By Abdurrahman Musa

As political fireworks ignite across Nigeria ahead of the 2027 general elections, one looming move threatens to shake the very foundations of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC): the speculated defection of Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso—former Kano State Governor and NNPP national leader.

To some within the APC ranks, welcoming Kwankwaso appears to be a masterstroke, but others are warning because, his entry could ignite a political inferno that burns the APC’s fragile peace in Kano, upends Tinubu’s re-election ambitions, and hands the opposition [which he might later join] a golden ticket to power.

Here is why:

Kano could explode as a factional earthquake looms

It is a known fact that Kwankwaso is no ordinary politician. He is a master strategist who always thinks for himself and what would favour him. Therefore, for him to join the APC, people should know that he will not just come with followers—he commands a powerful political cult – the fiery Kwankwasiyya movement that stands in direct confrontation with the Ganduje-led APC structure in Kano. Welcoming him is like inviting a hurricane into a house of cards. The party risks a full-blown internal war, splintering into rival factions, parallel commands, and electoral sabotage that could spell doom in 2027. APC’s strength in the North’s largest voting bloc may shatter into chaos.

Collapsing NNPP could be the PDP’s resurrection.

They said politics is a game of chess. When you think in a rush and make a wrong move, you woefully lose the game. Here’s the twist: dissolving the NNPP doesn’t automatically benefit the APC. In fact, it might just revive the PDP from the political coma. Kwankwaso’s defection could enrage his loyal base, pushing them straight into the waiting arms of Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and the PDP.

Mr President, do you remember 2023? The fragmented opposition in the North gifted Tinubu an edge. Destroy that balance and the pendulum swings possibly against you. Therefore, a fractured NNPP doesn’t guarantee APC victory—it may instead restore Atiku’s Northern stronghold.

A clash of presidential titans between President Tinubu vs. Senator Kwankwaso

Let us be honest—Kwankwaso isn’t joining to play a backup singer. His presidential ambition is loud, clear, and relentless. He might demand a Tinubu-Kwankwaso 2027 ticket or insist on a powerful stake in the party. If denied, he could turn against the APC from within—just like in 2019, when he was accused of deliberately undermining Atiku’s campaign in Kano while funneling resources into his gubernatorial candidate. If welcomed, Kwankwaso could shake the APC from the inside. If sidelined, he could sabotage it. History could repeat itself – this time inside the APC.

Kano youths might revolt against you

History has shown that youths are the vanguard of Kano politics. They are the ones that win you election. Currently, the streets of Kano pulse with the energy of Kwankwasiyya youth. Integrating them into the APC is not a handshake—it’s a negotiation with a volatile base. Mismanage it, and the backlash could be swift: boycotts, protests, or backing a rival candidate. The APC risks alienating the very people who once delivered it millions of votes. One misstep, the youth quake could be catastrophic.

Ganduje is the pillar—don’t shake it

In my own opinion, instead of importing instability, the APC should solidify Ganduje’s party leadership and Kano political camp. It guarantees a winning formula. Furthermore, consolidate strategic allies like Senator Barau Jibrin from Kano North and Senator Kawu Sumaila from Kano South, this offers a more convincing future and gradually win over NNPP supporters. With this, APC can present a united, formidable front—without the drama.

The ball is in your court, Mr President

Mr President, the choice is yours—so are the consequences This is no time for political gambling. The illusion of short-term gains from the Kwankwaso’s defection may cost you the presidency itself. The NNPP’s demise must not become PDP’s rebirth. The APC must learn from the PDP’s collapse—a tale of chaotic mergers and unchecked egos, in which Kwankwaso played a starring role. The hunger for Kwankwaso’s two million Kano votes is strong—but deceptive. It’s a honey trap. What looks like a prize could become a poison pill that wrecks the APC from within and opens the floodgates for a PDP resurgence.

Mr President, it’s your turn: “Emilokan“. But only if you don’t blow it. Listen to Kano. Consult the real stakeholders. Do not gamble away your second chance on a political wild card with a history of wrecking alliances from within. This is not just a political move—it’s a potential crisis in the making. Mr President don’t repeat PDP’s mistake. The voice of reason is calling. Will you listen?

Abdurrahman Musa writes from Kano. He’s a political analyst and APC stakeholder.

By Saifullahi Attahir

Although not an expert in global health, the future for Nigeria’s healthcare intervention looks bleak.

Over the decades, we have become overly dependent on foreign aid in managing HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, Malaria, Maternal mortality, and malnutrition. Looking at it critically, it seems only a few medical conditions are not supported by foreign aid. 

Of course, it’s true that these medications would cost a huge chunk of our budget if left to be funded domestically.

As someone who works and mingles in the lower ranks, I have witnessed many sorrowful occurrences;Nigerians and even healthcare professionals do not contribute to improving the situation every day. 

The gross mismanagement, working solely for the sake of remuneration, and how locals can manipulate thingsto ensure that funding for the Polio and measles vaccine campaign keeps coming is abominable. 

Local community health workers eagerly take what little support is available for the poor victims. I have witnessed dozens of people only interested in switching to public health positions to work with NGOs (Non-Governmental Organisations). Everyone rushes toward the available funding for nurses, doctors, anatomists,  scientists, etc.. 

This is apart from an article I read in 2016 by the legendary Sonala Olumhense about the 2010 report by the Global Fund about crude mismanagement of the fund by several Nigerian agencies regarding the money allocated to fight HIV/AIDS, TB, and Malaria.

Ideally, foreign funding should not be eternal; the country must find a way to sustain the programs.

 Public health is well-versed in public-private partnerships (PPPS) and the design of each primary healthcare program so that locals can sustain it. Since day one, this has raised the issue of affordability, which the US should have taught Nigerians how to develop drugs locally at a cheaper rate, so as not to depend on their markets and pharmaceutical companies.

President Trump has already come, and we should expect and prepare for more shocks rather than continual crying out. This should serve as a wake-up call for our policymakers and the President to find a way out.

It’s unlikely the USAID funding would be reversed. We should have prepared for the rainy days ahead.

Saifullahi Attahir, a 400l Medical student of  Federal University Dutse, wrote via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar 

President Donald Trump has stirred controversy once again after publishing a digitally altered portrait of himself dressed as the Pope on his social media platform, Truth Social. The image, which depicts Trump in papal robes and regalia, quickly drew widespread attention and sparked debate online.

This unusual post follows Trump’s previous tongue-in-cheek remark in which he joked about becoming the next head of the Roman Catholic Church after Pope Francis. While many of his supporters saw the post as humorous and bold, critics accused the former president of disrespecting religious traditions.

The Vatican has not officially commented on the image or Trump’s earlier remarks.

Trump, known for his provocative and unconventional use of social media, continues to dominate headlines since his return to the White House for the second time.

By Sa’adatu Aliyu 

Whenever I think of Nigeria, my mind swiftly veers towards the plot of author Adamu Kyuka Usman’s book “Hope in Anarchy.“ A book that explores the disastrous effects of poverty in Beku City where Ahoka, the main character, finds himself, and how this impoverishment, caused by the enormous economic disparity between the rich and poor, injustice, and political disillusionment, slowly tore into the fabric of society, creating a Republic of criminality and lawlessness, consequently proving that injustice and poverty largely birth insecurity.

Security in a country can’t be underestimated. It is a thread stitching other things together. It is what lets a nation thrive; without it, the potential of a people is diminished, as fear is one of the greatest potential killers. Unfortunately, this menace bedevils our country today, disorganising everything and everyone, causing citizens to lose their lives and means of livelihood. While the state appears to be attempting to tackle this, little success has been recorded, leaving most in utter despair and repeatedly asking: When will this nightmare end?

Similarly, I am writing this piece with the question: When will this mayhem cease? But while also seeking accountability from the government, in addition to challenging them to bring an end to this menace, though I do not want to point accusing fingers at some malicious politician as being in the know of the root cause of this instability or as having direct involvement with the current status quo for one selfish reason or another—primarily to enrich themselves or capitalising on the insecurity to gain political leverage during elections. I firmly believe that we’re not as helpless as we portray.

To quote a PhD student of Political Science, Hamza Aliyu, who is also a political analyst, “Sometimes if there’s a prolonged state of insecurity in a nation, the government is aware of its actors.” Backing former military president Gen. Sani Abacha’s quote, “Any insurgency that lasts more than 24 hours, a government official has a hand in it.” While these claims may be exaggerated, and I do not want to make myself believe such statements, I strongly insist that we cannot continue like this. As such, with the right attitude, there’s a way forward.

And this is why I am calling on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to put necessary mechanisms in place to fight these insecurities presenting themselves in multiple shades: from ethnic and religious tensions to kidnapping. Doing so will certainly elevate his reputation in the sight of the people; otherwise, the current groaning continues. Moreover, it is wise to do so as a leader who intends to recontest in 2027. If Nigerians were to vote for him, on what basis would that be? The bloodbath, harsh economic policies, or delivering to the people based on the 2023 campaign promises? I think it’s time to look beyond the politics of money (vote buying) because Nigerians are tired of having an endless trail of failed leadership.

Additionally, the Northern part of the country remains the hardest hit, and it is disheartening to see the lack of ingenuity of Northern politicians who care more about sustaining their lavish lifestyles along with those of their families. At the same time, their region is aflame, doing very little to develop the region. I’m using this medium to call on the Arewa Elders’ Forum and Northern politicians and businessmen to put self-interest aside and work tirelessly and collectively towards ensuring regional security. 

And among other things, one of the ways forward is reforming the Almajiranci system of education; Almajiris, being citizens who have become easy targets for electoral violence and other acts of criminality, must be integrated into society and equipped with the necessary basic education and skills to become useful citizens of the country.

Insecurity affects everyone, rich or poor. For this reason, they should invest primarily in securing the region and attract foreign investors, in addition to creating a conducive environment for economic development for hardworking entrepreneurial Nigerians, even if this means devising strategies typically unheard of.  

Difficult situations call for drastic measures. Whether Nigeria has failed as a state and people to secure the nation is not up for debate at this point, but prioritising the security of our people and the way forward is the goal.

If this means seeking foreign intervention from well-equipped and well-trained military mercenaries like the Russian Wagner group to train our security personnel and enhance our security apparatus, I think we should take the plunge. Critics, however, might argue that this move is myopic, as doing so is akin to inviting foreign intervention into the country, which has suffered at the hands of colonialism. 

Moreover, arguments like indulging private mercenaries come at a price, mainly that of exploiting natural resources in exchange for security services. As such, the mercenaries might work against, instead of for, the betterment of the country by worsening the insecurity and prolonging it to continue gaining access to solid or liquid minerals, as seen in CAR, Sudan, Libya, and Mali, where the Russian Wagner group has had some presence. An argument that holds water to an extent, but is essentially not solid in the face of the realities staring Nigeria in the face.

Besides, political meddling by foreign powers, especially the United States and its other Western allies, has been constant in Africa. While ideally, this is a time for the continent to be ridding itself of foreign aid in its multifaceted nature, we have failed to give hope and instil confidence in our people.

As a young military leader, Ibrahim Traore seems to be the only leader currently making waves and admirable political reforms on the continent. However, he might not be the best example to cite for some because his leadership is undemocratic. But who cares about democracy? While the governance system is suited for the West, we Africans must find a system that works to drive significant change and development, fostering capacity building in Africa. It could be a modified form of democracy suited for our place, people, and time – there should be several routes to the market.

Having said that, I am calling on northern politicians to wake up. We do not need more bloodbaths before the fog is parted from our eyes to see the glaring realities of the North. Particularly, the way our elites display wealth, wining and dining in luxury, while their masses are subjected to inhumane conditions at the hands of criminal gangs and biting poverty. The wedding ceremonies of the sons and daughters of elites, intimidatingly littered across social media platforms, with wads of crisp hard currencies on display, sleek exotic cars, and palatial wedding halls, prove our misplaced priorities. We can do better. All that money could go a long way in developing the region, investing it into something that profits the population.

So, I’m calling on the youth of the North as well. The younger generation must try to outdo their fathers, ensuring they work for the good of the nation and not to satisfy their greed. We do not want a country like the Beku City Republic, as rightly portrayed by Adamu Kyuka Usman in “Hope in Anarchy,” where: “The Republican police were sent to arrest armed robbers but did not return. It was later learned they had joined the armed robbers. Eventually, the police and the armed robbers were brought to the judges for trial, but the judges joined them. This is the order of things in our Republic today.” A country “where everyone will prosper by the strength of their arms or perish by the lack of such strength.”

However, while there’s huge dysfunctionality in the nation, I want to convince myself that Nigeria may not be a failed state, despite the anarchy; I’m trying to hold on to hope. But it is undoubtedly unapologetically swaying its shameless hips towards that direction. But we, the masses, cannot afford that. I believe even the rich do not want to wake up to the realities of a nation where deep resentment, as a result of poverty, drives an unquenchable thirst for the blood of the rich.

If President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador can round up notorious criminal gangs, we can restore Nigeria’s peace and security. Therefore, in this spirit, I am calling on Northern youth, Nigerian youth – rich and poor – the nation’s development is in your hands. Rise.

Sa’adatu Aliyu is a tutor at DLC Ahmadu Bello University, pursuing a Master’s in Literature. She writes from Zaria, and can be reached via this email: saadatualiyu36@gmail.com

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has issued a strong charge to the Nigerian military, urging them to intensify efforts in ending terrorism and banditry while promising improved welfare for troops.  

Speaking to soldiers of the 17 Brigade in Katsina on Friday, Tinubu described the security crisis as a pivotal moment in Nigeria’s history. He called for unwavering resolve in defending the nation’s sovereignty and restoring peace.  

“This is a defining moment,” Tinubu declared. “Nigerians are counting on you to reclaim every inch of our territory. Let the enemies of Nigeria know—their time is up.”  

The President assured troops of better housing, healthcare, timely allowances, and family support. He praised their bravery in combating banditry in Katsina and beyond, stating, “You are the shields of Nigeria, standing between our people and terror.”  

Tinubu’s visit included inaugurating a 24km dual-carriage road and an agricultural mechanisation centre. His message was clear: Nigeria will not surrender to terrorists, and the military will receive full backing to end insecurity.  

“To those who seek to destabilise us,” he warned, “Nigeria will not bow.”

By Ummi Muhammad Hassan

Following the ban by Hisbah on a new song titled “Amana Ta” by Hamisu Breaker, social media went into an uproar, capturing the attention of the public.

In the early hours of April 24, 2025, social media was filled with reactions following a press statement issued by the Deputy Commander of the Hisbah Board, Kano State chapter, Dr. Khadija Sagir, announcing the ban of Breaker’s new song. The reason cited was that the song allegedly contains obscene language.

This announcement, however, triggered a counterreaction from the public. Many became curious to know more about the song and the so-called obscene content, with some taking to their social media handles to express their opinions.

The irony of the situation is that Hisbah unintentionally gave the song more prominence, causing it to go viral. Many people who were previously unaware of the song searched for and listened to it, just to understand the controversy.

In my opinion, after listening to the song, it contains no obscene language. Rather, the issue seems to lie with some young women who mimed the song in a suggestive manner after hearing that Hisbah had labelled it as indecent—as though to dramatize or reinforce the claim. Some even appeared as if they were intoxicated.

To me, this is both devastating and concerning, as it reflects the erosion of the strong moral standards once upheld by Hausa women. Many young people are now making videos lip-synching the song in indecent ways. It made me pause and ask myself: where has our shyness gone? I believe this question deserves a deeper conversation on another day.

In Breaker’s case, thanks to the Hisbah ban, he became the most trending Kannywood artist in April, and his song went viral—and continues to trend.

A similar incident occurred earlier this year when the federal government banned Idris Abdulkareem’s song “Tell Your Papa.” That action unexpectedly brought the artist back into the spotlight, causing the song to trend widely.

Social media has made censorship increasingly difficult. Once a movie, text, or song reaches the internet, it becomes almost impossible to control—even by the creators themselves.

While social media censorship remains a challenge, this recent incident highlights the need for the government to intensify efforts against the spread of indecent content—through Hisbah and agencies like the Kano State Film Censorship Board.

Clear guidelines should be put in place, requiring artists and filmmakers to submit their content for review and approval before public release. This, among other strategies, could help reduce the spread of inappropriate material.

Additionally, Hisbah should be more mindful of how such announcements are made, as they may inadvertently promote the very content they seek to suppress.

Ummi Muhammad Hassan, Ph.D., is a lecturer in the Department of Mass Communication at Bayero University, Kano. She can be reached via email at: ummeemuhammadhassan@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has commended Katsina State Governor, Dikko Umaru Radda, for his exemplary leadership, describing him as a “truthful, trustworthy, and dedicated governor.”

The president gave the praise during the inauguration of the Katsina State Modern Agricultural Equipment Service Centre and the Eastern Bypass Road around Katsina metropolis.

President Tinubu applauded Governor Radda’s administration for achieving significant progress within just two years, particularly in agriculture, infrastructure development, and community empowerment.

In his speech, Governor Radda highlighted that since taking office two years ago, his administration has prioritized agriculture, infrastructure, security, and job creation.

He reiterated the importance of the new agricultural equipment center in supporting local farmers and outlined his government’s plans, including distributing modern fertilizers and providing solar-powered irrigation machines.

The governor also detailed key infrastructure projects undertaken by his administration, including urban renewal and water supply initiatives.

Additionally, he expressed gratitude to President Tinubu for the federal government’s support in tackling security challenges in the state.

Governor Radda also thanked other stakeholders, including traditional leaders, for their contributions to the state’s development.

The event was attended by prominent figures, including the governors of Kaduna and Borno, former Katsina governors Ibrahim Shema and Aminu Bello Masari, federal and state lawmakers, government officials, and APC party leaders.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Comptroller General of Customs (CGC), Adewale Adeniyi, on Wednesday, April 30, 2025, officially opened a newly refurbished Local Authority Primary School and Primary Healthcare Centre in the Sagbokoji community of Amuwo-Odofin Local Government Area, Lagos State.

The projects were executed under the Nigeria Customs Service’s Corporate Social Responsibility programme, tagged ‘Customs Cares.’During the ceremony, CGC Adeniyi reaffirmed the Service’s dedication to uplifting its host communities.

He explained that the intervention aims to address both infrastructural and educational challenges.

“We are undertaking projects that will have direct impact on our schools and our students. We have brought school bags, exercise books, textbooks, and sandals for all the pupils of this school. We are also improving Infrastructure, where we see the deficit, and what we have chosen to do is to renovate the entire school. And I’m happy that through Apapa and the Stakeholders, we have been able to deliver on this project,” he said.

He also stated the Service’s focus on health as an essential part of sustainable community development.

“We know that the needs of this community is more than what we have done, but we have taken the first step towards entering into an enduring partnership with this community,” he added.

Comptroller Babatunde Olomu, the Customs Area Controller (CAC) of Apapa Command, explained that the project reflects the agency’s broader mission of improving lives in its areas of operation, not just enforcing trade laws and revenue collection.

“The benevolence from Customs shows that we have compassion for the communities where we cohabit, and this was what informed this very project. In the last four weeks, it’s been both day and night, workers have been here, with the active support of our distinguished stakeholders, to ensure that this project actually see the light of day”, Olomu stated.

In his remarks, the Chairman of Amuwo-Odofin Local Government Area, Engr. Valentine Buraimoh, expressed gratitude to the Customs Service, describing the initiative as a landmark event.

By Huzaifa Dokaji

The promotion of Wamban Kano Munir Sanusi as Galadiman Kano today, May 2, 2025, marks an important moment in the history of Kano’s sarauta institution. More than a ceremonial instalment, it is the continuation of a title whose symbolic and administrative significance has long anchored the cohesion of Kano; first as a kingdom, and since the nineteenth century, as an emirate. This moment is charged with expectation, arriving at a time Kano Emirate is caught in a vortex of political contestation, juridical uncertainty, and generational transition. It will be the day a man who is both brother and foster son to a former Galadima, and son-in-law to another, assumes such an important office.

The title of Galadima, derived from the Kanuri galdi-ma, meaning “chief of the western front,” emerged during the administrative reforms of Kano’s second Hausa ruler, Sarki Warisi dan Bagauda, in the 11th century. Over time, it evolved into one of the most powerful and senior princely offices across Hausa land. Until Emir Abdullahi Maje Karofi (1855-1882) appointed his son Yusufu as Galadima, the title had traditionally been reserved for the king’s/emir’s uncle, eldest brother or closest male kin: typically someone older and therefore unlikely to succeed to the throne. 

Elsewhere, I have argued that Maje Karofi’s deviation from this established custom was one of the remote causes of the Kano Civil War of 1893. In essence, the appointment of a son to such a crucial position, naturally altered the institutional role of the Galadima, who historically functioned as a check on the emir’s authority. This explains Maje Karofi’s decision to depose his brother Abdulkadir, for expressing growing concern over certain decisions and practices at court the latter deemed inappropriate.

As demonstrated by the reigns of Galadiman Kano Daudu, Atuma, and the Fulani-era Galadimas Maje Karofi and Tijjani Hashim, the office has often wielded influence that paralleled or even eclipsed that of the king/emir. Until the 19th century, titles like Dan Ruwatan Kano were accorded to the kinsman or son of the galadima, while Dan Darman Kano was reserved for his cognatic kinsman.

Traditionally, the Galadima served as vizier, head of civil administration, and head of his own mini-palace, independent of the Emir’s court. Court praise-singers aptly describe bearers of the title as Daudu rakumin Kano, the camel that bears the city’s burden; Daudu gatan birni, the protector of the city; and Rumfa sha shirgi, the palace’s dust heap where disputes are deposited and resolved. In recent times, no one embodied such praise and function as the late Galadiman Kano Tijjani Hashim.

Widely regarded as the archetype of the modern Galadima, Tijjani Hashim redefined the office in an era when the sarauta was stripped of formal political power. He transformed it into a bastion of accessible influence, strategic mediation, and public service. His residence functioned as a daily court of appeals, open to aristocrats, commoners, and royal slaves alike. He was the man to whom a poor student could turn for a scholarship, a merchant for capital, a civil servant for promotion, a politician for sponsorship, and a broken family for reconciliation.

Tijjani Hashim died in 2014 and was succeeded by the charismatic Abbas Sanusi, whose reign as Galadima was cut short by a protracted illness. Abbas Sanusi was a disciplined and astute administrator, widely respected for his command of the emirate’s bureaucratic machinery. Yet his tenure was constrained by declining health, which limited his capacity to perform some of Galadima’s traditional roles, particularly inter-familial diplomacy. It is from Abbas Sanusi that the title now transitions to his younger brother, Alhaji Munir Sanusi, marking a rare case of intergenerational and intra-familial continuity, even by the standards of Kano’s dynastic politics. Their relationship was not merely fraternal; it was paternal.

Abbas raised Munir from infancy, shaping his worldview and instilling in him the refined fadanci he has mastered and discreetly used to his advantage. Adding further symbolic weight is the fact that Munir is married to Hajiya Mariya Tijjani Hashim, daughter of the very man whose name has become synonymous with the Galadima title in recent memory. Thus, the new Galadima stands at the confluence of two great legacies—bound by blood to Abbas, and by marriage to Tijjani.

Born on January 12, 1962, Munir Sanusi Bayero was the last son of Emir Sir Muhammad Sanusi I to be born in the Kano palace. Raised by his late brother, Galadima Abbas Sanusi, he later married his second cousin, Hajiya Mariya, a union that has continued to epitomise royal love and companionship. Alhaji Munir Sanusi received his primary education at Gidan Makama Primary School and his secondary education at Government Secondary School Dambatta from 1976 to 1981. He later obtained a degree in Mechanical Engineering from the Indian Institute of Technology in New Delhi.

Galadima Munir Sanusi’s career commenced in the Kano State Ministry of Social Welfare, Youth, and Sports, where he served as a Transport Officer from 1989 to 1991. He later joined Daula Enterprises Co. Ltd, Kano, from 1991 to 1993. He currently sits on the board of several companies, including Tri-C3 and Unique Leather Finishing Co. Ltd, the second-largest exporter of leather in West Africa. 

In 2014, the Emir of Kano, Khalifa Muhammad Sanusi II, appointed him as Dan Majen Kano and pioneer Chief of Staff to the Emir in the Kano Emirate. He was elevated to the position of Danburam Kano in 2016 and Wamban Kano and district head of Bichi in 2024. Today, he assumes the prestigious title of Galadiman Kano.

Galadima Munir’s loyalty to Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II has earned him considerable admiration within and beyond Kano. When the Emir was deposed in March 2020 and exiled to Loko in Nasarawa State, Munir not only followed him into banishment but remained by his side through Lagos and back to Kano. Now that the Emir has rewarded that loyalty with the emirate’s highest princely office, Munir faces a challenge no less noble than the title he inherits.

For one, loyalty is only one pillar of what I call “the burdens of the Galadima”. The office demands generosity, accessibility, discretion, and the ability to shoulder the hopes of a people whose faith in the sarauta system is repeatedly tested. Here lies Galadima’s greatest trial. Like his predecessors, he must cultivate a public image as a patron of the weak, a reconciler of royal, noble, and common feuds, and a figure of last resort to both the high and the low. He must embody rumfa sha shirgi in practice: bearing the burdens of others, not just out of obligation, but with discernment, sincerity, and grace. His word must be his bond, for zancen Galadima kamar zancen Sarki ne: the word of the Galadima is expected to be final, unwavering, and free of bitterness.

The task becomes all the more urgent against the backdrop of Kano’s current emirship crisis. While Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II’s return has been celebrated in many quarters, it remains the subject of intense legal and political contestation. In this precarious climate, the Galadima must go beyond ceremonial visibility. He must be the Emirate’s anchor, bridging palace factions and translating the noble project of restoring the sarauta back to its sense to the wider public. Galadima Munir’s early efforts at reconciling estranged branches of the royal family and diffusing internal tensions suggest a promising political instinct. But history demands more than instinct; it demands an ethic of honour and sustained human investment.

To become a Galadiman Kano today is not merely to wear a turban. It is to accept a lifetime project of prioritising the interest of the Sarauta and the talakawa over one’s. It is knowing that one’s home inevitably becomes a revolving court and one’s influence becomes public trust. Any failure to wield it generously, the memory of that failure will linger far longer than any quiet success.

Alhaji Munir Sanusi ascends the title of Galadima with the wind of history at his back and the shadows of giants before him. He is son and brother to a Galadima, and son-in-law to the most revered of them. If he can merge these legacies with his quiet resolve and proven loyalty, he may yet restore the Galadima as the most vital conduit between the emirate and its people.

The title awaits its meaning, Kano welcomes its new Galadima.

Allah ya kama, Raba musu rana da hazo

Allah ya taya riko, Daudu kwatangwalon giye.

Allah ya taimaki, tomo jiniyar gari

Huzaifa Dokaji writes from New York and can be reached via huzaifadokaji@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri’s remarkable success in politics and governance is built on three solid pillars. First and foremost, he holds an unshakable belief that power is granted solely by the Almighty Allah, who bestows leadership upon whomever He wills. This belief is not just theoretical for Fintiri, it defines his attitude toward leadership, power, and responsibility.

Secondly, Fintiri is a man of conviction. He cannot be swayed or coerced into decisions. However, he remains open-minded and receptive to superior arguments. This rare blend of firmness and intellectual humility sets him apart in a political environment where many leaders either succumb to pressure or refuse to listen to alternative views.

Thirdly, Fintiri possesses an in-depth understanding of governance and political power, how it works, when to deploy it, and where it can be most effective. His grasp of these dynamics has allowed him to wield power not for personal gain, but in service of meaningful, people-focused development.

From his early days as a member of the State House of Assembly, through his rise to Speaker, Acting Governor, and now two-term Executive Governor of Adamawa State, Fintiri has consistently demonstrated strategic acumen. What has kept him ahead of his adversaries is not just political skill, but his deep-rooted belief that power belongs to Allah alone. This faith has given him clarity, courage, and calmness in the face of political storms, enabling him to remain fearless, resolute, and capable of making difficult yet visionary decisions. These are decisions that echo not only in the present but will define his legacy for generations to come.

His independence of thought, combined with a willingness to embrace sound reasoning, has driven unprecedented transformation in Adamawa State. In a state once typified by political patronage and a “yes-sir” culture, Fintiri has introduced a new style of leadership; one that prizes merit, innovation, and long-term development over short-term political expediency.

Under his leadership, Adamawa has witnessed a massive infrastructural renaissance. Roads, flyovers, and underpasses have sprung up, redefining mobility and connectivity. The 1,000 housing for the masses. He has established three mega science schools, one in each senatorial district, positioning the state as a hub for scientific and technological advancement. He also ensured the construction of 21 model nursery, primary, and junior secondary schools across all local government areas, ensuring that every child, regardless of background, has access to quality education.

Fintiri’s health interventions are equally groundbreaking. From the provision of free kidney treatment to the establishment of one of the most advanced medical laboratories in Nigeria at the Specialist Hospital in Yola, his vision is clear: a healthy population is the foundation of a prosperous state.

His administration has also been proactive in addressing youth unemployment and gender inclusion. Through programs like PAWECA (Poverty Alleviation and Wealth Creation Agency), thousands of women and young people have been empowered with skills, funding, and job opportunities, restoring dignity and creating pathways for self-reliance.

Leadership, as Fintiri understands it, is both a divine responsibility and a human enterprise. Often, when the Almighty Allah grants leadership, He also grants a unique wisdom, the ability to see what ordinary eyes cannot. Fintiri not only possesses this foresight, but he also understands the fine balance between authority and service. He knows when to exercise power and when to listen; when to act boldly and when to build consensus.

A perfect illustration of this wisdom was his recent declaration that his successor must be a grassroots politician. This was not a vague or politically convenient statement, it was a profound and strategic vision. What Fintiri meant was clear: his successor must share his belief in putting the people first, must be committed to inclusive and comprehensive development across all socioeconomic sectors, and must be a leader with the intellect, experience, and moral compass to lead Adamawa into the future. Such a successor, in Fintiri’s view, must be refined, educated, visionary, and capable of seeing tomorrow through the prism of today.

In summary, Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri exemplifies a rare style of leadership rooted in faith, defined by principles, and driven by results. You may agree or disagree with his politics, but one cannot ignore the defining qualities that make him not just a political figure, but a true grassroots leader .

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.