By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Federal Government has filed a criminal lawsuit against activist and politician Omoyele Sowore, as well as the parent companies of Facebook and X, for the alleged cyberbullying of President Bola Tinubu.

The suit, marked FHC/ABJ/CR/484/2025, was filed at the Federal High Court in Abuja on Tuesday by the Director of Public Prosecutions, Mohammed Abubakar, on behalf of the Federal Ministry of Justice.

According to the five-count charge, Sowore, the publisher of Sahara Reporters, is accused of making a false claim against the President by referring to him as “a criminal” in a post on his X (formerly Twitter) account.

The specific charge alleges that on or about August 25, Sowore used his handle, @YeleSowore, to publish a message that read: “THIS CRIMINAL @ OFFICIAL PBAT ACTUALLY WENT TO BRAZIL TO STATE THAT THERE IS NO MORE CORRUPTION UNDER HIS REGIME IN NIGERIA. WHAT AUDACITY TO LIE SHAMELESSLY!”

The prosecution contends that Sowore knew this message to be false and posted it with the intention of causing “a breakdown of law and order” among Nigerians with divergent views on the President.

The charges are brought under Section 24 (1) (b) of the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc) Amendment Act, 2024.

The lawsuit follows a recent request by the Department of State Services (DSS) for the social media platforms to remove the post in question.

Both Meta (Facebook Inc.) and X Corp. have been joined as defendants in the case.Sowore was the presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC) in the 2019 and 2023 elections.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Tinubu has extended his congratulations to two Nigerians, Farouk Gumel and Tobi Amusan, for their recent exceptional accomplishments on the international stage.

In a press release issued on Monday by his Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, the President commended Gumel on his appointment as the Chairman of the Botswana Sovereign Wealth Fund Limited.

Tinubu described the appointment as a recognition of Gumel’s expertise and dedication, noting that it reflects the high esteem in which Nigerian professionals are held globally.

The President highlighted Gumel’s role as Vice Chairman for Africa at the Tropical General Investment (TGI) Group and his contributions to Nigeria’s food security efforts.

“I am confident he will excel and further cement Nigeria’s reputation for excellence in global finance,’’ the President stated.

The President also celebrated hurdler Tobi Amusan for winning a silver medal in the women’s 100m hurdles at the 2025 World Athletics Championships in Tokyo.

He praised her relentless drive, resilience, and unwavering spirit, calling her achievement a source of immense national pride.

“Tobi has once again demonstrated that with patriotic fervour, coupled with hard work and determination, any height is surmountable,” Tinubu said.

The President wished both individuals continued success in their endeavours and assured them of the federal government’s full support.

By Uzair Adam The Kano State Censorship Board has placed an immediate ban on all Islamic singers’ debates across the state unless prior approval is obtained from the board.

According to the board, the move is aimed at ensuring peace, harmony, and compliance among stakeholders in the entertainment and religious sectors.

In a statement signed by the spokesman, Abdullahi Sani Sulaiman, on Tuesday, the board said the decision followed a recent unapproved debate between Usman Maidubun Isa and Shehi Mai Tajul’izzi, describing it as a violation of its operational guidelines.

While inaugurating a fact-finding investigation committee chaired by Malam Isha Abdullahi, Director of Special Duties, the Executive Secretary, Alhaji Abba El-Mustapha, gave a 24-hour ultimatum to the two singers and their moderators to appear before the committee.

The board warned that organizing such debates without official consent contravenes the Kano State Censorship Law and may attract legal consequences.

El-Mustapha reaffirmed the board’s commitment to regulating and supervising the activities of Islamic singers and performers in the state.

He urged the public to remain calm and to support the board by providing useful information that would enhance peace, understanding, and cultural development across Kano State.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Nigerian chef and culinary star Hilda Baci has once again made history, this time earning recognition from Guinness World Records for preparing the largest serving of Nigerian-style jollof rice.

The organisation confirmed the milestone in a post on its official X account, stating:“New record: Largest serving of Nigerian-style jollof rice – 8,780 kg (19,356 lb 9 oz) achieved by Hilda Baci and Gino in Victoria Island, Lagos, Nigeria.”

The record was set during a high-profile food festival on September 12, 2025, at the Eko Hotels and Suites, Victoria Island, Lagos.

The event, which was themed the Gino World Jollof Festival with Hilda Baci, pulled in a huge crowd and dominated conversations across social media platforms.Baci became an international figure in 2023 after achieving the Guinness World Record for the longest cooking marathon.

Her latest accomplishment has further solidified her position as one of Nigeria’s most celebrated chefs.Prominent figures such as Funke Akindele, Enioluwa Adeoluwa, Tomike Adeoye, and Pastor Idowu were present at the Lagos festival.

Also in attendance was Bamidele Abiodun, wife of the Ogun State Governor, who joined other well-known personalities in supporting Baci’s attempt to secure another global record.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Shock and outrage have trailed the appearance of a notorious militia leader, Babaro, at a government-backed peace dialogue in Faskari Local Government Area on Sunday. The bandit commander, long accused of mass killings and sexual violence, arrived at the meeting heavily armed and in a convoy, alongside his fighters.

Witnesses said Babaro and his gang openly flaunted their weapons, taunted residents, and bragged that “nothing will happen to them” despite years of terrorising communities across Katsina and neighbouring states.

Babaro is accused of carrying out some of the deadliest attacks in the region, including the massacre of more than 50 worshippers during morning prayers at Unguwar Mantau Mosque in August. Survivors say the bloodstains of that slaughter are still visible on the mosque’s walls and floor. He is also alleged to have raped women and girls in front of their families, and, together with fellow warlord Kachalla Isiya Akwashi Garwa, killed an unconfirmed number of people, particularly in the Faskari axis.

In Kankara, Malumfashi, and other parts of Katsina, his name has become synonymous with fear, mass abductions, and relentless bloodshed.

The decision to give Babaro and his fighters a seat at a peace meeting has left victims’ families devastated. Relatives of abducted persons, some of whom attended the dialogue, broke down in tears as they watched the same men who killed their loved ones sit at the negotiating table with impunity.

Amnesty International Nigeria sharply criticised the development, warning that privileging armed groups while silencing victims only deepens injustice.

“The mere notion that it is now acceptable for a group of people in Nigeria to carry arms that are solely used to kill people who are never armed is unbelievable,” said Isa Sanusi, spokesperson of Amnesty International Nigeria. “The assumption that those who are carrying sophisticated arms and decorate themselves with bullet magazines can accept peace or are ready to renounce violence is faulty. Nonsense.”

Sanusi questioned how bandits like Babaro continue to obtain weapons and logistical support while victims are left unprotected, marginalised, and ignored.

The Faskari meeting has reignited anger over the government’s controversial peace overtures to armed groups in the northwest, where thousands of people have been killed, abducted, and displaced in a decade-long wave of violence.

By Usman Muhammad Salihu,

In Nigeria today, the loudest voices belong to politicians, policymakers, and power brokers. They dominate the headlines, flood our timelines, and distract us with promises that rarely survive beyond campaign seasons. Yet, the true story of this country isn’t written in the echo chambers of Abuja or the mansions of Lagos. It is written daily in the struggles, resilience, and quiet innovations of ordinary citizens.

Think about the woman who wakes before dawn to fry bean cakes by the roadside, not only to feed her children but also to put other people’s children on the road to school. Or the young graduate who, tired of waiting for white-collar jobs, starts a small business online and employs three others. These stories rarely make the news. Yet, they are the heartbeat of our nation.

But here’s the tragedy: Contemporary Nigeria seems designed to work against these everyday heroes. Power cuts paralyse small businesses. Inflation, now on food items, erodes family savings before the end of the month. Insecurity forces farmers to abandon their fields and traders to fear the road. Meanwhile, most of the political class remains locked in battles over appointments, power-sharing, and personal interests.

The question is not whether Nigeria has potential; we have repeated that mantra for decades. The real question is, when will we begin to prioritise the citizen above the system?

Imagine a Nigeria where governance shifts from elite negotiations to practical solutions: working schools, safe communities, accessible healthcare, and reliable electricity. That’s not fantasy; it is a choice.

The good news is that despite the odds, Nigerians are not waiting. Communities are solving their own problems. Tech-savvy youths are creating digital markets. Women’s cooperatives are building small savings pools. Farmers are collaborating to beat middlemen. These are the silent revolutions we must amplify, not just the failures of the elite.

If the political class won’t prioritise the citizen, then the media, civil society, and Nigerians themselves must. We must shift the spotlight from what politicians promise to what Nigerians are already doing, because that is how change starts – not from the top, but from the people who refuse to give up.

Nigeria stands at a crossroads. One road leads to more political drama, endless debates, and broken promises. The other road leads to a citizen-centred nation where leaders are compelled to serve, not rule.

The choice is ours. But more importantly, the responsibility is theirs.

Usman Muhammad Salihu was among the pioneer fellows of PRNigeria and wrote from Jos, Nigeria. He can be reached via muhammadu5363@gmail.com.

By Anwar Usman

Local communities in the Faskari local government area of Katsina State have entered into negotiations with armed groups, raising fears of a repeat of a sequence whereby the collapse of peace agreements led to renewed violence.

Reports have it that bandit representatives, including figures accused of leading raids and abductions, sat with community leaders at a gathering in Hayin Gada.

The bandits reportedly agreed to stop attacks on villages, allow farmers safe passage, and release abducted persons in exchange for freedom of movement and market access for Fulani and the development of their areas.

In attendance were the notorious kigpin Alero, who spoke on behalf of several armed groups. He said the initiative was “not the first of its kind”, but the turnout was unprecedented.

Also present was Kwashe Garwa, whose name is 19 on Nigeria’s most-wanted terrorists list. Videos shared on multiple local media show Mr Garwa, with ammunition strapped around his waist, condemning the stereotyping of Fulani herders as criminals.

Garwa stated, “In Nigeria, whenever there is a discussion, they call Fulani herders bandits and terrorists. But tell me, which tribe in the world does not have criminals among them? You, Hausawa, who say we are bandits, don’t you also have bandits among you? Yet, no one stereotypes you with such a name.”

Garwa further asserted that killings and kidnappings would not stop until “injustice” against the Fulani was addressed. “There will be no peace if security agencies do not also stop killing our people,” he added.

Reports indicate that similar peace agreements were reached in Jibia and other frontline areas, with residents negotiating directly with bandit leaders for safe passage, a cessation of raids, and the reopening of markets.

Acknowledging the arrangements, Governor Dikko Radda said at the launch of an EU-funded conflict prevention project last week that negotiations were ongoing in several frontline local government areas and credited them with restoring calm in those areas.

By Umar Aboki

The traditional Hausa cap, also known as “Hula,” is recognised for its intricate embroidery and is often worn with traditional Hausa attire. It has a long history in Hausa land, originating as a common and traditional male garment and later evolving into a symbol of cultural, religious, social, and even political status.

Many people associate any man they see wearing a Hula with being a Muslim or Hausa or both. Yusuf Ahmad, a traditional Hausa cap seller, believes that wearing a Hausa cap is a sign that indicates someone is a Hausa man and a Muslim, and that wearing a Hausa cap is what completes a man’s decency. 

Yusuf added that the older generation of Hausa men like to wear tall Hausa caps, while the new generation prefersshorter ones. And when people come to buy caps, they mostly ask for the cheaper and lighter ones; it is the rich men who usually ask for the Zanna-Bukar and other heavier ones.

There are various types of traditional Hausa caps, including “Zanna-Bukar”, “Damanga”, “Zita”, “Maropiyya”, “Zulum” and “mu-haɗu-a-banki”. They are distinguished by factors such as the materials used to make them, their place of origin, the wearers, and their purposes, among other considerations. However, the most popular and widely worn is the “Zanna-Bukar”. Overall, the hula has evolved from being merely a piece of headwear to a symbol of cultural identity and belonging within the Hausa community and beyond. 

Malam Khamilu, a resident of Yahaya Gusau Road, Kano, claims that he wears Hausa caps frequently, especially the Zanna-Bukar. He says it is very special to him and he got his own tailor-made, specially for himself. He also considers his cap a part of his identity as a Hausa-Fulani man and a Muslim.

The Hula is not limited to being worn only within Hausa communities. It is worn by men in many populations in North Africa, East Africa, West Africa, South Asia, and the Middle East.

Zulyadaini Abdullahi Adamu, a Hausa cap knitter and seller, says he wears his Zanna-Bukar or Damanga daily, and he knits the Zanna-Bukar, Damanga and PTF, then sells them at prices ranging from eight thousand to thirty thousand Naira, and that people come to buy them from Jigawa, Maiduguri and other states and places.

Men throughout the African diaspora also wear it. Within the United States and other foreign countries, it has become primarily identified with persons of West African heritage, who wear it to show pride in their culture, history, and religion. Dauda Ibrahim Dachia, a Northern Nigerian staying in Tirana, Albania, claims to wear his traditional Hausa cap overseas, but not all the time. He usually wears it on Fridays, during Eid celebrations, or during cultural events.

It was written in an article by the Centre de l’ldentité et de la culture Africanes titled ‘The Khada Habar: A traditional hat in a Hausa environment’ that “wearing a hat is a mark of respect for oneself, above all, according to Mr. Adéyèmi “when you don’t wear a hat, traditional dress is not complete”, he insists, “it reflects a disconnect between man and his own culture”.

Muhammadu Sa’idu, another resident of Kano, claims to wear the Zanna-Bukar frequently, usually to events. He says that anytime he wears it, people respect him a lot. He also has a ‘Damanga’ but prefers wearing the Zanna-Bukar. In his case, he doesn’t usually associate Hula with the Hausa tradition or Islam.

 Sa’id Salisu Muhammad, a Hausa cap washer at Gaɗon ƙaya, says he wears traditional Hausa caps a lot, especially the Zanna-Bukar. He says that a typical Hausa man always wears the Hula to work, events and other places, so they have to always bring them in for washing. He also notes that people bring in Zanna-Bukar the most, followed by the lighter ones such as the “Maropiyya” and “Zita”.

The Hula also serves as a means for people to fit into Hausa communities, as they are seen as a symbol of identity, and provide a sense of belonging. Musa Abdulrazaq, a young man from Kaduna who studies in Kano, says anytime he is in Kano, a place where the Hausa culture is evident and vibrant, wearing the traditional Hausa cap is very important to him. Although he doesn’t wear it much back at home, he understands that it is a vital part of the culture in Kano, so he regularly wears his Hula to fit in with the people of Kano and feel at home.

However, not everyone from outside the Hausa community feels the need to identify with the Hausa people. Umar Ahmad, a Fulani man who visits Kano but has been staying here for about two years, says he doesn’t wear the traditional Hausa caps. Instead, he maintains his Fulani cap. And when asked, he said he does indeed associate the Hula with Islam and Hausa tradition.

Umar Aboki wrote via umaraboki97@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Dan Kano

I have watched Kano’s civil space rise and fall over the years, and I must confess—what we are living through today is one of the saddest chapters. The silence we now see did not come from bans, threats, or crackdowns. It came from within. Our loudest voices, those who once stood before us as defenders of the people, were in fact working behind the scenes for the then-opposition party that now holds the seat of power.

On the surface, these men and women spoke the language of civil society: accountability, transparency, justice. They attended our town halls, drafted our communiqués, and stood at our press conferences. But as events have now shown, they were playing a double game—working for the citizens in daylight, but aligning their loyalties with politicians in the dark.

Take, for instance, the Kano Civil Society Platform. For years, it was the face of civil society in Kano, leading civil platforms and presenting itself as an independent voice of the people. But what many of us did not see then was that its activism tilted toward the opposition, quietly laying the groundwork for its current role. Today, the head is no longer the watchdog—but a Commissioner, the very voice of government. How can citizens trust that same platform to ever return to the civic space as an independent advocate?

Community Health Research Platform is another example. Highly respected in health advocacy and governance circles, it was perceived as fighting for the welfare of citizens. Yet, its alignment with political interests has now been made clear by its place in the system. The independence we once admired was, in truth, compromised long before official appointment.

And then there is another, Executive Director KAJA (KAYA) KAJA, who once represented the fiercest face of accountability in Kano, known for exposing governance lapses and demanding transparency. Many of us believed it was a shining example of what a watchdog should be. However, today, with KAJA appointed to the government, the fire has been extinguished. The once-vibrant KAJA is quiet, and the citizens who trusted it have been left disillusioned.

Even the Open Government Platform has not been spared. Its co-chair on the civil society side has been appointed to a government committee. This effectively blunts the citizens’ voice in Open Governance Platform processes. The very platform designed to guarantee equal partnership between government and citizens is now lopsided, tilted in favour of those in power.

Networks like Education For All, which once campaigned vigorously for education reforms, now spend their time attending government meetings, collecting transport allowances, and receiving awards from the governor. Independence is gone, credibility eroded.

The tragedy here is not just that these individuals accepted appointments—it is that for years, they masqueraded as neutral actors while quietly serving political interests. Unlike One Commissioner, who publicly and honourably resigned from the civic space before joining politics, these others chose to corrupt the system from within. They played both sides—civil society by day, politics by night.

That is why I ask: how will they return after their tenures? How will they look citizens in the eye and claim once again to be “independent voices”? How will their organisations reclaim trust when their leaders have already betrayed it? For me, and for many others, that trust has been broken.

I do not deny that bringing civic actors into government can strengthen delivery. But when watchdogs pretend to be neutral while secretly serving politicians, it is not inclusion—it is manipulation. The cost is the death of independent scrutiny.

Today, only a few brave individuals, like two Marxists, remain outside the government’s orbit. They continue to speak up, but without funding, their voices are faint. The vibrant, united civic space we once had during the days of SFTAS and FCDO’s PERL and ARC project is gone, fractured by appointments and rewards.

The lesson is clear. Civic leaders who wish to join politics must do so openly, as One Commissioner did. But those who exploit the civic space as a stepping stone to political office only betray the citizens who trusted them. They may enjoy power today, but the day they return to claim the mantle of “civil society” again, the people will not forget.

For me, that is the most tremendous loss—not just of voices, but of trust. And once trust is broken, can the civic space in Kano ever be the same again?

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Nigerian farmers and food traders have expressed significant concerns over President Bola Tinubu’s recent directive to slash food prices, warning that the policy, while well-intentioned, could inflict serious financial hardship on them.

The order, intended to ease the cost of living for ordinary citizens, has been met with mixed reactions from key players in the agricultural supply chain.

Malam Abba Sani, a farmer from Kano, highlighted the dilemma facing producers.

“We bought our seeds, fertiliser at an expensive price, how then are we supposed to get our money back?” he questioned.

Sani argued that while the policy may seem good to the public, farmers are the ones who will “suffuffer under the new price regime.”

Echoing these concerns, Bashir Madara, the Public Relations Officer of Singer Market—a major food hub in northern Nigeria—stated that traders holding old stock would be the hardest hit.

“Every good Nigerian… will welcome the President’s order,” Madara told newsmen. “But… whenever there’s a price slash, it is very likely that some marketers have products in stock. This will definitely lead to losses.”

Madara noted that many traders have already adapted to economic volatility by avoiding bulk purchases and instead stocking only enough goods to sell in a short period, a strategy that he says will mitigate the severity of the losses.

He advised fellow traders to quickly sell off their existing inventory and appealed to the government to consider the challenges faced by the agricultural sector when implementing policies designed to help consumers.

Despite the potential for losses, Madara conceded that the policy is ultimately “good for the common Nigerian.”