a unifying figure that has assisted people irrespective of their political, religious and ethnic affiliations.

Even at the National Assembly, the senator, through his political shrewdness and intellect, has appealed to the good senses of his colleagues from across the numerous geopolitical zones of the country. 

Senator Barau’s journey in the national assembly gave him the opportunity to serve Nigerians in various capacities. Some of the portfolios he held include; Chairman Committee appropriation in the lower and upper chamber, member committee on power in the lower chamber, vice chairman and later chairman committee on petroleum resources (downstream), Chairman committee on the tertiary institution (Tetfund),  Member committees on Niger delta, industries, land transportation. 

The invaluable experience he gathered certainly makes him a good consideration for the seat of the Senate presidency. 

In terms of representation, Senator Barau has been an excellent ambassador of Kano state as well as a champion of many bills or motion that seeks to improve the lives of Nigerians from wherever they come. He was among the champions of the PIB bill, being a one-time vice chairman and eventually chairman committee on Petroleum Resources (downstream) of the Senate. He has also been a moderating voice and a mediator who has made a mark as one of the most stabilizing pillars of the upper chamber. 

Perhaps this virtue is one of the reasons that saw him as the best fit for being Chairman Committee on Appropriation both in the lower chamber when he was a member there and now in the Senate. Having to deal with almost all members in both chambers on issues of constituency projects and, at the same time, executives on their proposals is a herculean task that only the best can be able to handle and succeed at the same time. This virtue is also very important in shortening the journey a Bill takes from motion to accent, bringing closer the benefit of the accented bills to the Nigerian populace. 

His portfolio in the National Assembly has given him the requisite experience to act as a bridge between one hand members across party lines and executives on the other hand. The idea of a rubber stamp senate president is hardly practical, being that motions are debated by all members with diverse political views and interests before being passed to the president for accent. This is, however, indicative of high political shrewdness, intellectual management, and reasoning. These qualities make him a good candidate for the seat of senate president, of which Senator Barau is an embodiment.

The running of the Senate is a continuous process from where the previous stops. Hence, it is pertinent that the incoming Senate president be one that has been actively involved in the activities of the Senate. There are Bills that are in motion, others in their last phase of reading, and a lot of others awaiting the accent of the President. Senator Barau being a second term senator already and having been part of the process all through, and having qualities as highlighted above, will be the best man to lead the 1oth senate to see these Bills see the light of day for Nigerians to benefit from. 

The 2023 elections have exposed some weaknesses that the APC has, among which is their loss of grip on Kano. It will be rational to see the APC strategizing to close that gap. It will be a good move for the APC Excos to galvanise support for Senator Barau’s bid for Senate Presidency, being the highest surviving political officer the APC has in the state, in order to match the formidable structure of the NNPP in the state. The might of the office of the Governor occupied by NNPP can only be matched by the might of the Senate president from the state. Senator Barau has a reputation for using his political strength to gain voters’ affinity, as highlighted above.

Based on the foregoing, there is a need for political stakeholders to study this proposal carefully and make the right choice by ensuring Senator Barau Jibrin emerges as the President of the 10th Senate. In doing so, there would be a joining of the political strength of person and region, which will translate to a win-win situation for the APC and Nigerians at large.

Engr. Auwal Rabi’u Dansharif writes from Kano and can be reached via ardansharif@hotmail.com.

Dear Sir,

I shall begin by congratulating you for winning the governorship election in Kano state. I am thrilled to write this letter, and I hope it will reach you in a sound manner.

Sir, the awaiting day has arrived, and your dream and ours have come true. The long and rough journey we have been travelling on has now come to an end. A new journey has begun.

Sir, you have witnessed the outstanding hard work and roles played by scholars, educationists and students in bringing you to this stage. We must salute the investment in education by the father, founder and leader of “Kwankwasiyya” in the name of Eng. Dr Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.

Education is the backbone of the development of every society. Therefore, reformation of the lopsided education system in this state is what poor masses have been dreaming of, and it is one of their reasons (if not the major) for casting their votes for you, courageously hoping that you will repair the broken shoulder of the education system in this state.

I hope this letter will serve as a call for the revocation of the defraud-sold public properties: some parts of the land of some primary and secondary schools, tertiary institutions, and some government organisations by the outgoing government around Kano state.

I shall also not be reluctant to mention the sale of GSS Panshekara, WRECA Quarters, land and defunct abattoir along Panshekara road. I am sure each of these lands is more than enough to build a new primary or secondary school or faculty for some of our state tertiary institutions.

Furthermore, civil servants should also not be forgotten or left behind. We hope that the incessant tears running in their faces for many years hope will be stopped and wiped by your blessing palms.

Sir, I hope you will act as your name implies, “Abban Kanawa”, which means “father of Kano people”. You will handle and take care of us as your children. May Allah help you and make it easier for you to carry out your duties and bring Kano state forward.

Yours faithfully,

Musa Idris Panshekara.

By Shu’aibu Rabiu

I’m writing this with my heart sinking out of the brink, confused, and absorbed in the prism of my mind lost in the ocean, wandering not because of the outcome of the election or what may become of the winner or the looser but rather, of the situation Jigawans might find themselves due to the unrest that has been going on due to the current mant

Jigawa has been known to be one of Nigeria’s most peaceful and harmonious states for decades. However, this aged-long history is currently being threatened by what seems to be political tribalism and jingoism (emiratism, to be specific).

Since the inception of Jigawa, it has had three democratically elected governors – Ibrahim Saminu Turaki (Jigawa north-west senatorial district comprising Kazaure, Ringim and Gumel emirates), Sule Lamido (Jigawa south-west senatorial district which consists of Dutse emirate only) and Muhammad Badaru Abubakar (Jigawa north-west senatorial district). Looking at the division above, one may wonder what the Jigawa north-east senatorial district is.

Well, after the completion of the party primaries in the state, Malam Umar Namadi Danmodi from Jigawa north-eastern senatorial district emerged victorious under the flag of the All Progressive Congress (APC), While Mustapha Sule Lamido from Jigawa south-western senatorial district, became the flagbearer of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). This, however, ignites the fire of what seems to be a battle between the already two conflicting emirates of Dutse and Hadejia, respectively.

For, Hadejia believed or rather thought of Dutse as its major shield or barrier in achieving its goal of producing a governor for the state. Dutse, on the other hand, considers Hadejia a threat to the state, for they believe Hadajiwas are selfish, narcissistic and self-centred, hence the hatred and hostility toward them.

The current enmity, hatred, hate speech and uproar doubled after the just concluded presidential election when both emirates decided to support their own (Hadejia went for APC’s presidential candidate, while Dutse voted for the PDP’s). This, however, became the major cause of the political unrest in the state, which, if care is not taken, will be a driving factor for the division of Jigawa in terms of political instability, peaceful coexistence and even beyond.

My main concern in the article is not who’s right or wrong for choosing to support their own and go against the other. Instead, my problem is what may become of Jigawa and its citizens now that Mustapha/Umar is declared governor-elect for the state.

It is pertinent to, at this juncture, make it categorically clear that the constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria states that whoever wins an election will serve all the citizens irrespective of party, region or emirate affiliation. This means that Malam Umar Namadi will be a governor for all the citizens of Jigawa state, and his leadership will have no relation with the saying “to each, their own”. This is a hard-and-fast rule.

Well, first things first, we must know that there’s life after the election, which is one of the most important things to consider now. Because, often, the election comes and goes, and as far as tradition, it usually comes with things that jeopardise people’s relationships, which often lead to lifelong enmity. This, however, will affect the state in such a way that the winner you fought for will find it challenging to manage the administrative duties delicately because you’re at war. So he must find a way to stop it, which will divert his attention from doing tangible things for the development of the state.

For peace and stability to continue in Jigawa, we must eliminate what happened during the camping and the election in our minds. Let’s embrace each other, forgive and forget, and be our brothers’ keepers. Until we do this, the aged long peace and stability will only be a thing to remember.

I, therefore, appeal to my fellow Jigawa citizens to accept this outcome with open arms. If the outcome turnout against your prepared candidate, please pray it turns out the best. Similarly, don’t let what happened to ruin your relationship with your friends anywhere in the state. Remember, this is all politics!

And to Malam Umar Namadi, I pray that you turn out to be the best that ever happened to Jigawa, may Allah the omnipotent guide you to do the right thing for Jigawa, amin.

Congratulations and best wishes.

Shu’aibu Rabiu wrote via shubrabbkd@gmail.com.