Politics

By Kabir Musa Ringim

Two weeks ago, I visited a friend at the new state secretariat in Dutse and witnessed massive renovation work being undertaken by the state government. It warmed my heart, to say the least, because this same secretariat—built by Governor Sule Lamido—had been almost abandoned for eight years under the previous administration.

After leaving the secretariat, I passed through the G9 quarters en route to a private clinic for a medical checkup. There, I was amazed and utterly flabbergasted by the total overhaul of the nine mega houses. These beautiful structures, also constructed by Sule Lamido to serve as lodges for visiting dignitaries, had been transformed beyond recognition. I recalled spending a night in one of those houses four years ago and crying myself to sleep after witnessing its dilapidated state.

About two months prior to my secretariat visit, I went to check on a house I own in Dutse, which I had rented out to a tenant. To my shock, it was marked for demolition. I inquired with my brother, who oversees the property, and he informed me that a new road project—stretching from Raudah Clinic to Danmasara Junction—would pass through it. The government had scheduled proper compensation for affected properties. I wasn’t sure whether to feel sad or happy; it was the first house I ever owned, and I’m emotionally attached to my long-term possessions. Yet, I felt elated that our state government is delivering by building this road, alongside other projects in the capital, including the dualisation of the only access road to the ancient Garu neighbourhood.

As a resident of Skan Homes Estate in Galamawa, I woke up one day to see a new housing estate springing up in nearby Limawa. This is in addition to another estate in Fanisau and similar developments in Ringim, Hadejia, Kafin Hausa, Kazaure, Gumel, Babura, and Birnin Kudu. Notably, from 2015 to 2023, not a single housing estate was initiated, built, or completed across the state!

Moreover, a large building is under construction near us in Limawa, which I learned is a mega skills acquisition centre spearheaded by the state government. Meanwhile, the old skills acquisition centre—also built by Sule Lamido in Limawa—is being upgraded simultaneously. This is beyond impressive; it’s a clear sign that the state government is committed to creating jobs and empowering citizens.

Last week, while travelling from Dutse to Ringim to pay Sallah homage to my aged parents, I noticed a cleared space opposite the new housing estate in Fanisau. A signboard indicated that a new specialist hospital is underway there. Similarly, on a previous trip to Hadejia, I saw a new hospital being built in Kafin Hausa, and I learned another is under construction in my hometown, Ringim. I’m unsure if similar hospital projects are ongoing in other towns, but with these numerous significant initiatives, I’m thrilled to say that Governor Mallam is determined to surpass Lamido’s achievements. He’s building on them and entrenching a much-needed culture of continuity with his predecessors’ projects. I sincerely hope he succeeds in this regard.

Democracy is far from perfect, but its greatest merit, in my view, is the ability to change leadership—whether for better or worse. People like me, who have been unapologetically pro-Jigawa since childhood, were saddened and apprehensive when Sule Lamido left the Government House in 2015. Our dismay deepened when the subsequent administration proved anything but progressive. Now, Mallam is wiping away our tears and reviving our hope of making Jigawa the most developed and prosperous state in the North!

Another positive impact of this administration is its approach to debt settlement. As it stands, Jigawa is the least indebted state in the country. Clearly, Mallam is not taking new loans; instead, he’s settling the small debts inherited from past administrations while delivering remarkable projects and paying workers’ salaries promptly. I can say without fear of contradiction that Jigawa’s civil servants—including myself—enjoy the best salary package in the North.

I’ve been silent for a long time and hadn’t written a single article on politics or governance since this administration began. I was busy observing developments with keen interest. Perfection belongs to Allah alone, but so far, I have only two grievances with Mallam’s government. First, the Ramadan feeding program, which I see as a misplaced priority that benefits contractors more than the poor and hungry masses. Second, the multi-billion-naira contract awarded to a foreign consulting firm to transform the basic education sector—a move I may not fully understand as an outsider. I ask for pardon if I’ve misjudged the intended benefits or outcomes of this project.

Beyond these concerns, the state government has initiated numerous positive projects and programs—too many to fit into one article. The agricultural transformation, the creation of a new ministry and other key agencies, the IT revolution, the push for self-reliance through investments, and the appointment of capable individuals to sensitive, knowledge-driven positions are all topics I’ll reserve for another day, Insha Allah.

For those who know me well, the politician I supported most wholeheartedly in the past was Sule Lamido. This is why I once backed his son’s gubernatorial candidacy, hoping he would sustain and build on his father’s legacies. Now, Governor Umar Namadi is doing that and much more. He’s performing far beyond expectations, winning my heart and earning my full support as he relentlessly works to make Jigawa great.

This article is penned to celebrate the governor as a beacon of hope and the architect of the modern Jigawa of our dreams. Sir, as you turn 62, I wish you good health and wisdom to continue steering our dear state toward prosperity. I pray you leave lasting legacies that our children and grandchildren will be proud of. Happy Birthday!

Kabir Musa Ringim writes from Dutse.

By Kabiru Danladi Lawanti, PhD 

There is something about us, Arewa people. Whenever power shifts to the South, we start lamentations, accusing the leader, who is from the South, of nepotism or initiating policies that are deliberately aimed at destroying our region. 

We embrace this idea and write about it repeatedly. From 1999 to 2007, from 2010 to 2015, and now from 2023 to the present, we consistently reference our voting power in our writings. 

Recently, I read an article comparing our voting power and support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu with other regions of the country. How long can we continue these lamentations? When will we stop lamenting and start acting?

We need to shift the conversation from an overemphasis on population-driven electoral power to a more strategic focus on economic productivity and revenue generation. The viability and strength of Arewa are not solely determined by the sheer size of our population, but by how effectively that population is harnessed for economic growth, innovation, and wealth creation.

Arewa’s fixation on securing political dominance through demographic advantage has frequently overshadowed the more critical question we need to be asking ourselves. 

How do we convert our vast human and natural resources into sustainable development outcomes?

While concerns about the inequities of political appointments and perceived nepotism under the current Tinubu administration are valid, ongoing lamentation over political spoils can be counterproductive if not paired with proactive strategies for economic transformation.

What has happened to Arewa after all these years of political power? What becomes of the “K” states after each election season? What has happened to Jigawa or Bauchi? Is it enough to have just a Badaru or Tuggar as compensation for the over 5 million we gave the President?

What is required is a change in strategy: a deliberate and coordinated effort to leverage our expansive landmass and youthful population to drive industrialization, technological innovation, and inclusive economic growth. Our governors need to be wiser. Have you ever checked the total amount of FAAC allocations coming to our states and local governments? What are we doing with this money?

In this regard, lessons abound from the developmental trajectories of nations such as China and India, both of which have shown how demographic advantages can be transformed into competitive edges through disciplined policies, strategic investments in education and infrastructure, and a clear vision for economic self-reliance.

The path to power lies not just in numbers – voting power – but in what those numbers yield after elections.

I have learnt my lessons. What we need is not political power at the centre but what we do with that power and what our Governors are doing with the huge resources coming to them from Abuja. 

The agitation for removing Tinubu in 2027 can be compared to the agitations of removing the military in 1999 or Jonathan in 2015. They are driven by elite interests, not necessarily by situations we find ourselves in, Arewa.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

Buhari was largely viewed as reluctant, whereas Tinubu engaged in tit-for-tat responses. Tinubu has demonstrated decisiveness on many occasions. For instance, when there was a public outcry over his Kano ministerial nominee, Maryam Shettima, he swiftly replaced her with Dr. Mariya Mahmoud, who enjoyed greater public approval. Buhari likely would have retained Shettima.

A few months after the ministers assumed office, the Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, a ministry infamous for waywardness—was caught in multiple scandals. In a swift response to public outrage, Tinubu suspended Betta Edu, and from all likelihood, she has gone for good.

No situation highlights the difference between Tinubu and Buhari more than the ongoing political crisis in Rivers State involving Governor Fubara and his former benefactor, Nyesom Wike. While Buhari would have turned a deaf ear to the situation, Tinubu reacted decisively. Those who once criticised Buhari for his passive leadership should now give a standing ovation to Tinubu’s stern control and decisiveness.

Nevertheless, Tinubu’s speech during the emergency declaration was notably one-sided. He sided with his FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, heaping blame on Fubara for demolishing national assembly structures and failing to address pipeline bombings—while completely ignoring Wike’s role in the crisis. These reinforced accusations of federal government highhandedness in Nigeria’s most populous states.

Some argue that the federal government is involved in the debacles affecting Rivers, Lagos, and Kano due to its fear of losing these key states to the opposition. However, as the APC states, the allegations of internal conflicts in the Lagos government do not hold up. Since the state is governed by the ruling party, it seems to be just another political facade from the federal government.

A major issue for Tinubu’s camp is their position on Fubara and Uba Sani. If they oppose Fubara, they should also oppose Uba Sani. You cannot support Wike in Rivers while opposing El-Rufai in Kaduna. The two scenarios bear a striking resemblance.

Reflecting on how Nigerians criticized Buhari for lacking swiftness and displaying full control as the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria, it is fair to say that Tinubu has now met that expectation.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD wrote via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

I strongly disapprove of Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s betrayal of his political godfather. Fubara entered the political arena without established structures, financial resources, or widespread recognition; he was relatively unknown. 

Former Governor Nyesom Wike provided him with the platform, support, and influence that ultimately led to his rise as governor. Yet, despite this, Fubara has turned against the very person who paved the way for his political ascent. 

Both sides should share the blame for not shifting grounds. The declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State came at a critical time to address rising insecurity and unrest that threatened to spiral out of control. Left unchecked, the situation could have led to a resurgence of militancy and severely disrupted oil exploration activities, which are vital to both the state and national economy. 

Beyond the economic implications, the deteriorating security situation also risks derailing governance and has somehow ‘assisted’ Governor Fubara in escaping impeachment. President Tinubu may justify his decision—he has access to security intelligence and reports that the general public does not.

However, although addressing security concerns is essential, suspending an elected governor and members of the state assembly is not only unconstitutional but also sets a dangerous precedent for Nigeria’s democracy. This issue goes beyond the 2027 elections; it strikes at the heart of democratic governance and the principle of electoral legitimacy. 

Our democracy has matured to a point where a sitting governor can be removed only through due process, as outlined in Section 188 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended). If we are not careful, one day—God forbid—a president or his allies could create chaos in a state simply to justify declaring a state of emergency and unseating an elected governor for political gain. Such actions would undermine democracy and erode public trust in the electoral process. They pose a danger to our future. 

The Rivers state or any political conflicts should be resolved within the framework of the law, not through forceful interventions that threaten democratic stability.

The key actors in Rivers State must set aside their personal and political grievances to prioritize reconciliation. Prolonged instability is unacceptable, as it harms the people, governance, and economic progress. A peaceful resolution is the only path forward.

An elected Governor’s mandate is sacrosanct and must be respected. He is the top citizen in the subnational.

 Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Whether you love him or dislike him, Seyi Tinubu is skillfully mastering the art of being close to power and leveraging his position as the son of Nigeria’s President. The President of Nigeria wields significant power and influence, and Seyi is gradually understanding both the intricacies of Nigerian politics and the delicate task of managing those around his father.

Now, he has taken on a significant and challenging task: restoring the APC’s once-unquestioned dominance in the North—a region that, while outwardly cordial, seems to be quietly drifting away from the party and the Tinubu/Kashim presidency. The North is revolting and smiling!

On this mission, Seyi could either succeed or fail, depending on his arithmetic skills, his father’s policies and programs, and, most crucially, President Tinubu’s willingness to hear uncomfortable truths, especially those his close associates might struggle to convey.

Seyi has identified a key battleground: the youth. His recent focus on distributing food items during Ramadan is a commendable step, so to speak. If executed strategically, it could yield positive results. However, food distribution alone remains a weak and short-lived strategy. 

What more can Seyi do? A multi-pronged approach is needed- an economic and political strategy. Beyond handouts, Seyi, as a young man, should focus on real empowerment. He must identify and support enterprising young Northerners who are not part of the political elite but are making tangible impacts in their communities. 

While he may have supported and empowered many individuals in the past, his new focus should be on fresh faces—ambitious, independent-minded young Northerners who, when given support, can drive real change. This could translate into both grassroots influence and renewed political goodwill for the APC in the region.

Expanding his political network thoughtfully will be impactful; Seyi needs to move beyond the usual circle of children from the political elite. The North is home to many educated and brilliant young minds who remain untapped. Bringing them into his circle could prove invaluable for rebuilding trust and influence.

Leveraging social media influencers will play a crucial role. This time, entertainment influencers will have little to no impact. Instead, Seyi should engage influencers whose voices carry weight—those known for insightful, educational, and impactful messaging that resonates with the region’s unique socio-political landscape.

Ultimately, Seyi Tinubu’s success in the North will depend on how well he moves beyond optics and embraces a more strategic, sustainable approach. The challenge is immense and thorny, but so are the opportunities. 

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Isyaka Laminu Badamasi

As the wave of politicians leaving various political parties, especially the ruling party, to join the SDP gains momentum, remember that not everything that glitters is gold.

During the buildup to the 2015 general elections, some politicians capitalized on the failures of the PDP administration at that time. They formed what is now known as the All Progressives Congress (APC), a decision we all regret in unison. 

As observers, and considering the caliber and number of individuals joining the Social Democratic Party (SDP), I must confess that the county’s political landscape leading up to 2027 will be fascinating in the days, months, and years ahead. 

Before then, we should not fold our arms while watching the gullibility of our people and how it has led us to where theAPC administration has brought us today. It is crucial that we examine the actors involved in this process of decamping, reminding ourselves not to be swept away by the razzmatazz of this drama and to avoid making another unforgivable mistake, as not all that glitters is gold. 

We should be very observant of who joined SDP from our states and from which political party. What are their contributions to the development of the state? Are they relevant to the party they left? Are they capable of changing the narratives in the scheme of things, or is it just to make headlines? 

While they have the right to make whatever political decisions regarding 2027, we shouldn’t be naive enough to believe that the ongoing alignments and realignments are unrelated to us. Remember the pervasive nature of politics.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi wrote from Bauchi State via makwalla82@gmail.com.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

In a move that has sent shockwaves through Nigeria’s political landscape, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai has officially parted ways with the All Progressives Congress (APC) and pitched his tent with the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

While party defections are common in Nigerian politics, El-Rufai’s departure from the ruling party carries significant political implications that could alter the dynamics leading up to the 2027 elections.

For a man instrumental in the formation of the APC and a staunch ally of former President Muhammadu Buhari, El-Rufai’s departure raises critical questions. Is this a strategic move to remain politically relevant? A protest against President Bola Tinubu’s leadership? Or does it signal widening cracks within the APC that could deepen in the coming years?

El-Rufai’s political journey within the APC has been marked by loyalty, controversy, and influence. As a key figure in the party’s 2015 victory over the PDP, he was regarded as one of the strongest voices in Buhari’s inner circle.

His tenure as Kaduna governor further solidified his image as a reformist, albeit one who often courted controversy. From restructuring Kaduna’s civil service to his hardline stance on security issues, El-Rufai commanded attention. Under Buhari, he wielded significant influence, not just within Kaduna but on the national stage.

Many expected him to secure a prominent role in Tinubu’s government. However, cracks began to show when he was dropped from the ministerial list, allegedly over security concerns flagged by the National Security Adviser.

El-Rufai’s departure from the APC is not a hasty decision; it represents the culmination of increasing frustration. His rejection as a minister was perceived by many as a calculated marginalization, signaling the start of his estrangement from the ruling party’s core decision-making processes. 

Reports suggest he became increasingly disillusioned with Tinubu’s governance style, particularly in handling economic and security challenges. The former governor is known for his bluntness, and sources indicate that his inability to influence policies within the APC played a significant role in his decision.

While his supporters argue that his move to the SDP is based on principle, critics suggest it is driven by personal ambition—positioning himself for a possible political comeback in 2027.

El-Rufai’s choice of the SDP, rather than the PDP or a new political movement, is intriguing. The SDP remains a relatively small force compared to the APC and PDP, raising questions about whether he genuinely believes in the party’s ideology or sees it as a convenient platform to negotiate his future.

Some analysts believe El-Rufai is playing the long game—joining a smaller party now to avoid confrontations with APC heavyweights while testing the waters for potential alliances with other opposition figures ahead of 2027. Others argue that he has limited options, given his strained relationship with Tinubu’s camp and his unlikelihood of returning to the PDP, a party he once fiercely opposed.

Expectedly, the APC has brushed off El-Rufai’s departure, with the Presidency dismissing it as driven by “inordinate ambition.” Kaduna’s APC leadership has also claimed they are unbothered, arguing that his influence has waned significantly since leaving office. 

However, political observers note that El-Rufai’s defection could have ripple effects. While he may not command a nationwide political structure, his ability to shape narratives, especially in northern politics, should not be underestimated. Some opposition figures, including former Senator Shehu Sani, have downplayed his move, arguing that El-Rufai’s political relevance has diminished.

El-Rufai’s defection is not just about one man leaving a party—it reflects deeper tensions within the APC. Since taking power in 2023, Tinubu has had to balance competing interests within the ruling party, from former Buhari loyalists to his own political allies. The cracks within the party are becoming more visible, and if not managed properly, they could deepen before 2027.

For El-Rufai, the road ahead is uncertain. Aligning with the SDP may be a strategic step, but it remains to be seen whether it will translate into real political leverage. Is this the beginning of a broader coalition to challenge APC dominance, or will it end up as another failed defection story in Nigeria’s political history?

One thing is clear—El-Rufai’s move has reignited conversations about Nigeria’s shifting political landscape. Whether it leads to a major realignment or fizzles out as an individual protest remains to be seen.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu, an NYSC serving corps member, writes from the Center for Crisis Communication (CCC) in Abuja.

By Nasiru Ahmad Sadiq

After diving into Muazu Muazu’s lengthy critique of Sanusi Bature, one cannot help but wonder if the writer is misinformed, harboring personal grudges, or perhaps just following orders from some unseen puppet master. His arguments, filled with half-truths and baseless claims, seem to reveal more of his own biases than they do Sanusi Bature’s role as Director of Press at Kano Government House.

Muazu kicks off his piece with tangled metaphors and quickly spirals into a maze of contradictions. He accuses Bature of dropping the ball on Public Relations, yet he also acknowledges Bature’s impressive 19 years of experience in international development, the private sector, and journalism.

So, which is it, Muazu? Is Bature a rookie as you suggest, or a seasoned expert whose accolades – like being named Spokesman of the Year in 2024 – completely undermine your feeble attempts to belittle him?

The most glaring issue with Muazu’s tirade is the absence of solid evidence. He throws around vague claims that Sanusi Bature “speaks recklessly,” “blocks people from seeing the Governor,” and “corners journalists’ allowances,” but he doesn’t back any of it up. Are these accusations based on real investigations, or just the grumblings of disgruntled folks with personal axes to grind?

It is also worth noting that Muazu leans heavily on anonymous sources. Any credible journalist knows that anonymous claims, especially when lacking factual support, do not hold much weight. Without evidence, these allegations are little more than gossip.

Moreover, much as I respect Muazu’s background in communication, it baffles me how he seemingly misunderstand what Public Relations really entails. He criticizes Bature for not being “passionate” or “convincing” enough – these are subjective opinions that cannot be measured. Yet, despite Muazu’s insinuations, Bature has received widespread acclaim for transforming the Public Relations landscape in Kano State, making it more effective and engaging. His professionalism and knack for breaking down complex government policies into something the public can grasp have earned him praise and respect from various circles.

The personal slant in Muazu’s article is hard to overlook. It feels less like an unbiased analysis and more like a targeted attack aimed at damaging the reputation of a man whose success might have upset some people. When a critic hurls accusations without providing context, exaggerates flaws, and overlooks achievements, it makes you wonder: what is really driving this?

Muazu’s closing question – “Is Sanusi Bature appointed by accident?” – is dripping with sarcasm. The only “accident” here appears to be his article; a regrettable mix of half-formed theories, speculative claims, and thinly veiled bitterness. Maybe Muazu should consider channeling his efforts into more constructive discussions instead of trying to undermine accomplished professionals based on rumors.

Ultimately, time will tell. However, it is unlikely that Muazu’s assertions will hold up. Sanusi Bature continues to be a respected figure whose contributions are enhancing Kano State Government’s global image.

Let us hope that any future critiques, if they arise, are based on facts rather than driven by hidden motives. For now, the unfounded nature of this attack is evident to all thoughtful readers.

Nasiru Ahmad Sadiq is a lecturer in English Department, Aminu Kano College of Legal and Islamic Studies and he can be reached via nasirulhaqqi@gmail.com

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

Following a prolonged silence and social media appeals urging NNPP chieftain and former governor of Kano State, Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, to address the ongoing political situation in Nigeria, Kwankwaso issued a statement to the press through his social media accounts.

Kwankwaso strongly criticized President Bola Tinubu’s recent declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State. The proclamation includes the suspension of Governor Similayi Fubara and all elected state legislators, a move Kwankwaso deems unconstitutional and dangerous for Nigeria’s democracy.

Reflecting on past political lessons, he expressed concern over the National Assembly’s rapid ratification of the president’s decision, calling it a deviation from proper legislative procedures. “This 10th Assembly has become more rubberstamp than any of its predecessors,” he stated.

Kwankwaso also condemned the involvement of military leadership in a civilian power structure, warning that such actions could lead to chaos and erode public trust in democratic institutions. He emphasized the risks of permitting military influence over civilian governance, recalling the need to keep military forces away from political power.

As the situation unfolds, the implications for democracy in Rivers State and across Nigeria remain uncertain, highlighting the necessity for political and judicial bodies to uphold the rule of law.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Kano State government has honored Dr. Aminu Magashi Garba for his exceptional contributions to the state’s development.

Dr. Magashi, who serves as the Technical Adviser to the Ministry of Women Affairs, Children and Disabled, as well as the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation, is also the Chair of the AMG Foundation.

His efforts have been instrumental in advancing initiatives that support women and other vulnerable groups.

During the International Women’s Day celebration at the Kano State Government House on Monday, March 17, 2025, the Honourable Commissioner for Women Affairs, Children and Disabled, Hajiya Amina Abdullahi Sani, presented him with an Award of Excellence.

The recognition shows his dedication to improving the well-being of Kano State residents, particularly in the areas of health, humanitarian services, and poverty alleviation.

While presenting the award, Hajiya Amina Abdullahi Sani stated:

“Dr. Magashi has decades-long dedication to public service and commitment to improving the lives of Kano’s underserved communities. He led several reforms in the health sector leading to the establishment of so many agencies, notably PHIMA, KHETFUND KUSH, KNCDC to mention but few.”

She further acknowledged his role in shaping policies, saying:

“His strategic insights and leadership were also vital as Chairman of the health transition committee, where he collaborated closely with His Excellency, the Executive Governor of Kano State, Engr Abba Kabir Yusuf to craft a transformative agenda for Kano State’s healthcare.”

Additionally, she presented his contributions to governance:

“He also led the technical committee which supported H.E. Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf to develop his campaign blueprint in 2022.”

Dr. Magashi’s recognition underscores his commitment to public service and his lasting impact on health and social welfare initiatives in Kano State.