Politics

By Uzair Adam

Former Kaduna State Governor, Nasiru El-Rufai, has revealed that his decision to leave the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) was made with the knowledge and approval of former President Muhammadu Buhari.

In a statement posted on his verified Facebook page on Monday, El-Rufai confirmed his defection to the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

Speaking in an interview with BBC Hausa on Wednesday, he disclosed that he sought Buhari’s counsel before making the move, emphasizing that he often consulted the former president on political matters.

“There are certain people I consult before making major decisions, and I always follow their advice. Former President Muhammadu Buhari is one of them. I met with him on a Friday, informed him about my decision to leave the APC, and asked for his prayers and blessings, which he gave,” El-Rufai said.

He also recalled instances during his tenure as Kaduna governor when he sought Buhari’s input on key appointments, including commissioner nominations.

“Before appointing my commissioners, I presented the list to Buhari for review, to check if any of them had ever insulted him. “He laughed, thanked me, and told me to proceed with my appointments,” he added.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The 2027 game will not only be interesting but will also mark a significant turning point in Nigeria’s political landscape. The voting patterns and intricate scheming that shaped the 2023 elections will not be replicated in their exact form, yet their influence will still be felt. While the key political figures who played major roles in 2023 will remain central to the unfolding drama, they will adopt new strategies, shift alliances, and engage in different forms of political maneuvering.

The battle for power will be defined by strong political platforms, influential players, a formidable war chest, scientifically crafted strategies, and carefully calculated negotiations. The presidential race, in particular, will be a high-stakes contest, shaped by a mix of ambition, ideological shifts, and pragmatic political decisions.

An incumbent seeking a second term will be a bulldozer—with an enormous war chest, a solid structure, and the full weight of state power behind them. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu will fight tooth and nail to secure reelection, as mostly, any first term president will do so. However, the APC stronghold – the North, is gradually slipping from the party’s grasp. In fact, 75% of President Tinubu’s second-term resources and energy will be expended in the North—making it a crucial battleground for his team. If the Tinubus have played their card very well, the North would have been firmly in the arms.

The North will be the main battleground, while the Southwest will find itself in a dilemma—torn between supporting their own and upholding their deep-rooted tradition of rewarding excellence. The Southeast will watch from the sidelines with arms akimbo but will ultimately follow their hearts, while the South-South may take a more indifferent stance, adopting a “let’s just move” attitude.

The recent resignation of Nasir El-Rufai from the All Progressives Congress (APC) and his defection to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) is just one of many major developments that will reshape the political terrain in the coming months and 2027 approaches. El-Rufa’i’s early defection serves as a catalyst for the unfolding political drama. The Tinubu team is fortunate to have this early warning, giving them ample time to strategize. Meanwhile, the opposition will be on the offensive, while the APC will be forced into a defensive position.

For the opposition, the biggest challenge will be balancing the interests of four key groups: the Atiku camp, the Kwankwaso camp, the Peter Obi camp, and the El-Rufai/Buhari former ministers’ camp. They must navigate these competing interests carefully if they hope to strike the winning formula.

As political camps solidify and realign, new alliances will emerge, while old ones will fracture under the weight of conflicting interests. The electorate, too, will evolve—demanding more from their leaders and scrutinizing candidates beyond party affiliations.

Ultimately, the 2027 game will be a masterclass in political strategy and power dynamics—one that students of politics, analysts, and observers alike will find fascinating to study for years to come.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja, zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980

By Fatimah Yusuf Usman

The political exclusion of women in Nigeria has once again come to the fore with the suspension of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan. Her alleged offense? Speaking up. Her punishment?

A swift and harsh six-month expulsion from the Senate, her office sealed, salary cut off, and access to the National Assembly revoked. Her ordeal began when she accused Senate President Godswill Akpabio of sexual harassment, an allegation that was neither investigated nor given a fair hearing.

Instead, the Senate’s Ethics Committee moved with unusual speed to shut her out. This raises an urgent question. Is there space for women in Nigerian politics beyond tokenism, or must they submit and endure injustice to survive?

Sexual harassment remains a global crisis, yet many societies, including Nigeria, prefer to sweep it under the carpet. Worldwide, one in three women, about 736 million, has experienced physical and or sexual violence.

But when victims muster the courage to speak up, they are often met with disbelief, scrutiny, or punishment. Natasha’s case is no different. Rather than handling the matter with fairness and transparency, the Senate wasted no time in punishing her.

A six-month suspension without pay seems less like a disciplinary measure and more like a warning to women in politics. Know your place or face the consequences. If this can happen at the highest levels of government, what hope is there for the ordinary Nigerian woman facing harassment in her workplace, school, or community?

Women in Nigeria’s political space face a glass ceiling reinforced with steel. Out of 109 senators, only a handful are women, a stark reminder of the gender imbalance that continues to define governance in the country.

And when women like Natasha refuse to conform to the unwritten rules of submission, the system moves to silence them. But even as she was escorted out of the Senate chambers, Natasha refused to be broken.

“This injustice will not be sustained,” she declared. Her words are a rallying cry, not just for herself, but for every woman who has been silenced, sidelined, or denied justice. The idea that politics is a “man’s world” must be dismantled.

Nigeria cannot claim to be a democracy while women’s voices are suppressed. Gender equity in governance is not a privilege. It is a right. The Senate’s handling of this case has only reinforced the perception that powerful men can get away with anything while women who dare to challenge them are punished.

If Natasha’s case has taught us anything, it is that the struggle for women’s political inclusion is far from over. But if we do not confront this now, when will we? How long will women continue to be punished for demanding dignity, fairness, and equal representation?

This is no longer just about Natasha. It is about every woman who has been ignored, intimidated, or denied justice. If we allow this injustice to stand, we send a dangerous message that a woman’s voice does not matter. But we refuse to accept that.

We stand with Natasha. We stand with every woman who has been silenced. And we demand justice, not just for her, but for all of us.

Fatimah Yusuf Usman is a Corps Member serving at PRNigeria Centre, Abuja. can be reached via: fatimahborkono@gmail.com

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Several prominent figures from the All Progressives Congress (APC) are reportedly preparing to defect to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) as part of a new political alignment ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Among those expected to join the SDP are former Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi, former Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola, and Attorney General Abubakar Malami, along with APC national chairman Abdullahi Adamu.

Their defections are said to follow the recent move by former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai, who officially joined the SDP earlier today.

Although the specific reasons behind the defections remain unclear, sources suggest that the moves are part of a broader strategy to form a third-force coalition capable of challenging President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s leadership in the upcoming elections.

By Anas Abbas

Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, the former governor of Kaduna State, has officially announced his resignation from the All Progressives Congress (APC) and his decision to join the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

In a resignation letter submitted to his local ward in Kaduna State on Monday, El-Rufai cited irreconcilable differences with the ruling party’s leadership and expressed disappointment with the APC’s recent direction.

“I have served the APC diligently and have contributed significantly to its viability as a political platform,” he stated. “However, recent developments have revealed a concerning disregard for democratic principles and progressive values that I hold dear.

”As a founding member of the APC, El-Rufai played a pivotal role in securing electoral victories for the party in 2015, 2019, and 2023.

Reflecting on his tenure as governor, he emphasized his administration’s commitment to human development, education, healthcare, infrastructure, job creation, and investment.

He explained that his departure from the APC was motivated by growing concerns regarding governance and internal party dynamics.

“At this juncture in my political journey, I must seek a different political platform that aligns with the progressive values I cherish,” he remarked.

Upon joining the SDP, El-Rufai expressed his gratitude to mentors, colleagues, and supporters, reaffirming his dedication to advancing democratic principles.

“As a member of the SDP, I am committed to building a unified democratic front to challenge the APC in the upcoming elections,” he concluded.

During his time as Chairman of Hadejia Local Government, Bala T.O was not just a leader; he was a transformative figure. His leadership was characterized by a keen focus on the needs of his people. Under his stewardship, Hadejia saw numerous developmental strides in infrastructure, education, health, and local governance. His unique leadership style, which blended accessibility, transparency, and pragmatism, earned him the admiration of his constituents and political peers alike.

Honourable Bala Umar, widely known as Bala T.O, is a name that resonates deeply within the political landscape of Jigawa State. From his impactful tenure as the Chairman of Hadejia Local Government to his current position as the Special Adviser on Special Duties to Governor Malam Umar Namadi, Bala T.O has continually demonstrated unwavering commitment to public service and governance.

But beyond his political prowess, Bala T.O’s legacy is also tied to his deep-rooted understanding of governance. His work was driven by the belief that leadership should not just be about authority but about empowering the people, fostering unity, and prioritizing the well-being of all. He was particularly known for his efforts in building bridges between various community groups, ensuring inclusivity, and addressing the challenges faced by the common people of Hadejia.

In his current role as Special Adviser to the Governor of Jigawa State, Bala T.O continues to serve with the same fervor and dedication that defined his earlier career. The transition from a local government chairman to a Special Adviser is not merely a change in title, but a testament to his capacity for leadership at both local and state levels. His wealth of experience and extensive knowledge of Jigawa’s grassroots realities has positioned him as an invaluable asset to the state government.

As Special Adviser on Special Duties, Bala T.O now plays a crucial role in shaping policies and ensuring the successful implementation of programs that affect not only the people of Hadejia but all residents of Jigawa State. His position enables him to influence strategic decisions that directly impact sectors such as agriculture, infrastructure development, and social welfare – areas critical to the continued growth and prosperity of the state.

One of the standout qualities of Bala T.O is his dedication to ensuring that no one is left behind in the development process. He has remained a staunch advocate for the inclusion of marginalized communities and continues to push for policies that promote equal opportunities for all. His approach to governance is not about political gain, but about creating sustainable change that will benefit future generations.

Furthermore, his relationship with Governor Malam Umar Namadi (Danmodi) is one built on mutual respect and a shared vision for the future of Jigawa State. As a trusted adviser, Bala T.O plays an instrumental role in providing valuable insights, guiding the governor in making decisions that reflect the needs of the people. His counsel, honed through years of hands-on leadership experience, is a driving force behind many of the initiatives currently underway in the state.

As we look to the future, it is clear that Honourable Bala Umar (Bala T.O) will continue to be a key figure in the political and developmental trajectory of Jigawa State. His continued service, first as Chairman of Hadejia Local Government and now as Special Adviser, demonstrates the power of dedicated leadership and the impact one person can have on a community and beyond.

In conclusion, Bala T.O’s journey from local government leadership to becoming the Special Adviser to the Governor serves as an inspiration to all who believe in the power of hard work, integrity, and service. His story is a testament to the belief that true leadership is not defined by position, but by the positive change one can bring to the lives of others.

By Uzair Adam 

The Deputy Senate President, Barau I. Jibrin, has received prominent members of the Kwankwasiyya Ulama Forum and other political groups into the All Progressives Congress (APC).  

Jibrin, in a post on his verified social media handle on Saturday, announced that Malam Yahaya Abdulkadir Aliyu, Secretary of the Kwankwasiyya Ulama Forum, alongside 23 executive members, had officially joined the APC.  

Similarly, Mahbub Nuhu Wali, a relative of Kano State Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, also defected to the ruling party.  

During their Friday visit to Jibrin at the National Assembly, the new APC members removed their symbolic red caps associated with the Kwankwasiyya Movement. 

From his office, they accompanied him to the A-Class Event Centre, where they joined a coalition of Atiku Abubakar’s 2023 election support groups from across the 19 Northern states.  

Following the event, APC National Chairman, Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, formally welcomed the defectors into the party.  

Among those who joined were Mahmoud Salisu Gwale and Farouk Ahmed Gwale, two chieftains of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) from the Gwale Local Government Area of Kano State.  

While welcoming the new members, Jibrin reiterated his commitment to serving the people of Kano North Senatorial District and beyond, regardless of political affiliations.  

“As Deputy Senate President, I want to emphasise that I’m a senator for all. Regardless of your political affiliation—whether PDP, LP, Kwankwasiyya, or APGA—I am here for you.  

“My doors are open to all. If you wish to join our party, the APC, the people’s party, you are welcome. The more, the merrier!” he stated.

By Samira Usman Adam

Politics is a game of interests, influence, and sometimes, survival. But above all, it is about leadership and leading people with wisdom, fairness, and strategic foresight. At this critical point in Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje’s political career, one thing is clear: his ability to build more friends than enemies will define his legacy far beyond his tenure in office.

Just recently, Ganduje received a vote of confidence from the All Progressives Congress (APC) leadership, a significant gesture considering the turbulence surrounding his political journey. 

This is not just a lifeline; it is an opportunity he must seize to prove himself as more than just a money monger, as critics often describe him. If I were in his shoes, my approach would be simple: mend fences, consolidate power through unity, and rewrite my political narrative.

Power is Fleeting, but Influence Lasts

One of politicians’ biggest mistakes is believing that power alone is enough to sustain relevance. The reality, however, is that power is temporary, but influence, built through meaningful relationships, lasts far longer. 

Ganduje must realise that his current standing within the APC is not just about political loyalty but also about how he navigates relationships, particularly in Kano and at the national level.

If I were him, I would prioritise reconciling with those I have wronged, whether within the party, in Kano politics, or even in the opposition. Political grudges only create unnecessary enemies, and in a democracy, today’s enemy might be tomorrow’s ally. The greatest leaders recognise this and act accordingly.

Rewriting the Narrative: Beyond Money Politics

Ganduje’s name has been tarnished by allegations of corruption, with many reducing his political identity to financial controversies. Whether true or not, perception is powerful in politics. Now, with a renewed opportunity, he must take intentional steps to reshape how people perceive him.

If I were Ganduje, I would focus on key strategies:

 1. Promote issue-based politics: Shift away from financial influence and instead foster discussions on governance, policy, and party unity.

 2. Public Engagement and Transparency: Tackle concerns regarding governance and finances directly. The more open and accountable a leader seems, the more trust they can restore.

 3. Legacy Projects: Even beyond active governance, supporting meaningful initiatives in education, infrastructure, and youth empowerment can reshape how history remembers him.

Building Bridges for Political Survival

At this stage, every political move must be calculated with the future in mind. As a former governor, Ganduje still retains considerable influence in Kano politics, but influence without consolidation amounts to little. If I were in his position, I would engage in high-level bridge-building, both within the APC and beyond.

 • Reunite Factions Within APC Kano: The state remains politically divided, and without unity, APC’s strength in Kano could diminish.

 • Engage with Political Opponents: There is nothing undignified about reconciling with former rivals. In fact, it exemplifies true leadership.

 • Strengthen National Alliances: The political landscape is unpredictable, and having allies beyond Kano is crucial for long-term relevance.

Final Thoughts

The vote of confidence that Ganduje received is not merely a validation; it is an invitation to prove himself, to lead differently, and to transition from being perceived as a controversial figure to a respected statesman. 

If I were him, I would spend the next phase of my career doing exactly that: making more friends than enemies, consolidating my influence, and ensuring that my name, when written in history, is associated with strategy, leadership, and reconciliation rather than controversy.

This is the opportunity of a lifetime. Will he take it?

Samira Usman Adam wrote via sammyranoh@gmail.com.

I would like to start by expressing my profound admiration for your work. I must admit that I have always been a great fan of yours, appreciating your leadership skills and vision more than any politician in Kaduna State.

Your impressive work ethic, policy foresight, demonstrated competence, and ability to resist criticism and implement what you consider the right thing earned you a place in my heart.

(Un)fortunately, I’m not the kind of fan who always praises his favourites and considers any criticism an attempt to discredit his master.

Sir, your recent actions, remarks, and holier-than-thou attitude have led some to speculate that you are suffering from Out-of-Office syndrome. However, I prefer not to believe them.

In your recent interview with Arise TV,  you said things that, had I not watched the interview, I would have dismissed as typical political propaganda.

Firstly, you defined “friendship” as  “someone that has the fidelity to some ethical and moral standards, and will be there for you when you need him, not when it’s time to party or enjoy.”

Of course, I agree with you to some extent. However, in this context, are you suggesting that you prioritise loyalty over accountability, even if it means ignoring the concerns of those who elected you?

I believe that, by your definition of “friendship,” Uba Sani should prioritise being a “friend “ to the people of Kaduna who are struggling to get a meal due to these “economic reforms “ (which you said you supported and are the right orthodox policies…) rather than showing loyalty to his predecessor.

In your interview with Charles, you mentioned that the Late Yar’adua invited you to join his cabinet, an offer you declined. This remark reminded me of another instance in which you used his death as a mocking tool to brag about your resilience.

Your allegations against Nuhu Ribadu and his subsequent response reveal a lot about your dynamics with him. They raise questions about who has maintained the values of true friendship and who has not. I won’t elaborate further.

Sir, as you are probably approaching the last decade of your active political career, I would advise you to focus on nurturing your private life (considering your frequent references to prioritising it) rather than investing time and energy in making new (or perceived) enemies.

Do not dwell too much on criticism and allegations; do what Kwankwaso did: allow your track record to speak for you.

Lastly, may your famous political slogan — “MURUS” — not be used against you.

Best regards,

Ukasha Sani Idris

Facebook: Ukasha a Kofarnassarawa.

By Ibraheem A. Waziri

I am a son of Northern Nigeria, born into the 5th generational cohort—those of us ushered into life between 1968 and 1983, as the civil war’s echoes faded. From here, I’ve watched two giants of the 4th cohort, Nasir El-Rufai and Nuhu Ribadu, shape my homeland’s fate. They’ve lifted it at times, fractured it at others. To me, they’re more than names—they’re lodestars. Their brilliance has guided my hopes and, too often, left them drifting. 

El-Rufai has fueled my writing since 2013; his ideas have been a steady muse. Ribadu entered my life that same year, stepping into my Zaria home during my wedding week celebration, his vision setting my spirit ablaze. Now, in February 2025, their legacies show a compass split—its needle quivering between rival trails. For the North, for Nigeria, their reunion isn’t a wish. It’s a lifeline.

My tie to El-Rufai is ink, not intimacy. We met once, briefly, after he claimed Kaduna’s governorship in 2015—a moment too quick for him to recall. His ideas, though, I’ve known deeply. His 2015 election plans for Kaduna stunned me—clear, ambitious, a reformer’s blueprint. I dissected them as a commentator, later mapping his neoconservative path in my 2019 reflections. 

El-Rufa’i’s nine-page manifesto promised education, security, and infrastructure. He mostly delivered. I saw justice in his 2015 demolition of illegally grabbed lands at Alhudahuda College—even as friends grieved homes I’d known, now dust. El-Rufai is the architect and the systems man. A neoconservative who bets order can revive a stumbling North.

Ribadu came with a handshake and a dream. In my wedding week, through Abdulaziz Abdulaziz and Gimba Kakanda, he arrived at my Zaria doorstep, joining the celebration and seeking my support. Over tea and warmth, he sketched a Nigeria free of corruption’s grip. With my friend Dr. Waziri Garba Dahiru (now a professor), we told him how Dr. Aliyu Tilde’s pre-2011 presidential elections essay about him won us—and many Northerners—to his side over Muhammadu Buhari, the people’s hero then. His EFCC days had already made him a legend—a crusader chasing the mighty with a fire that echoed the North’s heart. He left my home with admiration, hoping that his progressive flame could guide us.

As a commentator, I’ve watched him and El-Rufai since—two men who once moved in harmony under President Olusegun Obasanjo. El-Rufai restored Abuja’s master plan with a surveyor’s eye. Ribadu hunted corrupt titans. Together, they danced a tandem of renewal. Both of the 4th cohort, born amid the civil war’s shadow, inherited a Nigeria of strife and potential. But ambition and ideals broke them apart. By 2011, Ribadu’s Action Congress of Nigeria presidential run clashed with El-Rufai’s loyalty to Buhari’s Congress for Progressive Change. The North’s compass cracked—progressive zeal versus conservative steel. 

El-Rufai’s rise in Kaduna cemented his neoconservative crown. Ribadu’s drift to the PDP and 2015 Adamawa loss dimmed his star. Yet his 2023 ascent as Tinubu’s National Security Adviser reignited it—tackling banditry and Boko Haram with a seasoned hand, though not without stumbles. Now, I see their rift clearly. 

El-Rufai’s Kaduna triumphs in 2015 earned my praise then. Ribadu’s path has shifted over time. Their jabs—subtle or stark—echo a generational clash I explored in my 2023 piece on the 4th cohort overtaking the fading 3rd. El-Rufai’s 2023 attack on Buhari’s inner circle, claiming they sabotaged Tinubu, and Ribadu’s quiet rise in Abuja hint at distance—yet also hope they might align again.

Why does this split haunt me? Northern Nigeria, my home, is a paradox—brimming with promise, torn by poverty, insecurity, and neglect. Bandits mar its forests. Boko Haram stalks its northeast. Education lags despite a proud past. 

As I wrote in 2019, the North’s fate is Nigeria’s pulse; its 19 states beat with the nation’s life. El-Rufai and Ribadu, with their tested mettle, stand among its best shots—but only together. El-Rufai’s Kaduna model—retooling institutions, lifting schools—maps a revival. Ribadu’s anti-corruption past and NSA role could strangle chaos at its source. Alone, they falter. Ribadu’s moral blade needs El-Rufai’s structural frame.

Reconciliation demands humility—something both have shown in fleeting glimpses. Why now? Nigeria’s security bleeds worse in 2025—bandits bolder, insurgents entrenched—while Tinubu’s early presidency offers a window for bold moves. Their Obasanjo-era alliance proves they can align. Back then, they were reform’s twin engines under his steady hand. Obasanjo could call them to the table again, his voice a bridge. 

Tinubu, as Ribadu’s boss and one whom El-Rufai respects, could push them too, melding Ribadu’s security clout with El-Rufai’s administrative spine. Friends like Abdulaziz or Dr. Tilde might spark it, but these giants could seal it. A Northern summit could fuse their strengths: Ribadu choking chaos at its roots, El-Rufai rebuilding what’s left. Nationally, their pact could drive devolution—state police, fiscal federalism—easing the North’s woes and binding Nigeria’s seams.

I’m no bystander. El-Rufai’s policies reshaped the Kaduna streets I walk. Ribadu’s 2013 visit lingers in my home’s walls. Their rift cuts me because I’ve staked my words—hundreds since 2013—on their promise. The compass lies broken but not lost. El-Rufai, the builder; Ribadu, the purifier—two halves of a whole I’ve followed for a decade. Their reunion could heal the North’s scars, pointing it toward hope. 

For Nigeria, it’s a shot at a shared destiny. As a 5th cohort voice, I plead in 2025: Mend the rift, reforge the compass, and let El-Rufai and Ribadu rise as our North Star. The stakes are mine. The hour is now. Our future demands it.