By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Governor Uba Sani has presented a N985.9 billion budget estimate for the 2026 fiscal year to the Kaduna State House of Assembly, focusing on sustaining development across critical sectors.

Titled a budget of “renewal, resilience and long-term vision,” the proposal allocates 71% to capital expenditure and 29% to recurrent spending.

Key sectors like Education and Infrastructure each receive 25% of the total, while Health gets 15%, and Agriculture 11%.

Highlighting past achievements, Governor Sani stated that his administration has completed 64 of 140 initiated road projects, covering over 1,335 kilometers.

He also noted the introduction of Northern Nigeria’s first Bus Rapid Transit system in Kaduna, which has reportedly saved citizens over N500 million in transport costs.

In education, the government said it reopened 535 schools, returning over 300,000 children to classrooms, alongside massive construction and renovation of facilities.

The health sector is seeing upgrades to all 255 Primary Healthcare Centres and major work on 15 General Hospitals.

A significant highlight was the increase in agriculture investment from N1.4 billion in 2023 to N74.2 billion in 2025, which included the distribution of free fertilizer to farmers.

The Governor also emphasized fiscal prudence, stating that no new loans have been contracted since taking office, despite paying N114.9 billion in debt servicing.

Furthermore, the administration’s community development initiative saw N100 million allocated to each of the state’s 255 wards for participatory projects.

The 2026 budget now awaits the scrutiny and approval of the State House of Assembly.

By Ibrahim Yunusa

In a symbolic reflection of their field of study, 56 students from the Department of Fisheries and Aquaculture, Federal University Dutse (FUD), have successfully completed their academic journey after 71 months of rigorous training, earning them the tag “the 56 harvested fishes.”

Their journey, which began in December 2019, was not without currents and tides, strikes, pandemics, and academic demands.

But like resilient species in challenging waters with moderate required parameters, they swam through research projects, field trips, industrial training scheme, practicals and other relevant courses.

A jamboree was held to commemorate the voyage that was started 71 months ago and was filled with emotion, laughter, and pride as lecturers and member of the class witnessed the official “harvest.”

For many, it wasn’t just the end of a programme, it was the beginning of new voyages: into aquaculture businesses, research, environmental sustainability, and public service.

One of the graduates, Hafsat Yahaya Gutus, has taken the attention of the event in reminiscing how the journey started from 2019 and ended with a jocular statement, “we started as fingerlings, survived like juveniles, and we are now fully grown broodstocks ready to restock the world.”

At the end of the graduation ceremony the HOD and other attending lecturers of the department urged the graduates to put what they were taught into practice warning that letting their six years of hard work go to waste would be a boondoggle.

By Ibrahim Yunusa

After their draw with Girona and losing the top spot in the La Liga standings, once again Real Madrid players are facing heavy criticism, and the rumors about Xabi Alonso’s departure are heating up.

Real Madrid drew 1-1 with Girona away from home on Sunday night.

This marks the third draw for the club in the La Liga season, and it’s the first time since 2019 that such a result has occurred.

Following the draw, the Spanish newspaper AS stated: “Most Real Madrid players are performing below their usual level. In their last three away matches, they have failed to maintain the confidence that Alonso built at the start of the season, and it’s as if that momentum has been lost.”

Due to the team’s poor performance and results, many recent rumors have emerged regarding the possibility of Xabi Alonso’s departure.

However, Spanish journalist Félix Díaz stated, “Xabi Alonso still has confidence within the Real Madrid management. While patience with the coach is needed, unity is also essential to get things back on track, especially now that doubts are rising and they have lost the lead in the standings.”

Real Madrid will resume training and preparations this afternoon, and on Wednesday, they will face Athletic Bilbao in an away match.

By Uzair Adam

The Kano State Government has expressed concern over the resurgence of commercial motorcycle operations, popularly known as Achaba, vowing decisive measures to protect residents and their property.

The Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, revealed in a statement on Sunday that intelligence reports confirm the return of Achaba activities in several areas of Kano metropolis and surrounding border communities.

“Despite the longstanding ban, some individuals are now operating motorcycles as commercial operators in parts of the state, creating security challenges that cannot be ignored,” Waiya said.

He assured that the government is collaborating closely with security agencies to contain the threat, noting that all necessary support has been provided to ensure their operations are effective and professional.

“Our security agencies are fully on top of the situation. We remain committed to deploying any additional assistance required to protect the lives and property of Kano residents,” the commissioner emphasized.

Addressing public suggestions for enhanced monitoring, including surveillance at the state’s entry and exit points, Waiya said these recommendations are being reviewed as part of a comprehensive security strategy.

“We sincerely appreciate the vigilance, cooperation, and patriotism of the people of Kano. Their input strengthens our efforts to overcome security challenges,” he added.

The commissioner reiterated that Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s administration is determined to restore peace and stability across all 44 Local Government Areas.

He also stressed the government’s commitment to working with local authorities, traditional institutions, community leaders, and citizens’ groups to ensure a safe environment for all.

Residents have been urged to remain alert, report suspicious activities, and cooperate with security operatives as the government intensifies efforts to curb the return of Achaba operations.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Suspected bandits have abducted Oba Kamilu Salami, the Ojibara of Bayagan in Kwara State’s Ifelodun Local Government Area, demanding a N150 million ransom for his release.

The monarch was seized around 9:30 am last Friday on his farm by armed men wielding AK-47 rifles.

Investigations reveal the kidnappers had been monitoring the royal father’s movements for days prior to the attack.

An anonymous family source confirmed the kidnappers made contact, issuing the hefty ransom demand to secure his freedom.

A neighbouring farmer, who witnessed the invasion but feared for his own safety, confirmed seeing the armed men whisk the Oba away on a motorcycle.

Police authorities at the Ifelodun Divisional Headquarters in Share town have acknowledged the incident.

An anonymous senior officer stated that the State Police Command has been alerted and has launched a manhunt to apprehend the perpetrators and rescue the monarch.

By Abdulmajid Abubakar

I often reflect on my earliest memories, and I realize something profound; for those of us under 50 years, there has only ever been one Emir, His Royal Highness, Ahmad Muhammad Sani II. Sa Maza gudu…

His name was not introduced to us; we grew up inside its echo. His presence was not explained; it was part of the air we breathed, part of the identity we inherited as children of Gumel.

I still remember the traditional songs, the Khakaki, Algaita of his praise-singers that rhythmic chant carrying his name through the streets, floating on the harmattan breeze, around Lautai.

We didn’t grasp every word, but we felt the respect in every tone, the pride in every syllable, the joy that rose in our hearts when his name was sung.

Even at that young age, we knew his name meant something noble.Sallar Ghani was our festival of wonder. I still remember how we would rush out during Sallar Ghani, hearts pounding with excitement and anticipation, just to catch a glimpse of, our beloved leader.

And when HRH finally approached us with yan bindiga and lifidi, mounted on his royal horse, adorned in shimmering regalia, surrounded by yan Silke and giant riders from left-right called Giwa, Mai Martaba is more than a leader.

He is the living face of our heritage. A symbol of our home. A reminder that Gumel had a story older than our own memories.To us young boys, it wasn’t “just hawan sallah. It was magical, it was royalty in motion, it was a vision that shaped our dreams and planted in us the desire to grow into worthy sons of the emirate.

As children, whenever someone mentioned “Gumel,” our faces lit up with pride and joy.That name carried warmth; the warmth of belonging. It carried dignity; the dignity of being tied to a people of honor. It carried pride; the kind that sits quietly in the chest but rises whenever someone calls your hometown.We counted down the days to school holidays, not because we wanted to play, but because it meant we were going home, to Gumel, our haven of peace and heritage.

Home to the stories, the elders, the palace aura, and the living history that surrounded his throne, a constant reminder of our rich legacy. Home to the land where his leadership quietly shaped our values and our identity, molding us into compassionate and responsible individuals.

As the years passed, we began to understand what we had only felt as children.His humility, his patience, his devotion to unity and peace, all the qualities we observed from afar became clearer as we grew older.

His leadership has been like a tall, steady tree rooted in the centre of the emirate, never loud, never seeking applause, yet always offering shade, always offering stability, always offering wisdom.Gumel grew under his watch, and so did we.

His reign is not merely part of history; it is part of our childhood, part of our upbringing, part of who we are.He taught us, even without speaking directly to us, that true leadership is service, a selfless devotion to the greater good.

Through his example, we learned that dignity is quiet, that respect is earned, and that honor is lived, not declared.

May Allah continue to strengthen HRH and bless his stewardship over the land we love.

May He grant Mai Martaba long life, peaceful years, and the fulfillment that comes from a life of service.

And may Gumel remain a haven, a place children still long to return to, a place filled with tradition, unity, and grace, just as it was in my teenage years.

Long live the Emir of Gumel. Allah Ya Ja zamani Mai Martaba Sarkin Gumel, Alhaji (Dr.) Ahmad Muhammad Sani II, (CON)A leader I adored as a child, and honor deeply as a man.

A guardian of our heritage, a symbol of our pride, a presence etched into the memory of every son and daughter who grew up under his gentle shade.

By Siddiq Oyelami

Two days ago, I made two brief WhatsApp posts reacting to Ahmed Salkida’s recent piece on Shekau. Since then, some brothers have approached me privately, prompting this response… It’s lengthy!

Prior to HumAngle releasing the so-called exposé, I saw Salkida on X warning against misinformation during this tense period. Because of that, I genuinely expected something rigorous, especially from a journalist I admire for his work. Instead, the article left me bewildered by its carelessness.

Many have questioned both the timing and intention behind the publication. If the goal was to help us understand Shekau to close ranks and strengthen unity, then it was poorly executed. If, however, the aim was to sensationalise a “sweet” story, regardless of the divisions it might inflame, then the timing is deeply unfortunate. The piece is riddled with inaccuracies, inconsistencies, and self-serving undertones.

Below are the key issues I find most troubling.

1. Shekau and the “Christian Genocide” Narrative: Based on the promotional posts, I expected an analysis that foregrounds unity and avoids inflammatory framings. Instead, the article uncritically adopts the term “Christian Genocide” (without even quotation marks). It asserts that Shekau’s “long war of mass abductions, executions, and persecution of Christians” is his primary legacy. The choice of words in the concluding paragraph even makes it worse, because according to it, Christians were “hunted” and Muslims “who dissented” were “condemned.”

Although Salkida briefly notes that Boko Haram targeted “the vast majority of Muslims,” he misses an important historical point: Boko Haram itself emerged from a narrative of “Muslim genocide.” Muhammad Yusuf repeatedly claimed that the Nigerian state existed to kill Muslims, citing events in Kafanchan, Zangon-Kataf, Tafawa Balewa, and Plateau as evidence. These claims were deeply woven into the group’s early worldview.I am not endorsing these sentiments. However, in the background of some of these thoughts and the implications of narratives being pushed today, we need to know and teach them. In fact, I will leave a reference to Rev. Matthew Kukah’s work: Religion, Politics and Power in Northern Nigeria (184–206). My point is simply that Salkida re-opens old wounds without offering the complete historical framing needed to neutralise them. In doing so, he leaves readers with a lopsided narrative.

FYI: When questioned on why he later turned his guns on the same Muslims he claimed to defend, Shekau reportedly replied that he “did not know they were kafir all along.”

2. The Ibn Taymiyyah Question and Salafi Scapegoating: This is where most people have raised objections. The article casually throws Salafis under the bus, echoing shallow talking points common among poorly informed “jihadism experts.” Salkida later came out to defend himself, citing Muhammad Yusuf’s book. Yes, he is correct that MY cited Ibn Taymiyyah in Hādhihi Aqīdatunā. However, this is neither new nor surprising. But it is misleading to suggest that Ibn Taymiyyah taught that “the corruption of rulers justifies rebellion,” and even more misleading to give the impression that Yusuf cited him for that purpose. Yusuf’s citations are not about rebellion, but rather on definitions of iman, kufr and governance, and even those are often selective or decontextualised. None of this is uniquely “Taymiyyan.” For proper analysis, one may consider the work of Prof. Jabir Sani Maihula, who treated Ibn Taymiyya in Jihadi works and especially engaged with the so-called Hādhihi Aqīdatunā as well. The attempt to smuggle “Salafism” wholesale into Boko Haram discourse betrays a lack of understanding of both. Yes, Boko Haram drew from Salafi creeds, but its legal methodology, political theory, and violent praxis diverge sharply from mainstream Salafism—so much so that Boko Haram declared Salafi scholars apostates and killed several.To understand the complex ideological framing of Boko Haram, let’s take this brief genealogy:

• Yusuf’s father was a Sufi mallam opposed to conventional education. He migrated from Yobe to avoid sending his children to school when the government introduced compulsory education.

• Yusuf absorbed anti-state activism from being Zakzaky’s student before leaving IMN in 1994 for Izala when he was warned of the shism of Zakzaky.

• Izala might have introduced MY to Ibn Taymiyyah’s works, but lacked the radical thrust he sought, prompting him to establish the “Ibn Taymiyya Centre.”As Dr. Bukarti and Shaykh Nurudeen Lemu have noted, Boko Haram took the extremes of every group it encountered.

Regarding Shekau specifically: in his last treatise, Risālat Maʿnā al-Islām, he did not cite Ibn Taymiyyah at all. However, he cited Uthman b. Fodio, a reformer and Qadiri sufi, a group that Shekau considered kafir even before the uprising. Meanwhile, even Uthman’s brother Abdullah b. Fodio criticised him on the issues that Shekau would quote him on. But then, Shekau’s master ideology that made him kill carelessly was heavily drawn on Ibn Hazm’s views on Muslims living under non-Muslim rule. Even this was repudiated by Mamman Nur and others, who argued that Ibn Hazm did not support the reckless conclusions Shekau drew. Reading the Mahalla of Ibn Hazm, any sane person will see that Shekau cherry-picked the quotations.

3. The Alhaji Garba Account: The section on Alhaji Garba is new to me, and I appreciate the detail. But the narrative is blurry and comes across as an attempt to villainise state agencies by describing Shekau “trading pleasantries at checkpoints.” At that point, Shekau was deeply embedded in regional networks and making deals across the Sahara through proxies. Isolating such moments without context misrepresents the comeback of BH and the making as many know him. 4. Mamman Nur and the Claim of “Shekau’s Generosity”Salkida creates an interesting contrast in his story by humanising Shekau and highlighting his generosity toward his obedient servants. However, these accounts do not align with documented reality or the group’s own testimonies. Salkida suggests that Mamman Nur “abandoned the group before the July 2009 uprising.” But this vague statement can be countered by videos of Nur before the uprising, he used some of the strongest words to incite the congregation at the Ibn Taymiyya centre. Dr. Abdulbasit Kasim documented his March 2009 video as his last appearance before years later. However, Jacob Zenn cites a June 2009 video in which Nur discussed the helmet crisis and incited the congregation. The helmet crisis occurred on 11 June, and it was lectures like Nur’s that ultimately led to the uprising. Does it even make sense that he stirred up everything and “abandoned” the group? Truly, Nur did not re-emerge in Borno in 2010 like most of the group’s bigwigs, but whether this was an ideological break from Shekau or simply a tactical decision is unclear. In fact, many researchers have stated that he underwent military training, citing different locations, but definitely not Cameroon. Salkida’s okada in Cameroon story could be true, though, but he was wrong with saying he “abandoned” the group “before the uprising.”As for Shekau’s “generosity,” testimonies from Abu Musab and others say otherwise. Shekau is known to hold resources (generators, fuels, and even food), and he reportedly noted that providing for dependents was not the emir’s duty. Worthy of note is that one of the reasons they turned against him was this selfishness.

5. The “Useful Infidel” Label: To reinforce his authority, Salkida introduces the label kāfiri mai fa’ida (useful infidel) narrative. Shekau was indeed narcissistic and obsessed with appearing on camera, especially after 2012 when he replaced the spokesman Abu Qaqa as the face of Boko Haram. But Salkida’s chronology is inconsistent, because “2009-2015” raises questions about how often he had access to the group’s materials. Meanwhile, trying to smuggle his own authority into the story of Shekau was uncalled for. Shekau was not the face of the group till 2012, and after that, Salkida was not the only link between the group and the world.

Conclusion

Salkida remains one of the most knowledgeable journalists on Boko Haram’s early history. But this particular article is weakened by sensational framings! It failed to clarify Shekau’s ideological journey while successfully reopening old divisions and presents a distorted picture that serves neither scholarship nor social cohesion.

By Anas Abbas

Families in Tsanyawa Local Government Area of Kano State are in a race against time after bandits threatened to kill ten abducted residents unless a ransom is paid.

The situation was brought to light by the father of one of the victims, who spoke to a local radio station on Sunday.

He revealed that the kidnappers have designated him as their messenger, using him to relay their demands to the other affected families.

“They call me three or even four times daily, warning me to abide by their requests or they would kill our family members,” the distraught father stated.

He expressed the families’ helplessness in the face of the enormous sum demanded, telling the bandits, “We have never seen that kind of money. All we have are our farmlands and a few small animals.”

The man begged Kano State Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, for immediate intervention.

“We ask you, our Governor, in the name of God, please help us. They are killing our sons,” he lamented, fearing that time is running out to save the victims.

Kano State Police Command has not issued an official statement regarding this specific threat.

The incident has heightened fears of worsening insecurity in the state’s rural communities.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and ex-Governor of Kano State, Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, has dismissed the Kano State Government’s call for his arrest, describing the move as baseless and irresponsible.

The former governor made his position known through a statement issued by his Chief Press Secretary, Edwin Olofu.In the statement, Ganduje faulted the approach of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s administration, insisting that the government had failed to address the worsening security situation in the state.

“It is deeply unfortunate that rather than addressing the escalating insecurity ravaging the state, Governor Yusuf has chosen to chase shadows while searching for scapegoats to conceal his glaring failures,” he said.

Ganduje noted that residents in Bagwai, Shanono, Tsanyawa, and other communities had suffered repeated assaults from criminals.

He said the governor had not visited the affected areas or shown concern for the victims.

“His continued absence in moments that require leadership speaks volumes of his disconnect from the people he claims to serve,” the statement added.

The former governor emphasised that he had never been associated with violence. He stated that the accusations were an attempt to mislead the public and divert attention from the government’s shortcomings.

He called on Governor Yusuf to concentrate on his constitutional responsibilities, especially the protection of lives and property, instead of engaging in political distractions.

The development followed the Kano State Government’s announcement on Friday, calling for the immediate arrest of Ganduje over alleged inciting statements and attempts to form an illegal militia group in the state.

By Mallam Shamsuddeen Suleiman Kibiya

In the long and complex story of Islam in Nigeria, the tension between Salafi reformists and Sufi traditionalists has never been merely a clash of doctrines. It is, more often than we care to admit, a clash of tempers—of the tone one uses, the suspicion one bears, and the verdict one passes on those who practice religion a bit differently. What should have remained a quiet intellectual disagreement has, over time, metamorphosed into an extremism that thrives not on knowledge but on rhetoric.

When Dr Idris Abdulaziz Dutsen Tanshi passed on, the reaction from certain Salafi circles betrayed this peculiar tendency. His admirers saw his death as the painful exit of a righteous man who had lived his life fighting against innovation in religion and straightening the Umma along the path of Tawhid. On the other side, some Sufi-leaning critics responded not with mercy but with long-stored resentment—reminding the public of his “harshness,” his “excessive criticisms,” and his uncompromising, even combative sermons. The atmosphere felt less like the departure of a scholar and more like the settling of old, bitter scores.

And when Shaikh Dahiru Bauchi passed a few days ago, the pattern repeated itself, but this time in reverse. Sufi adherents elevated him beyond scholarship—into sainthood, into miracle, into myth. The outpouring was understandable, but in some corners it crossed into something else: a triumphalism that painted all those who disagreed with his spiritual path as misguided, cold, or spiritually weak. Some Salafi commentators, instead of exercising solemnity, used the moment to revisit old doctrinal disputes—reminding audiences of “bid’ah,” “ghuluw,” and “un-Islamic practices.” Even in death, the walls between both camps seemed eager to echo old hostilities.

What is common to both episodes is that the extremists on either side were saying the same thing without even realising it: that Allah’s mercy is exclusive to their camp; that the Ummah is too big to be shared, but too small to contain disagreement. And this, in its essence, is the extremism of our time—not the extremism of bombs and guns, but the extremism of the tongue.

The Salafi hardliner tends to imagine himself as the last defender of pristine Islam, wielding a vocabulary of denunciation: shirk, bid’ah, dalala, and ghaflah ad infinitum. Every disagreement becomes a deviation, every deviation a threat, and every Sufi becomes a suspect. Meanwhile, the Sufi extremist believes himself to be the custodian of spiritual truth, seeing the Salafi as spiritually blind, stone-hearted literalist, deprived of the inner sweetness of faith and to stretch it even further, an enemy of the beloved prophet SAW himself. Each side constructs a convenient caricature of the other —and then fights that caricature as if it were real.

The danger, however, is that rhetorical extremism does not remain rhetorical over the long run. It shapes communities. It hardens hearts. It turns mosques into enclaves, scholars into partisans and differences into hostilities. What begins as doctrinal rigidity becomes social fragmentation. And what should have been an Ummah becomes a map of feuding camps.

Yet, there is something instructive about how both Dr Idris Abdulaziz and Shaikh Dahiru Bauchi were remembered by their true students—not those who fight for them online, but those who actually sat with them. I mean, their real students, across divides, spoke about their scholarship, humility, discipline, and service. They remembered their knowledge—not their polemics. They recalled their character—not their controversies. This is a reminder that the extremists on both sides, loud as they are, do not represent the whole story.

Nigeria’s Muslim community must now decide what it wishes to inherit from its scholars: the softness of their manners or the sharpness of their debates; their mercy or their anger; their wisdom or their polemics.

To insist that disagreement must lead to division is itself an extremist position. To insist that every scholar must resemble one’s preferred tradition is another. And to pretend that Islam is too fragile to survive multiple approaches is perhaps the greatest of all.

In the end, the Ummah does not collapse because its members disagree. It collapses when disagreement becomes hatred, and hatred finds a pulpit.

May Nigeria’s Muslims learn to argue with knowledge, to differ with dignity, and to remember that Allah, in His infinite mercy, did not create only one path to Him—and certainly not only one temperament.