Opinion

By Muhammed Bello Umar 

The ongoing protest saga in Nigeria has brought to light the issue of hunger, which is affecting many Nigerians. The protests, which began as a call to end bad governance, have snowballed into a wider outcry against government corruption, poor governance, and economic hardship.

Many Nigerians, especially those in lower-income brackets, have been struggling to make ends meet due to the economic impact of the pandemic (hunger virus) and decades of mismanagement by the government. With the protests shutting down major cities across the country, many businesses have been forced to close, leaving workers without income.

It is important to acknowledge that bigotry and discrimination can exist in any society, including Nigeria. The Nigerian government and its citizens have the responsibility to promote inclusivity, diversity, and equal rights for all individuals. 

The Nigerian Constitution provides for the protection of fundamental human rights, and it is essential that these rights are upheld and respected in all aspects of democratic practices.

A sharp rise in food prices has compounded the bigotry situation, as the cost of basic food items such as rice, beans, and cooking oil has skyrocketed. This has left many people unable to afford even the most basic necessities.

The government has responded by promising to address the concerns of the protesters and to implement reforms, but many Nigerians remain sceptical. In the meantime, this has made Nigerians keen on the government’s response to current happenings in society.

The hunger virus affecting Nigerians is a symptom of a much larger problem, and the country can only hope to overcome it through sustained efforts to address poverty and inequality.

There are roadblocks to a strong democracy in Nigeria at all levels of government. Conflict—triggered by political competition and communal, ethnic, religious or resource allocation rivalries—poses a major threat to democracy. Corruption pervades the daily lives of Nigerians.

Muhammed Bello Umar wrote via princemub28@gmail.com.

By Zailani Bappa

The Sahara Reporters reports that the Kano All Progressive Congress (APC) has called for the arrest of Bello Galadanchi, popularly known as Dan Bello, “for inciting violence.” This comes after his smash video, released two days ago on his X handle.

On the special skit, he alleged an unwholesome practice by a former Commissioner for Local Government Affiars under the Governorship of Abdullahi Ganduje. He backed his claims with evidence, though.

Now, instead of going to court, the APC in the state has gone completely off balance (as the former Commissioner was its Deputy Governor-Candidate), forgot about the Nigerian Judicial System, and done the unthinkable. 

If I may ask, how can Dan Bello be arrested for this allegation, please? He does not live in Nigeria, where the APC rules; he lives and teaches English in China. Moreover, he is a United States Citizen, and the US is known to fiercely protect its citizens’ rights, lives, and property anywhere in the World.

If it is true that the APC is poised for a battle with this young man, someone should advise the Party to take it easy because this guy is equipped with everything it takes to do damage to its members and its Government, not only in Kano but beyond.

I say he is equipped because he has the required knowledge, intelligence, and journalistic acumen to dig; he has excellent film and skit facilities to make his messages appealing to anyone; and he has the protection he deserves to stay safe (especially if all his messages are true).

What is remarkable about Dan Bello so far is that, unlike most of our so-called investigative journalists in Nigeria, whose findings are often hijacked and promoted by equally corrupt politicians, he appears to be highly balanced in his presentations.

For those politicians who gloat over his recent searchlight on the Kano APC politician, they should be advised to keep off Dan Bello as their turn will surely come. 

May God protect the efforts of this young man and all his likes on social media.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

With my viva voce a few days ago, the sojourn that began five years ago has ended. Although the coursework started late, around May 2019, it was successfully navigated through that year.

Postgraduate students often think coursework should be eliminated. They wonder how a PhD student could be sitting in a four-corner wall in the name of lectures, arguing that PhD candidates should dive straight into research. However, after completing the coursework, none of us agreed with that sentiment.

One notable sacrifice that potential postgraduate students should be prepared to make is financial freedom. Study not only limits one income but also eats deep into the fabric of the little one on the hand—it is an attack from a double front. So, it only takes individual ambition to succumb to that.

One common question from those considering enrolment but still undecided is, “How long will it take to finish a postgraduate program?” My quick response to them is to enrol as soon as possible because time will pass regardless. 

In Nigeria, pursuing a PhD is a journey where you likely only know the starting point, facing a path fraught with unforeseeable circumstances; the end sight can’t be rightly assured. While I read posts that some lucky individuals graduate in about three years, others aren’t as fortunate and may take seven years or more. So, I believe graduating in five years is an average.

The first major hurdle of my five-year PhD journey emerged at the beginning of 2020. Immediately after the year clocked, the COVID-19 pandemic struck the globe. The world came to a standstill as countries implemented stringent measures to combat the virus. In Nigeria, after the first confirmed case was announced in late February, we swiftly followed suit; wearing facemasks, using hand sanitisers, and maintaining strict social distancing became the order of the day. 

Despite the initial disruptions, as the pandemic began to wane, my supervisor and I would forge on, adapting precautionary measures. The lockdowns would be a blessing in disguise as they provided valuable time for my supervisory team and me to finalise our research topic and draft a comprehensive literature review manuscript.

Another significant hurdle arose with the ASUU strike. As early as February 2022, the agitation for the government to implement the 2009 agreement mounted. It began as warnings but escalated into an indefinite strike lasting eight months. Like the COVID-19 pandemic, the strike ultimately became a diamond in the rough. It afforded me more interactions with my advisors and crucially facilitated a collaboration with the Centre for Resources Recovery in Sweden, known for its extensive work in my research area. Leveraging the online meeting platforms adopted during the pandemic, such as Zoom, expedited our collaboration.

Another serious hurdle I encountered was frequent power outages. Just as I was about to enter the lab after completing all preparations, ABU experienced a series of power disruptions; their light would be cut due to failure to pay the bills—an issue I had never expected. This cultural shock paled in comparison when I later heard that even Aso Rock faced threats of power cuts. The inconsistency of electricity, compounded by national grid collapses and ABU light cuts made the initial stages of setting the research in motion unforgettable.

A five-year journey demanding a high level of commitment, teamwork, tight schedules, and stringent deadlines, in addition to the inherent conflicting perspectives in group work, inevitably led to clashes—sometimes titanic ones. However, what mattered most was understanding each other’s viewpoints and even finding humour in the aftermath. You have an added advantage for those who are naturally diplomatic, persuasive, and humorous: you will come to handle such pressures far more easily.

One of the major successes of my PhD journey was the significant contribution to knowledge pioneering an innovative method: the development of mesoporous support for heterogeneous fermentation for the first time. This achievement has culminated in forthcoming publications in high-impact (or not-so) journals, the filing of a patent, and facilitated international collaborations.

No matter how daunting the task may seem, it can’t be insurmountable, provided there is consistent effort (even a bit), patience, and perseverance.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD, is a public affairs commentator and science writer. He can be reached via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman

Before the hunger protest under the banner of #EndBadGovernance ensued, organisers made their intentions public. Initially, they were considered “faceless groups” plotting under the cover of night. Ironically, once they revealed themselves, they were labelled “unpopular” groups, previously invisible in Nigeria’s politics.

Despite their perceived unpopularity, the call for a nationwide demonstration did not take long to gain momentum. The nation’s youth were enraged by their constant battles with hunger and their struggles to make ends meet. 

Sensing the state of the nation and the high possibility of the demonstration turning into a full-blown riot, the authorities summoned political, traditional, and religious leaders to rally their followers, giving the administration time for its tree of uncommon economic policies to bear fruit.

This move was counterproductive. Political and traditional leaders had lost their influence, and religious clerics had lost their authority. Posters flooded the streets of Nigeria, demanding better living conditions. The protest did not disappoint those who predicted opportunistic hoodlums would hijack it.

Protesters seeking to “End Bad Governance” looted and carted away various materials from both private and government-owned establishments. Tragically, some lives were lost. God rest their souls. It is worth mentioning that the exercise was peaceful in some locations with no hiccups.

To quell the protest, Mr President addressed Nigerians in a nationwide broadcast. Some accepted it as a speech of “compassion, unity, leadership, and direction.” Others dismissed it as “empty and annoying” because it did not address the pressing issues.

Interestingly, the first day of the ten-day hunger protest (August 1) coincided with World Breastfeeding Week (WBW). The first week of August (1-7) is supported by the World Health Organization (WHO), United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), and many Ministries of Health, including Nigeria’s and civil society organisations such as WBW. 

This initiative encourages breastfeeding and aims to improve the health of babies around the world. This year’s event, themed “Closing the Gap: Breastfeeding Support for All,” is a campaign that celebrates breastfeeding mothers in all their diversity throughout their breastfeeding journeys. 

It showcases how families, societies, communities, and health workers can support every breastfeeding woman. Unfortunately, in Nigeria, this important occasion to celebrate and support our mothers, sisters, and friends in raising healthy babies has been overshadowed by the ongoing protest. 

At the same time, UNICEF has scored Nigeria low in this regard, lamenting that a whopping 76 per cent of babies between 0-6 months are denied exclusive breastfeeding. Although the exclusive breastfeeding rate in Nigeria rose to 52 per cent in 2017, it dropped to 38.9 per cent in 2021 due to a decline in the sustenance of the “Hospital Exclusive Breastfeeding Initiative” introduced to fast-track the rate. 

The Federal Government says it is working with development partners to achieve a 50% rate by 2030. The government’s support for breastfeeding initiatives reminds us that breast milk is the gold standard for infant nutrition. It is safe, clean, and contains immunity-boosting antibodies that shield babies from illnesses. 

Breastfeeding is crucial to achieving the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030. Despite the economic situation, let us all take a moment to appreciate and support all nursing mothers. 

By upholding the theme “Closing the Gap: Breastfeeding Support for All” of the 2024 World Breastfeeding Week, we recognise that nursing mothers are not only giving babies the best possible start in life but also playing a vital role in building a healthier, more sustainable future for all. Remember, breastfeeding is made easier when mothers have our support.

Lawal Dahiru Mamman writes from Abuja and can be reached at dahirulawal90@gmail.com.

By Ismail Hashim Abubakar

The coming of the current President, Bola Ahmad Tinubu, on May 29, 2023, was not the beginning of the ongoing hardship that Nigerians have been grappling with. His predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari, elected with high hopes, introduced severe and draconian policies such as the closure of northern borders, which Nigerians consistently condoned due to their optimistic sentiments towards the exceedingly and unanimously celebrated integrity of the former army general. 

The masses and different sections of civil society, including religious leaders and respected elites, rejected slight censure of his policies. There were genuine reports of people being corporally attacked and penalised by mobs for openly criticising Buhari, who spent almost two-thirds of his eight-year regime being excused, exculpated and defended until people finally got convinced that the man was no better than other politicians.

Bola Ahmed Tinubu had a tough time becoming President owing to his many dark records and the stigma with which especially northerners viewed him. His eight-year rule as the governor of Lagos state (1999-2007) was a period that witnessed a series of massacres of northerners in Lagos and neighbouring towns within the same Southwestern geopolitical zone. These senseless mayhems were primarily engineered and perpetrated by the OPC militias, who were said to be connected to his alleged political brigandism. This significantly made Tinubu almost infamously unsellable to northern electorates when he showed his ambition to become Nigeria’s president in 2023. 

Perhaps Tinubu was fully aware of this or was at least made to know by his northern political allies and loyalists. That was probably why, as part of image-deodorizing strategies, Tinubu paid serial visits to Ulama, especially those who might have been earlier wary, sceptical and apprehensive of his patriotism, nationalism, vision for unity, morality and religious uprightness. 

How I wish one of the religious leaders present when Tinubu paid homage to respected Shaykhs in Kano soliciting for support and courting for votes had politely but point-blank told him that due to the experiences of northerners in the crises that erupted in Lagos and Southwest, our people would never accept him until he accepted to do some conciliatory moves which might assuage the age-old void and the stigma our people viewed him. One of them was to advise him to institute a committee that would investigate the OPC massacre of northerners in October 2000, present an estimation of the lives and properties lost and pay for their compensation. He should also charge the committee to offer recommendations to forestall future occurrences and forge unity and cohesion among diverse non-Yoruba ethno-religious groups and their host community living in the Southwest. I do not doubt that although this would sound politically awkward, it would have reminded Tinubu that these religious leaders were concerned with the plight of their people. He would eventually accept any other request for nation-building that northern leaders would have tabled before him as a condition and prerequisite for his election. 

Tinubu was able to successfully navigate these hurdles when the Ulama finally accepted him and joined his campaign train, partly due to the apparent reason for promoting a Muslim-Muslim presidency. In one short video clip uploaded on Facebook, one religious leader claimed that it was the Ulama who had insisted that Tinubu must relentlessly contest for presidential post in the 2023 elections, even after he was determined to withdraw from the race (the clip is available herehttps://www.facebook.com/reel/1198771691128341/?mibextid=pX794QQbNUXe42Mf.). All of this combined to prove that the Ulama were instrumental in catapulting Tinubu to the highest political office in the country and would expectedly have weighty words in his government. 

The removal of subsidy on the very day Tinubu was sworn in, followed by similar other thoughtless and capitalist policies, had quadrupled the hardship of the masses, drastically shelving the middle class in Nigerian society and forcing people to live in perpetual agony and unprecedented misery. People now eat leaves and grasses that would otherwise only be suitable for animals. Conversely, people in government were busy allotting themselves hefty allowances and big remunerations to ascertain their luxurious lives at the behest of citizens. The president procured a multibillion Naira jet and stupendously expensive yacht from the country’s treasury, besides other juicy and crazy packages, hastily designed and approved within a year of assuming office.

 All this while, several efforts have been made by various constituencies to admonish leaders, including the Ulama, who, in their pulpits and other public platforms, called on Tinubu’s government to soften its harsh policies and make life bearable for the poor. As this went on deaf ears, about a month or so ago, winds of mass protest started blowing all over the spaces and skies of the country, signifying that Nigerians have been pushed to the extreme of the wall where they could no longer withstand the increasing stroke of hunger. 

Although with barely-known leadership and organisers, the protesters’ demands are obvious and revolve around the reinstatement of fuel subsidy, ending insecurity in all its manifestations, fighting corruption, increasing minimum wage, etc. As soon as plans to hold the protest were laid bare, the northern Nigerian cyberspace became inundated with jurisprudential deliberations on the legality of protest in Islam, with the most popular faces among the Ulama, including those who allegedly endorsed and supported the candidature of Tinubu condemning the move, declaring protest as haram and forewarning the public of its costly consequences. Only a few known clerics have issued statements that support the protest, and their views seem to have been vetoed by their counterparts in the other camp. 

This worsened the situation as youths anxious to demonstrate their grievances through the protest interpreted the anti-protest fatwa as an attempt to thwart the masses from checking on and holding leaders accountable. Fingers of blame were brandished by youths against particularly scholars who openly campaigned for Tinubu and others who are known to have partisan loyalty to the ruling party, All Progressive Congress (APC) or have even served in any capacity under the APC-led state or federal government. The youths kept calling on the Ulama to form a united front, meet the president, and advise him to restore the fuel subsidy. 

In the psychology of most of the youths, since it was the Ulama who insisted that Tinubu must run, despite his alleged plan to recant the decision, but he finally bowed to the pressure of clerics, the latter have the power to force the president to make a U-turn on the removal of fuel subsidy. In the same vein, since the clerical establishment has been wielding enormous clout and their words “are” (or ought to be) highly respected in the Muslim north, the Ulama did not hesitate to voice their opinions on the planned protest, with little or no recourse to the psychology of the youths or an in-depth consideration of the precise reality of the majority of the youths. Some youths, in fact, never believe that most Ulama are passing through similar situations or do not have a full sense of their difficulty. And because the youth sometimes see some Ulama dining and rubbing shoulders with politicians, they concluded in the protest that they were helpless, with no one among elders to stand with or speak for them. Thus, they had no option but to come out en masse to protest. 

In addition, while the youths could recall a leading voice among the Ulama participating in prior protests without any condemnation similar to what was ringing in their ears, they considered the fatwa a clandestine cover given to President Tinubu. This was even conflated when the utterances of some Shaykhs sounded to be encouraging and emboldening the planned crackdown of the protest by Nigeria’s law enforcement agents, without in most cases, warning the security to protect human rights and be cautious of the sanctity of life. The protest has turned chaotic, with dozens of lives and properties worth millions of Naira lost. Still, the articulations of some Ulama reveal a disconnect with the plight of the masses. 

In my opinion, instead of the blanket condemnation of the protest, which was planned to be peaceful, albeit operationally difficult, the Ulama should have, in the first place, infiltrated the youths and hijacked the movement and, even if momentarily, emphasised to the government that they recognised peaceful protest as a constitutionally-sanctioned right and means of channelling grievances to authority. Had the youths seen religious leaders in this picture showering their blessings on the movement, they would have behaved more orderly, regained their confidence in the clerics and listened to any order that the Ulama might have issued to them, including possibly postponing the protest for some reasons. 

Scholars would have cashed in on the exuberance of the youths as a weapon to force the government to do the needful instead of appearing to have disowned the youths and cursed their movement. Since the reverse is true, the youths still feel that the federal government might have already felt encouraged and correspondingly justified not to listen to them but to also even embark on a mission to stop the protest with excessive force since the youths would be operating under an anathematised umbrella which lacked the blessings of men of God. To restore immediate sanity and stability in the strained relationship between the Ulama and the youths, the latter forming the large chunk of their following and being the backbone of any society, I below offer a few recommendations:

• The Ulama, particularly those whose anti-protest fatwas are circulating, should convene an emergency public lecture to, in vehement and uncompromising language, condemn the crackdown of protesters, warn security agencies to desist from the ongoing brutality against protesters and innocent citizens, remind them of the right of the protesters to demonstrate, call on the government to institute an investigative panel and pay compensation for families of the people killed by Nigerian security, including both among the protesters and the innocent people shot ruthlessly inside their homes.
• The Ulama should advise the government to recant its position and work towards simplifying life for Nigerians. It should immediately start by restoring fuel subsidy and reversing all financial policies that raise the price of the US dollar against the Naira. They should warn the government of possible degeneration that may escalate to anarchy if the government remains dogged and recalcitrant in responding to this request.
• The Ulama should avoid making public comments that may sound like they are absolving politicians of their commissions and omissions while discharging their duties. In line with this, the Ulama should be meticulous and extra-cautious in their dealings with politicians and political leaders. As the latter have gone far in dislodging the influence of traditional leaders, they may go to any length to destroy the career of a cleric who is not careful and gives in to their devilish desires and selfish political interests.
• The Ulama should further take the lead or accordingly guide the next measures, steps, and remedy processes that the youths are planning to resort to in place of the protest, which is fizzling out. These include the organisation of mass prayers, orientation on the need to resort to recall lawmakers and sensitising the public to strategise the public for future elections.
• Youths and protesters should avoid issuing generalised, unverifiable allegations against the Ulama and desist from making scathing comments about their persons. They should wholeheartedly accept their views or honourably reject them in favour of contrary opinions. All this should be done in good faith.
• The protesters should be careful not to allow mischievous elements within and outside the country to hijack the protest to promote perpetual conspiratorial ambitions in the land. In line with this, they should outright stop calling for a military coup and desist from waving the flag of any country.
• Muslim scholars and intellectuals need to create a forum to deliberate Nigeria’s political climate vis-à-vis Islamic leadership provisions and formulate a political vision and working formula that will take into account Islamic political values and the existing realities of Nigeria’s political setting.
• Last but not least, the federal government headed by Bola Tinubu should be cautious of its move to use force to quell dissent and remember that it is a democratically elected institution and not a military junta. Therefore, it must listen to its citizens and work towards ameliorating their conditions. It should focus on discharging its mandate and avoid meddling in the affairs of the state in a way that jeopardises its security. It should allow state governors to manage their affairs and intervene positively without the littlest detrimental political motives.

Ismail Hashim Abubakar wrote from Nouakchott, Mauritania and could be reached via ismailiiit18@gmail.com.    

By Usama Abdullahi 

Just as I was about to have my dinner last night, a call came in at about 9 pm. The name read “Sis. Hassana”. It’s my sister. Without hesitation, I picked the phone – which was jiggling on my bed – and placed it on my left ear. I couldn’t use my right hand to pick the phone because I held a cup of tea with it. Before I could say the usual hello, she sounded unusually tough on the line.

“For how long have you been dodging my calls ?” My sister queried. Right there, I knew I was in for trouble. I missed her calls on many occasions, yet I wouldn’t make any attempt to call back. I was dead guilty. So, I just made up some excuses by citing the shaky network I grapple with in Phase II as the cause. 

Like my brother, sister Hassana is the type who is trusting to a fault. For that reason, I didn’t have the slightest doubt that she wouldn’t believe me. Yes, I fortunately got away with it. Now, back to the real gist. Our conversations centered on my academics and extended to the state of the country. As expected, her major concern was my safety because she told me that she had been keenly following the happenings in Kaduna. That’s why she phoned to hear from me.

In my attempt to further elicit sympathy from her, I added that a person was reportedly gunned down in Zaria yesterday morning. She heavily sighed and I could feel her heart trembling. Naturally, women tend to be so tender, I imagined. She asked with a sober voice if I had enough provisions and warned that I should stay indoor since academic activities are temporarily on hold. She repeatedly stressed that I shouldn’t move an inch from the school. Even without being cautioned, I know I won’t be going out. I value my life so much. We’re even supposed to have our makeup practicals yesterday, but we couldn’t because of the restrictions in place.

Dear reader, I don’t expect you to read this just for the fun of it. Let it be a cautionary reminder for you to remain in your hostel, house or wherever you may be staying. A curfew has been enforced and violating it may amount to the loss of your life. Make sure you comply to stay safe because the men in uniform are not funny.

Usama Abdullahi is an undergraduate engineering student at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. He enjoys writing and reading in his leisure time, and can be reached via usamagayyi@gmail.com. 

By Isah Kamisu Madachi

One afternoon, while scrolling through my Facebook page, I came across a devastating post from my former lecturer announcing his departure abroad for a new lecturing job. I was shaken and gobsmacked because he helped inculcate the spirit of patriotism in many of us fortunate enough to have been taught by him.

My former lecturer told us how he turned down an offer of employment in a foreign country with better remuneration immediately after completing his PhD just because he wanted to serve his country. He had had enough of Nigeria’s hostile working environment; hence, he did what he considered best for himself. That lecturer is irreplaceable, serving as a mentor and role model to many.

That is one story akin to hundreds, if not thousands, of similar stories of skilled students, lecturers, and professionals leaving Nigeria for greener pastures. As a result of this phenomenon, Nigeria is facing a severe shortage of medical doctors. 

With a population of over 200 million people, Nigeria needs 363,000 doctors, but only 24,000 are readily available. This pressing issue is deeply embedded in the fabric of the Nigerian labour environment, to the extent that more than half of the country’s professionals (52%) are considering leaving their current jobs as of 2022.

Analysts and keen observers of the situation often relate the root cause of the problem to administrative inefficiency, institutional incapacity, poor working conditions, a high rate of unemployment, a crippling economy, social insecurity, and poor infrastructure. Among the variables mentioned above, administrative inefficiency, which is associated with wanton corruption, stands out. Unfortunately, the departure of skilled and talented individuals cannot help but only exacerbate the situation. 

Brain drain is associated with numerous deleterious effects on nation-building. Even though it is not limited to Nigeria, the Nigerian case is quite different. I remember our lecturer telling us that when he was studying in the USA, he observed that most of the renowned professional healthcare workers in the area where he lived were Nigerians—not only in healthcare but also in other sectors. What if they were given the needed support to thrive in their home country? Would anyone desert his country and contribute to the development of others?

Key indicators like the exchange rate, gross domestic product, unemployment rate, inflation rate, etc., indicate the sorry state of the Nigerian economy. Ideally, many people imply more brains, which translates to more markets, productivity, and development. Still, it’s unfortunate that despite our resources, Nigeria continues to face serious human capital crises due to brain drain. 

Intellectuals and professionals are domestically groomed but leave to contribute to other countries’ development. Therefore, to end this detrimental bourgeoning phenomenon, the Nigerian government has to prioritise the developmental agenda and appreciate talents in whatever field or wherever they come from.

Isah Kamisu Madachi, a fresh sociology graduate, writes from Katagum L.G.A, Bauchi State, and can be reached via isahkamisumadachi@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Mikail

The World Bank Group’s Identification for Development (ID4D) initiative estimated that 1 billion people were without an officially recognised means of identification (ID), and the majority are women. This problem is particularly acute in Low—and Medium-Income Countries (LMICs), where the 2017 Global Findex survey estimates that 44 per cent of women do not have an ID compared to 28 per cent of men (World Bank Gender Gap Report 2021).

In Nigeria, different studies and surveys have identified many challenges and barriers as the cause of the low National Identification Number (NIN) enrolment by women, children, Persons with Disabilities (PWDs), and other marginalised groups. These groups experience challenges in obtaining ID due to the distance to travel for registration, transport costs, long wait times, and multiple visits. 

Some of the identified barriers to enrolling for the NIN for women, children, and PWDs have emanated from social norms about gender roles that allocate certain household work, responsibilities, and childcare to women, exacerbating their time constraints. Most often, women needing permission from husbands and fathers can be a huge barrier for many, especially in environments where knowledge and awareness about IDs are limited. 

Also, poor facilities combined with long wait times are particularly hard for elderly people, pregnant and nursing mothers, and persons with disabilities. These barriers to registration are even greater for pastoralists and IDPs who are less aware of pertinent registration information such as location, time, and necessary supporting documentation.

Many IDPs have low trust in the government, while people living in camps are further away from service access points. Pastoralists and migrant fisherfolk and farmers also typically have less engagement with the government and are less likely to have IDs, though this varies significantly by region. Women from these communities are likely doubly disadvantaged by their gender and their pastoral identity. Women with disabilities and internally displaced women are also likely to face additional barriers and greater exclusion from society than women without disabilities or women who have not been displaced (World Bank Gender Gap Report 2021)

The United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) in July 2023 revealed that Nigeria has over 3 million Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), about 2 million returnees, and 100 thousand refugees/asylum seekers from 41 countries, with the majority from the Democratic Republic of Congo, Niger, Central Africa Republic, Cameroon, Syria, Turkey, Mali, and 34 other countries. Also documented by UNHCR are over 300,000 Nigerian refugees registered in Cameroon, Chad, and Niger. 

These individuals may have difficulty accessing basic rights such as banking, telephone, education, healthcare, employment, and freedom of movement and may face a lifetime of obstacles and exclusion without access to the National Identification Number (NIN). Aside from creating a huge gap in the database in terms of inclusivity and spread, this leaves behind a very huge number of unidentified underserved persons with the risk of being excluded from government services, restriction in movements, and lack of access to healthcare. It also creates a clog in the federal government’s attempt to commit to the sustainable development goals of providing identities for everyone and “leaving no one behind.”  When you have millions of unidentified persons outside of your country’s identity database, it means your economic planning will fall short and by extension, Nigeria’s socio-economic development will suffer.

In recognition of these challenges and in commitment to achieving universal access to ID and closing the gaps, the Government of Nigeria commissioned a strategic roadmap in 2018 as part of the country’s Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP) as its overall strategy to drive the country’s economic development. Several reforms were contained in the roadmap. Principally, the country was to adopt the ecosystem approach to NIN enrolment that involved Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), ministries, departments and agencies of government, licensed enrolment partners, international Non-Governmental Organisations, and all relevant stakeholders in the ID space.  

Also, the National Identity Management Commission is working with the Nigeria Digital Identification for Development Project (NDID4D) with support from the World Bank, the French Development Agency (AFD), and the European Investment Bank (EIB) in implementing a series of sustainable and innovative reforms. The goal is to remove all current challenges and difficulties that people face in enrolling for IDs, fostering a robust, seamless, and more inclusive enrolment system where ID is provided for everyone, and no one is left behind.  

As a result, the NDID4D Project established collaboration with the National Commission for Refugees, Migrants, and Internally Displaced Persons (NCFRMI) and their international counterpart, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR). This is aimed at addressing these challenges and removing barriers these vulnerable individuals may face to obtaining the NIN needed to facilitate their rehabilitation, reintegration, and resettlement into society. 

As part of the collaboration, the NCFRMI has agreed to activate its enrolment licence previously issued by NIMC to participate as an enrolment partner targeting refugees, migrants and IDPs in 5 states where there are large clusters of these vulnerable groups. The states are Adamawa, Taraba, Benue, Cross-River, and Akwa-Ibom. Although refugees also live in cities including Lagos, Ijebu, Abuja, Kano, and urban areas in other States, the selected 5 states host the majority of these vulnerable populations and will, therefore, serve as a starting point for this enrolment. 

With support from UNHCR, the refugee commission is planning to procure 6 enrolment devices and nominate 20 of its staff as enrolment agents to support this endeavour. On its part, the NIMC, with support from the NDID4D Project, will onboard these enrolment devices and train all licensed enrolment partners to be deployed to the various states and locations to carry out the enrolment. The NIMC, in collaboration with the NDID4D Project, is fashioning ways to clear the backlog of enrolment fees owed to enrolment partners and has also developed a robust business model to incentivise all partners, particularly those who will be conducting enrolment in remote and hard-to-reach communities and locations.  

In ensuring that the fundamental right of every Nigerian to a verifiable identity is secured, the National Identity Management Commission needs to work overtime in introducing innovative reforms in line with global best practices. Engagements and consultations with critical stakeholders on the amendment of the NIMC Act to ensure it is in consonance with the current digital realities and ease integration with other foundational ID agencies like the NPC should be sustained. Efforts need to be geared to working tirelessly on upgrading the enrolment software and ensuring training and retraining of all licensed enrolment partners on interacting effectively with the people, global best practices in customer service and grievance handling. 

In the same vein, national awareness and information campaigns that use multiple channels inclusive of both conventional and new media to reach diverse groups in raising awareness about NIN enrolment, including information on where and how to enrol, what is required to enrol, and—especially—why enrolling is important for everyone, not just women, children and PWDs should be commissioned. This should be done while equally engaging traditional, community and local leaders especially male leaders, to proactively promote women’s and girl’s registration.

The recent collaboration between the NIMC and the National Social Safety Net Project to extend to streamline enrolment of the poorest of the poor in the national social register while ensuring those on the register are both issued a valid NIN and are captured into the National ID database is a strategic move that deserves commendation.

Enrolment centres and registration points should be located close to communities to reduce travel costs and time, enhance access to ID and adopt culturally appropriate policies to encourage and prioritise enrolment for women and girls and marginalised groups. This may involve Mobile registration centres to bring the enrolment process closer to the people in the rural/hard-reach areas.

The recent workshop held in Abuja to validate the NIMC’s disability inclusion policy represents a critical step forward in ensuring that the National Identity Management System is inclusive and accessible to all citizens, particularly persons with disabilities. Collaboration with the National Commission for Persons with Disability should be sustained.

In the same vein, digital identity can also enhance security and privacy. With robust authentication mechanisms in place and monitored by the Nigeria Data Protection Commission, individuals can rest assured that their personal information is protected from unauthorised access. This is particularly germane in an era and country like ours where data breaches, phishing and identity theft are on a steady rise. This can help bridge the digital divide by enabling greater secured access to services for all citizens and empowering marginalised communities to fully participate in the digital economy

Conclusively, the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) faces an arduous task of showing Nigerians the value of having a NIN and its relevance in accessing critical services used by both women and men while ensuring non-possession of the ID does not exclude people from services. These will not only help in allaying the fears and resolving the complaints of aggrieved Nigerians and potential enrollees, but they will also help the NIMC win back the trust of the Nation. 

Muhammad Mikail writes from Abuja and can be reached via muhammadnmikail.mm@gmail.com.

By Mutalib Jibril

A few days back, I stumbled upon a post about two graduates from a particular university in Nigeria who went for a job interview. On getting to the venue, they started interrogating some workers in the organisation about the qualifications of the interviewer.

Unfortunately, the interviewer overheard their conversations and prepared to daze them with some basic questions in English, which he noticed most graduates usually struggle with. In no time, the interview commenced. It was a written test. They were handed their questions, and then they answered the questions.

Behold! They could not reach the cutoff mark, and they failed the questions. This is just one funny instance out of a thousand and one of how students often think their university is the best or better than others.

I agree that some universities are better than others in infrastructure, research innovations, and achievements. This is why we do have a university ranking annually.

However, I can categorically state that all universities have met the benchmark; better still, they have fulfilled all the criteria set by the Nigerian Universities Commission (NUC).

Any university that does not meet the set criteria for a particular course—let’s say Radiography, for instance, wouldn’t be accredited. Therefore, any institution running that course has met the requirements and been subsequently accredited by NUC.

Therefore, most students are oblivious that what makes an individual student stand out from their peers from other institutions is mainly tied down to individual sacrifices and effort.

This is not to say that the university doesn’t have a role in making students exceptional. No! Even if you attend the best university in Nigeria, the onus still lies on you to make yourself stand out. The school cannot teach you everything.

However, no matter the university you find yourself in, develop yourself and stand out.

It doesn’t matter if your university has the lowest ranking in the country; I know that no university would be accredited without meeting the requirements. Some standards must be met.

What matters is what you can do to ensure you are prepared for life after university and stand out.

Many people graduated from the least-ranking universities in Nigeria but are doing exceptionally well academically in Nigeria and abroad.

I have never heard of a scenario where a third-class graduate from a top-rated university is selected for a job over a first-class graduate from the lowest-rated university—I’m not talking about connections here. I am talking about employment based on merit.

It’s high time we stopped making unnecessary comparisons about universities. Let’s channel that energy toward making our self-development.

Mutalib Jibril wrote via mutalibdantanisabi300@gmail.com.

By Abbas Datti

Peaceful demonstrations turned deadly when security forces used live ammunition against unarmed civilians in Kurna, Rijiyar Lemo and Kofar Nassarawa, Kano. That resulted in the loss of innocent lives and left many others injured and traumatised.

This brutal response has sparked outrage within the state and across the country as concerned citizens demand accountability and professionalism. An image of a well-armed police officer who allegedly opened fire on innocent victims of Kurna is now circulating on social media. 

Reports indicate that the police fired indiscriminately to scatter the protesters, resulting in the death of innocent young children.

Consequently, it’s up to the Inspector General of Police to probe the unfortunate incident.

The protesters had reportedly assembled themselves and marched to express their grievances over deteriorating hardships, hunger, economic inequalities, corruption and other social injustices, exercising their fundamental right to peaceful assembly and free speech. However, what began as a lawful and largely non-violent demonstration quickly escalated into a scene of chaos and bloodshed, as security forces resorted to excessive force and unprofessionalism 

Families of the victims are now left to mourn their loved ones, grappling with the devastating loss and an overwhelming sense of injustice. Our sons went out to make their voices heard, to fight for a better future for themselves, and now they are gone. As a result, we demand justice for their senseless deaths.

We are calling on human rights organisations and civil society groups to condemn the brazen actions of the security forces, calling for an independent investigation into the incident. The use of live ammunition on peaceful protesters is a gross violation of human rights, which is a fundamental right given by the Constitution. 

Abbas Datti wrote from Kano via comradeabbasdatti@gmail.com.