Opinion

By Nasiru Ibrahim

In Nigeria, government policies to improve the economy often fail to serve the broader population. Instead of addressing systemic issues, these policies often become tools for political favouritism, corruption, and inefficiency, benefiting only a few. This results in greater inequality, inefficiency, and social unrest, leaving millions of Nigerians struggling.

The critical question is: Are these economic problems not necessarily created by private organisations enough to justify applying the Keynesian model in developing countries like Nigeria?

We need to examine Nigeria’s economic realities in light of Keynesian theory to answer this. While the theory suggests that government intervention can correct market failures and stimulate growth, such interventions often exacerbate the problems they aim to solve in Nigeria. By comparing Nigeria’s situation to Keynes’s assumptions, we can determine whether government intervention is more of a curse than a blessing.

Keynesian Economics and Nigeria’s Reality

Keynesian economics is based on several assumptions: income, employment, output, money supply, and investment. Let’s break down how these assumptions fare in Nigeria’s context:

Money Supply and Interest Rates: Keynes argued that an increase in the money supply reduces interest rates, which should increase investment, income, output, and employment. In theory, this should stimulate economic growth. However, in Nigeria, despite the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) increasing the money supply, interest rates remain high, and inflation continues to rise. This inflationary pressure discourages investment and undermines businesses, many of which struggle to survive.

Effective Demand and Unemployment: Keynes suggested that unemployment is caused by a deficiency in effective demand, which typically occurs during the downward phase of the business cycle. However, Nigeria’s unemployment crisis is not cyclical but structural, stemming from insufficient capital formation and inadequate resources. Even during periods of economic growth, unemployment remains high, revealing deeper systemic issues than those addressed by Keynes’s theory.

Investment and Marginal Efficiency of Capital (MEC): According to Keynes, investment depends on the MEC, which is determined by the expected return on investment. In Nigeria, the MEC and actual investment remain low, primarily due to instability, poor infrastructure, and weak institutions. The lack of investor confidence further hampers growth.

Saving and Consumption: Keynes viewed saving as detrimental to economic growth, as it reduces consumption, which affects income and employment. In advanced economies, excessive saving may reduce demand, but the opposite is true in Nigeria. Saving is necessary for capital formation, yet savings rates are already low. Nigerians spend more than 80% of their income on consumption, limiting capital available for productive investment.

The Role of Foreign Trade: Keynes’s model was based on a three-sector economy (households, firms, and government), while Nigeria operates a four-sector economy, with foreign trade playing a significant role. Imports and exports, especially of crude oil, heavily influence national income and economic performance. However, Nigeria’s dependence on imports and volatile oil prices highlights the vulnerability of its economic structure.

Government Intervention: A Curse or a Blessing?

Government intervention can either benefit or harm an economy. However, history suggests that government intervention has primarily been a curse in Nigeria. The country’s interventionist policies have been marred by chronic corruption, policy inconsistency, weak institutions, and political patronage, leading to inefficiency and social harm.

Several examples illustrate the disastrous impact of government policies:

The Anchor Borrowers Programme: In 2023, the CBN admitted that over 76% of the loans disbursed under the Anchor Borrowers Programme had not been repaid. The scheme, designed to support farmers, became riddled with corruption. Many recipients were political loyalists without agricultural expertise, undermining the program’s effectiveness and inflating public debt.

Misuse of Public Funds: In 2020, a leaked memo revealed that over ₦81 billion was paid out through fake contracts to party loyalists, with no actual work being done. This wasted public funds that could have been invested in schools, hospitals, or infrastructure, further deepening the nation’s economic woes.

Ghost Workers in Kogi State: Over 3,000 ghost workers linked to political patronage were discovered on Kogi State’s payroll. These fictitious workers were paid salaries meant for public service, siphoning funds away from essential government services.

Political Patronage in Government Programs: Programs like TraderMoni and SURE-P, initially aimed at alleviating poverty, were instead used to reward political supporters during election periods. In 2019, around ₦10 billion was distributed under TraderMoni, with no clear records of repayment or follow-up, reducing the program’s ability to address real economic problems.

The Power Sector Crisis: Nigeria’s power sector remains in shambles despite spending ₦2 trillion in bailout funds since 2015. Many areas receive less than 8 hours of electricity daily, forcing businesses to rely on expensive generators, which increases their operational costs and deters potential investors.

The 2019–2021 Border Closure: The government closed borders to combat smuggling and encourage local farming. However, this policy led to soaring food prices—rice, for instance, increased from ₦15,000 to over ₦27,000 per 50kg bag. The policy also harmed small traders and businesses, exposing the fragility of Nigeria’s local production capabilities.

The Mismanagement of COVID-19 Funds: During the COVID-19 pandemic, the government allocated over ₦500 billion for palliatives, but many Nigerians, especially in rural areas, saw no relief. In some cases, food items meant for distribution were found rotting in warehouses, while the funds disappeared without adequate documentation.

The Ajaokuta Steel Company: Over $8 billion (approximately ₦12 trillion) has been spent on the Ajaokuta Steel Company since the 1970s, yet the facility remains non-operational. Despite its potential to transform Nigeria’s industrial landscape, it has become a symbol of inefficiency and political exploitation.

Foreign Exchange Crisis: The mismanagement of Nigeria’s foreign exchange policy has led to multiple exchange rates, fueling corruption and economic instability. The naira now trades at over ₦1,600 to the dollar, creating further challenges for businesses and pushing more Nigerians into poverty.

NNPC Report (2022): The Nigerian government spends ₦6 trillion annually on fuel subsidies, which mainly benefit the wealthy and fuel importers. This massive amount could have been used to improve critical sectors like healthcare, education, or infrastructure. Instead, it adds to Nigeria’s debt and fuels inflation, making life harder for ordinary Nigerians and slowing economic growth.

National Social Investment Programme (2021): Programs like the N-Power initiative, which aimed to tackle unemployment, have been poorly managed. Despite billions allocated, only about 5 million people benefited by 2021, and many faced delays in receiving payments. The program failed to meet its objectives, wasting public funds and doing little to address Nigeria’s unemployment crisis.

EFCC Report (2020): Corruption remains rampant. The government loses ₦500 billion annually due to corrupt procurement deals. These misappropriated funds could have been used to improve infrastructure, healthcare, and education, yet they enrich a few, further deepening inequality.

World Health Organisation Report (2021): Despite allocating ₦100 billion annually for healthcare, only 30%  is used for healthcare services. Much of it is lost to corruption or mismanagement, leaving Nigeria’s healthcare system underfunded and unable to meet the population’s needs, which worsens the economy’s overall productivity.

Federal Ministry of Agriculture Report (2021): Over ₦50 billion was meant to support farmers, but due to corruption, most of this money never reached those who needed it. As a result, agricultural productivity remains low, food prices rise, and the country struggles with food insecurity, exacerbating inflation.

Petroleum Industry Bill (2021): Delays in implementing the Petroleum Industry Bill have cost Nigeria ₦2 trillion in potential revenue. Failing to reform the oil sector has discouraged foreign investment, leaving Nigeria more dependent on oil exports and vulnerable to fluctuating global oil prices.

PIB Implementation Report (2021): The government has repeatedly delayed reforms to the petroleum sector, costing Nigeria about ₦2 trillion in lost revenue. This delay has hurt the oil industry and discouraged foreign investment, contributing to economic instability.

The Path Forward: Making Government Intervention Effective

For government intervention to be a true blessing, it must be transparent, effective, and focused on the long-term interests of the nation. Here’s how Nigeria can reverse the curse of misguided interventions:

Tackle Corruption: Hold government officials accountable for misused funds. Ensure that contracts are transparent and traceable.

Boost Local Production: Support farmers, manufacturers, and small businesses with affordable credit, reliable power supply, and the necessary tools to succeed.

Fix the Forex Crisis: Diversify exports, improve domestic production, and establish a unified exchange rate to stabilize the currency.

Create Sustainable Jobs: Focus on creating employment in agriculture, technology, and manufacturing—sectors that offer long-term growth, not temporary handouts during election periods.

Reduce Wasteful Spending: Cut unnecessary expenditures and focus on essential sectors such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure.

Stabilize Policies: Implement long-term economic policies that provide certainty and build trust among businesses and investors.

Strengthen Institutions: Ensure that institutions like the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) function efficiently, regardless of political changes.

Invest in Power: Improve the power sector to reduce costs for businesses and encourage investment.

Promote Value-Added Exports: Move beyond raw material exports and focus on producing finished goods that earn Nigeria more revenue on the global market.

Involve the People: Engage citizens in decision-making processes and use data-driven approaches to inform policy.

Conclusion

For Nigeria to thrive, its government must rethink its approach to intervention. Instead of using economic policies as tools of patronage, it should focus on policies that genuinely stimulate growth, reduce inequality, and improve the lives of Nigerians. Only then can government intervention become a true blessing, rather than a curse.

Ibrahim is a graduate of the Department of Economics from Bayero University, Kano, and writes from Jigawa.

By Emeka Blaise Okpera

What is today known as the “Arab Spring” started with the singular action of one man, Mohammed Bouzizi, the young Tunisian fruit seller who set himself ablaze as a result of constant harassment from the authorities. If anyone had told Mohammed Bouazizi that morning, before leaving his house for his daily activities, that his impulsive action would ignite a revolution that would sweep away long-term regimes not just in Tunisia, but also in Libya, Egypt, Algeria, and some other countries in the Middle East, perhaps he would have dismissed it with a smirk or snigger. 

Fortunately and unfortunately, it happened, and no one saw it coming. Such is the nature of revolutions all over the world;they are not planned, but when they happen, no force can stop them until they achieve their desired results. Revolutions are offshoots of long-suppressed or bottled-up anger accumulated over time. It gets to a point where people can no longer take it.

For context, it is instructive to point out that Bouzizi’s self-immolation could not have ignited a revolution. His actions sparked widespread public anger because a vast majority of Tunisians were sick and tired of the regime of the then-ruling family, Ben Ali, who had been in power for over two decades. 

When the people rose in unison, not even Tunisia’s entire military apparatus could stop them. This reminds me of an Igbo adage that says, ” When one man cooks for the public, the public will consume it, but when the public cooks for one man, he cannot consume it.” Would Mohammed Bouzizi’s singular action have ignited the same form of public outrage it did in Tunisia if it had happened in Nigeria?

The answer is no! Many factors can be attributed to this. Firstly, Nigerians are largely divided along ethno-religious lines. This is one of the greatest advantages that political office holders enjoy in Nigeria, and they have learnt to put it to good effect. There is often a sense of communal ownership that compels particular sections of the country to protect their own. 

To the average Nigerian, political leadership is seen from the perspective of turn-by-turn. More often than not, a typical Nigerian has the notion that occupants of political office are in a position to serve the turn of their people. Therefore, they often form a mob to defend him to the last! To such people, it doesn’t matter if a political office holder is living up to the demands of his office. There is a school of thought that believes Nigerians love their oppressors as long as he is one of them! 

What this means is that Nigerians would first have considered the religious or ethnic background of a Mohammed Bouazizi to determine their reaction. Politicians would have reacted swiftly by giving it an ethnic or religious coloration. Tunisians were able to unite against the despotic regime of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali because every Tunisian sees himself as a Tunisian. 

None cared about the ethnicity or religion of Mohammed Bouazizi. In contrast, Nigerians prioritise their ethnic nationality above all else.  Instead of public outrage, Nigerians would have analyzed the situation that led to his actions while exonerating the government. In fact, any protest would have faced a counter-protest against it. This illustrates how unusually complex Nigerians are. A nation where the  people are divided against themselves cannot stand up to any form of oppression. 

Secondly, Nigerians are malleable. The average Nigerian can easily adapt to any situation, no matter how difficult. To say that Nigerians are resilient to the point of docility would be putting it mildly.  When pushed to the wall, a Nigerian doesn’t fight back but easily finds a way to break the wall to negotiate an exit. 

In the past and even recently, we have seen cases of Nigerians jumping into the Lagos lagoon due to economic hardships,yet this has never sparked any public outrage. Not many have fully recovered from the tragic incident of the shootings at the tollgate during the #EndSARS protest. We have experienced many Mohammed Bouazizis whose deaths have merely become fodder for content creators. 

Naturally, Nigerians often don’t take matters of value seriously. It’s typical for the average Nigerian to dwell on issues that have no meaningful impact on their lives while neglecting real-life challenges. Essentially, in Nigeria, it would be unthinkable for an individual’s act of self-immolation to provoke national outrage because such an act would be seen as extraordinary rather than mundane. The outcome of the #EndSARS protest still comes to mind.

Another factor that can be alluded to is ignorance. Nigerians are mostly unaware of their rights as citizens. There is a willful ignorance among Nigerians that enables those in government to get away with anything. This ignorance is present not only among those without formal education but also among highly educated individuals! This lack of awareness is another political capital that political office holders exploit to the disadvantage of citizens. In Nigeria, there is a prevailing belief that the people cannot fight the government and win. This belief is purely borne out of ignorance because the reverse is true – no government can fight the people and win! 

Those who don’t learn from history always repeat it. While it is true that a revolution cannot happen in Nigeria due to some of the factors mentioned above, it is important to note that political office holders should learn from history. Nicolae Ceausescu was the strongman of Romania. He had a monstrous reign from 1967 to 1989, and he thought he had it all covered until there was a spark and the people spoke. His story is a clear testament to the fact that the power in the people is far greater than the people in power. 

What is most important is that Nigeria doesn’t reach the point where violent change becomes justifiable. After all, Tunisians were docile and malleable for 23 years before a Mohammed Bouazizi happened. Political office holders must tread with caution and realize that power is transient. 

Political leadership should be for the common good, not for personal gain. No individual should be carried away by the complacency of office. The people should remain the central focus of governance. As such, leaders must act responsibly at all times. It serves everyone’s interest for both the government and the governed to be on the same path. This is because the task of building a nation is a collective responsibility. 

Blaise Emeka Okpara, a Student of International Institute of Journalism writes from Abuja and can be contacted on: emyokparaoo1@gmail.com.

By Prof. Abdussamad Umar Jibia

Some years ago, a group of students from Kaduna state came to my office, lamenting how Muslim elders imposed a Christian candidate on them and rigged him into power. They even told how an Emir and some elders called Islamic scholars and warned them against remonstration in their preachings. “How can we bear this disgrace?” my students were frustrated.

I said, “You can solve the problem and make governance difficult for the imposed Governor”. The young people paid attention, expecting an “academic” solution to their problem. “The Governor cannot rule Kaduna state alone. Since the majority are against him, why not look for and beat up anyone who accepts his political appointment?” I offered.

My students looked at one another and said, “Sir, there will be chaos and mass arrest”. Poor them, they want to bring change, are not happy with what is happening, and are afraid of arrest. “The alternative is to support the unpopular Governor and struggle for your share of the haram”, I finalised the discussion.

In the case of my Kaduna state students, the problem was election rigging, even though there was relative peace in their state, at least up to that time. In the case of Katsina people, it has been killing, kidnapping, rape, stealing, etc. How have the people reacted to the politicians they elected to solve the problem of insecurity? 

Several people have asked why they no longer see my comments on insecurity, and I always reply that I am busy with other things. I am busy, but not too busy to write a few paragraphs to express my opinion. However, it reached a point where I began to ask, as far as insecurity is concerned, who is the culprit? Whom should I write to blame? The Government? The military? The masses?

Going by the advice I gave Kaduna youth, one would expect that no elected politician would have the guts to go to any community ravaged by insecurity in Katsina or nearby states. Unfortunately, that is not the case. I saw people who lost some of their closest relatives to banditry staunchly supporting a politician, whose actions mean that their losses do not matter. Bandits displaced a community, but I saw their youth on social media actively supporting politicians who were giving public money to bandits in the name of the peace agreement.

If you are actively fighting for those victims through writing or interviews, and you offend any politician, you should be ready to get a good beating from some of the banditry victims if that is what would please the politician.

So, whom should I blame? Do the people take no blame? What of the military? Should I write to blame the masses as weak as they are? Should I write to condemn the military as strongly as they are? Should I not be afraid of arrest like my Kaduna students? If I offend the military, and you must surely offend them if you will tell the truth about insecurity, who would bail me out when I am arrested and tagged a troublemaker or any name they decide to give me?

The cheapest people to blame are the politicians. Everybody is against them. Public money is in their hands, and they are spending it on weddings and musicians, just like we witnessed in Katsina. But are all the people criticising them sincere? Would they not do the same if they were in their position? Some of these things were the reason Nigerians voted PDP out ten years ago, and the “saints” they elected are doing the same.

If you are expecting me to continue directing my blame to politicians, you will be disappointed. While they have their fair share of the blame for insecurity, we also have our share as victims. 

The masses should take my advice to the Kaduna youth if they can. They can only beat the politicians or join them. For the politicians, I have no words. Only the masses can deal with them if they take the first side of my advice. For me, I shall keep mum about the military because I am a coward.

For other Nigerians, continue to enjoy yourselves before insecurity reaches your side. I pray it will not.

Prof Abdussamad Umar Jibia wrote via aujibia@gmail.com.

By Oladoja M.O

In recent years, the word “Japa” has become an emblem of escape, a chant of hope, and sadly, a whistle of despair. Particularly in Nigeria’s healthcare sector, the mass exodus of young, vibrant medical professionals has left our system gasping for air. What we face is not just a brain drain—it’s a heart drain. And in the middle of this haemorrhage lies a controversial bill, once proposed by Honourable Ganiyu Abiodun Johnson, now buried under the backlash of public outrage.

But was the bill completely out of line, or was it simply unfinished thinking?

It is no longer news that Nigeria’s doctor-to-patient ratio falls miserably short of the World Health Organisation’s recommendation. Yet what may not be so widely understood is that the stressful, overburdening conditions often cited as a reason to “Japa” are partly the consequences of those who have already left. One person’s departure makes another’s stay unbearable. The domino effect deepens.

While the most effective and lasting solutions lie in long-term efforts—revamping the economy, tackling insecurity, and fixing systemic rot—we must also admit that time is of the essence. The house is on fire, and we need water now, even if the fire truck is on its way.

There’s this question of “can patriotism be stirred in a broken system?”

Critics often point to a profound lack of patriotism among the youth, and it’s not unfounded. But when young Nigerians have watched corruption erode public trust, when they are owed salaries, and when survival is a struggle, can we honestly ask for blind loyalty? Still, the bitter truth remains: if patriotism isn’t growing naturally in this climate, maybe it needs to be carefully engineered, not through coercion, but through incentivised responsibility. 

The original bill proposed tying Nigerian-trained doctors and dentists to a mandatory five-year practice before granting full licensure. It sparked nationwide uproar, accused of being coercive, discriminatory, and even unconstitutional. The medical council body argued that such a condition could only apply to those whose education was publicly funded. And frankly, they had a point.

However, what if the bill didn’t force, but inspired commitment instead? Clearly, the strategy to curb this heartbreaking issue lies between the government and the various governing councils of these professions. After an extensive and wide brainstorming, it is my opinion that the following recommendations should be weighed and given consideration;

Let the Medical and Dental Council adopt a digital licensing model that is highly secure and tamper-proof, implement a differential licensing fee, where those practising within Nigeria pay subsidised rates (e.g., ₦50,000).

In contrast, those seeking international practice pay a premium (e.g., ₦250,000). Substantial penalties for forgeries should be introduced, ranging from travel bans to long-term suspension from practice. Also, full international licensing should probably be accessible only after 5 – 8 years of verified practice in Nigeria, but with allowances for truly and genuinely exceptional circumstances.

Each Local Government Area (LGA) can be mandated to sponsor at least two candidates annually for critical medical professions, especially medicine and nursing. This would ensure that the selection is need-based and done after national admission lists are released to prevent misuse by those already financially capable. Aside from other ongoing state or philanthropic sponsorships, this alone could inject an extra 1,500–2,000 health professionals yearly into the system.

Beyond the Medical Residency Training Fund (MRTF), the government can introduce provisions for payment of residency program fees, subsidies for first and second fellowship exams, partner with international and local equipment companies to provide cutting-edge residency exposure, and full sponsorship for mandatory travel during training with conditions of local practice attached. More importantly, it should be to the core interest of the government to streamline the bureaucracy around MRTF disbursements to reduce frustration and improve compliance.

For these health professionals committed to staying, the government can introduce affordable credit schemes for cars and home ownership. This strategy speaks not just of comfort but dignity and hope, ensuring these professionals see a future here. A doctor with a home loan and a dependable car is more likely to stay and build a life.

Relatively, in a bid to arrest some unnecessary uproar from various other professions, the government can broaden the application of similar strategies to other key professions facing mass emigration, like pharmacy, engineering, and IT. Let emphasis be on this is a quick-response initiative and not a substitute for long-term development, and also communicate clearly that staying doesn’t mean stagnation but service with reward.

No one can deny that Nigeria’s system is in a broken state, and no young professionals should be intentionally shackled to that broken system. It is also true that patriotism cannot be forced, but it can be nurtured. These professionals can, however, be valued, supported, and invited into a new contract of service, not as slaves to a nation, but as partners in rebuilding her.

Therefore, before we completely dismiss the Hon. Ganiyu Johnson Bill as modern slavery, perhaps we should ask: did it simply lack the right lens? With the right blend of compassion, policy, and investment, could it become a promise and not a prison?

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached at mayokunmark@gmail.com

By Usman Muhammad Salihu,

Northern Nigeria stands at a defining moment in its history. Once the bastion of decisive leadership and cultural resilience, the region is now plagued by a crisis of governance. 

The distinction between “leaders of the North” and “leaders in the North” has never been more pronounced. Leaders of the North carry the burden of the region’s progress on their shoulders, while leaders in the North are mere seat-fillers—occupants of political positions without a true sense of duty.

Unfortunately, today’s reality leans heavily towards the latter. The region is flooded with individuals who wear the titles of governors, senators, ministers, and traditional rulers. Yet, their leadership amounts to little more than self-interest, political survival, and personal ambition. 

The result? Northern Nigeria remains stuck in a cycle of poverty, illiteracy, and insecurity, trailing behind the rest of the country on almost every developmental index.

Banditry, kidnapping, and insurgency have become rampant, turning villages into ghost towns and leaving countless families in mourning. Youth unemployment and economic hopelessness have skyrocketed, while education continues to suffer, with millions of children out of school. 

Rather than prioritising sustainable policies, these leaders dish out empty rhetoric, making grand promises while doing little to uplift the people they claim to serve.

Hunger has become a political tool—wielded not as a crisis to be solved, but as a mechanism of control. Those who once enjoyed three square meals now struggle to afford even one. 

Yet, instead of confronting the root causes of poverty, many politicians prefer the optics of distributing bags of rice. They would rather keep the people hungry and dependent than invest in mechanised agriculture, industrialisation, or skills development. 

A well-fed, independent populace questions leadership. A starving one is easier to manipulate. Beyond economic woes, northern lives have become increasingly devalued, even beyond the region. 

The recent horrific killing of at least 16 northern travellers in Edo State is a chilling reminder of the dangers of mob justice and ethnic profiling. These victims, mostly Hausa hunters heading for Sallah festivities, were mistaken for kidnappers and brutally lynched. 

Their truck was torched, their bodies consumed by fire in a scene reminiscent of a lawless state. Such tragedies expose the colossal failure of leadership at all levels. 

A country with strong institutions and responsible governance would not permit the extrajudicial slaughter of innocent citizens. Figures like former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and activist Omoyele Sowore have rightly condemned the killings, while Edo State Governor, Monday Okpebholo, has ordered investigations. 

But the crucial question remains: Will justice be served? Or will this atrocity, like so many before it, fade into oblivion? Meanwhile, traditional institutions that once provided stability and moral guidance in the North have been hijacked by political interests. 

The reckless creation of new emirates and first-class chiefdoms is no longer about strengthening governance—it is about settling scores, wielding influence, and further fracturing the region.

Northern Nigeria is rich in potential, yet without sincere leadership, it will remain shackled to poverty, insecurity, and stagnation. The people must awaken to their power, demanding accountability and choosing leaders based on competence rather than ethnicity, religion, or political patronage.

A true leader does not throw food at his people; he empowers them to produce their own. He does not buy votes with handouts; he builds an economy where citizens can thrive without begging. 

The North needs statesmen who will champion food security, support industrial growth, and create jobs, not politicians who prey on hunger for electoral gain.

Above all, northern lives must matter—not just to those in power, but to the nation. If the cycle of mob justice and ethnic profiling continues unchecked, Nigeria risks deepening its fractures beyond repair. 

Leadership is not about occupying an office but securing justice, progress, and dignity for all. So, the question lingers: Will Northern Nigeria continue to be ruled by leaders in the North who exploit suffering, or will true leaders emerge to break this cycle of failure? 

The answer lies in the hands of the people.

Usman Muhammad Salihu is a PRNigeria Fellow.

By Samaila Suleiman, PhD

Political memoir is an important genre of autobiography. It preserves not only the memories of its author but also serves as a first-hand account of critical policy decisions and political milestones in a nation’s historical journey.

In a country where official records are often incomplete, contested, or deliberately erased, writing autobiographies is more than just a historiographical or literary venture—it is a moral and social obligation on the part of the political class to share their personal truths, address silences, and contribute honestly to the preservation of our national history. 

What lessons can the life of Sule Lamido, who is one of Nigeria’s most principled elder statesmen, offer us about our country’s turbulent and checkered national history, marked by deep-seated contradictions?  

Having been active in the political scene for over four decades, the story of Sule Lamido is hand in glove with Nigeria’s political history, spanning important political transitions and dispensations. 

Following years of thoughtful introspection, Sule Lamido’s long-awaited autobiography, Being True to Myself, will be formally launched on 13 May 2025 at the NAF Conference Centre in Abuja.

With a foreword by Olusegun Obasanjo, Being True to Myself promises to deliver a constellation of compelling insights and thought-provoking revelations on the inner workings of power and governance in Nigeria – a story of unflinching refusal to compromise the ideals and principles that have guided Lamido’s politics since the Second Republic.

The event will be chaired by former Head of State, General Abdulsalami Abubakar, with former President Olusegun Obasanjo as the Special Guest of Honour, and Dr Iyorchia Ayu, former Senate President, as the book reviewer—three eminent national figures whose presence underscores the national significance of both Sule Lamido and his autobiography.

Being True to Myself will surely resonate not only with students of history and politics but with every Nigerian who still believes in the politics of principles and the promise of a better Nigeria.

By Abdurrahman Musa

As political fireworks ignite across Nigeria ahead of the 2027 general elections, one looming move threatens to shake the very foundations of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC): the speculated defection of Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso—former Kano State Governor and NNPP national leader.

To some within the APC ranks, welcoming Kwankwaso appears to be a masterstroke, but others are warning because, his entry could ignite a political inferno that burns the APC’s fragile peace in Kano, upends Tinubu’s re-election ambitions, and hands the opposition [which he might later join] a golden ticket to power.

Here is why:

Kano could explode as a factional earthquake looms

It is a known fact that Kwankwaso is no ordinary politician. He is a master strategist who always thinks for himself and what would favour him. Therefore, for him to join the APC, people should know that he will not just come with followers—he commands a powerful political cult – the fiery Kwankwasiyya movement that stands in direct confrontation with the Ganduje-led APC structure in Kano. Welcoming him is like inviting a hurricane into a house of cards. The party risks a full-blown internal war, splintering into rival factions, parallel commands, and electoral sabotage that could spell doom in 2027. APC’s strength in the North’s largest voting bloc may shatter into chaos.

Collapsing NNPP could be the PDP’s resurrection.

They said politics is a game of chess. When you think in a rush and make a wrong move, you woefully lose the game. Here’s the twist: dissolving the NNPP doesn’t automatically benefit the APC. In fact, it might just revive the PDP from the political coma. Kwankwaso’s defection could enrage his loyal base, pushing them straight into the waiting arms of Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and the PDP.

Mr President, do you remember 2023? The fragmented opposition in the North gifted Tinubu an edge. Destroy that balance and the pendulum swings possibly against you. Therefore, a fractured NNPP doesn’t guarantee APC victory—it may instead restore Atiku’s Northern stronghold.

A clash of presidential titans between President Tinubu vs. Senator Kwankwaso

Let us be honest—Kwankwaso isn’t joining to play a backup singer. His presidential ambition is loud, clear, and relentless. He might demand a Tinubu-Kwankwaso 2027 ticket or insist on a powerful stake in the party. If denied, he could turn against the APC from within—just like in 2019, when he was accused of deliberately undermining Atiku’s campaign in Kano while funneling resources into his gubernatorial candidate. If welcomed, Kwankwaso could shake the APC from the inside. If sidelined, he could sabotage it. History could repeat itself – this time inside the APC.

Kano youths might revolt against you

History has shown that youths are the vanguard of Kano politics. They are the ones that win you election. Currently, the streets of Kano pulse with the energy of Kwankwasiyya youth. Integrating them into the APC is not a handshake—it’s a negotiation with a volatile base. Mismanage it, and the backlash could be swift: boycotts, protests, or backing a rival candidate. The APC risks alienating the very people who once delivered it millions of votes. One misstep, the youth quake could be catastrophic.

Ganduje is the pillar—don’t shake it

In my own opinion, instead of importing instability, the APC should solidify Ganduje’s party leadership and Kano political camp. It guarantees a winning formula. Furthermore, consolidate strategic allies like Senator Barau Jibrin from Kano North and Senator Kawu Sumaila from Kano South, this offers a more convincing future and gradually win over NNPP supporters. With this, APC can present a united, formidable front—without the drama.

The ball is in your court, Mr President

Mr President, the choice is yours—so are the consequences This is no time for political gambling. The illusion of short-term gains from the Kwankwaso’s defection may cost you the presidency itself. The NNPP’s demise must not become PDP’s rebirth. The APC must learn from the PDP’s collapse—a tale of chaotic mergers and unchecked egos, in which Kwankwaso played a starring role. The hunger for Kwankwaso’s two million Kano votes is strong—but deceptive. It’s a honey trap. What looks like a prize could become a poison pill that wrecks the APC from within and opens the floodgates for a PDP resurgence.

Mr President, it’s your turn: “Emilokan“. But only if you don’t blow it. Listen to Kano. Consult the real stakeholders. Do not gamble away your second chance on a political wild card with a history of wrecking alliances from within. This is not just a political move—it’s a potential crisis in the making. Mr President don’t repeat PDP’s mistake. The voice of reason is calling. Will you listen?

Abdurrahman Musa writes from Kano. He’s a political analyst and APC stakeholder.

By Saifullahi Attahir

Although not an expert in global health, the future for Nigeria’s healthcare intervention looks bleak.

Over the decades, we have become overly dependent on foreign aid in managing HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, Malaria, Maternal mortality, and malnutrition. Looking at it critically, it seems only a few medical conditions are not supported by foreign aid. 

Of course, it’s true that these medications would cost a huge chunk of our budget if left to be funded domestically.

As someone who works and mingles in the lower ranks, I have witnessed many sorrowful occurrences;Nigerians and even healthcare professionals do not contribute to improving the situation every day. 

The gross mismanagement, working solely for the sake of remuneration, and how locals can manipulate thingsto ensure that funding for the Polio and measles vaccine campaign keeps coming is abominable. 

Local community health workers eagerly take what little support is available for the poor victims. I have witnessed dozens of people only interested in switching to public health positions to work with NGOs (Non-Governmental Organisations). Everyone rushes toward the available funding for nurses, doctors, anatomists,  scientists, etc.. 

This is apart from an article I read in 2016 by the legendary Sonala Olumhense about the 2010 report by the Global Fund about crude mismanagement of the fund by several Nigerian agencies regarding the money allocated to fight HIV/AIDS, TB, and Malaria.

Ideally, foreign funding should not be eternal; the country must find a way to sustain the programs.

 Public health is well-versed in public-private partnerships (PPPS) and the design of each primary healthcare program so that locals can sustain it. Since day one, this has raised the issue of affordability, which the US should have taught Nigerians how to develop drugs locally at a cheaper rate, so as not to depend on their markets and pharmaceutical companies.

President Trump has already come, and we should expect and prepare for more shocks rather than continual crying out. This should serve as a wake-up call for our policymakers and the President to find a way out.

It’s unlikely the USAID funding would be reversed. We should have prepared for the rainy days ahead.

Saifullahi Attahir, a 400l Medical student of  Federal University Dutse, wrote via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com.

By Sa’adatu Aliyu 

Whenever I think of Nigeria, my mind swiftly veers towards the plot of author Adamu Kyuka Usman’s book “Hope in Anarchy.“ A book that explores the disastrous effects of poverty in Beku City where Ahoka, the main character, finds himself, and how this impoverishment, caused by the enormous economic disparity between the rich and poor, injustice, and political disillusionment, slowly tore into the fabric of society, creating a Republic of criminality and lawlessness, consequently proving that injustice and poverty largely birth insecurity.

Security in a country can’t be underestimated. It is a thread stitching other things together. It is what lets a nation thrive; without it, the potential of a people is diminished, as fear is one of the greatest potential killers. Unfortunately, this menace bedevils our country today, disorganising everything and everyone, causing citizens to lose their lives and means of livelihood. While the state appears to be attempting to tackle this, little success has been recorded, leaving most in utter despair and repeatedly asking: When will this nightmare end?

Similarly, I am writing this piece with the question: When will this mayhem cease? But while also seeking accountability from the government, in addition to challenging them to bring an end to this menace, though I do not want to point accusing fingers at some malicious politician as being in the know of the root cause of this instability or as having direct involvement with the current status quo for one selfish reason or another—primarily to enrich themselves or capitalising on the insecurity to gain political leverage during elections. I firmly believe that we’re not as helpless as we portray.

To quote a PhD student of Political Science, Hamza Aliyu, who is also a political analyst, “Sometimes if there’s a prolonged state of insecurity in a nation, the government is aware of its actors.” Backing former military president Gen. Sani Abacha’s quote, “Any insurgency that lasts more than 24 hours, a government official has a hand in it.” While these claims may be exaggerated, and I do not want to make myself believe such statements, I strongly insist that we cannot continue like this. As such, with the right attitude, there’s a way forward.

And this is why I am calling on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to put necessary mechanisms in place to fight these insecurities presenting themselves in multiple shades: from ethnic and religious tensions to kidnapping. Doing so will certainly elevate his reputation in the sight of the people; otherwise, the current groaning continues. Moreover, it is wise to do so as a leader who intends to recontest in 2027. If Nigerians were to vote for him, on what basis would that be? The bloodbath, harsh economic policies, or delivering to the people based on the 2023 campaign promises? I think it’s time to look beyond the politics of money (vote buying) because Nigerians are tired of having an endless trail of failed leadership.

Additionally, the Northern part of the country remains the hardest hit, and it is disheartening to see the lack of ingenuity of Northern politicians who care more about sustaining their lavish lifestyles along with those of their families. At the same time, their region is aflame, doing very little to develop the region. I’m using this medium to call on the Arewa Elders’ Forum and Northern politicians and businessmen to put self-interest aside and work tirelessly and collectively towards ensuring regional security. 

And among other things, one of the ways forward is reforming the Almajiranci system of education; Almajiris, being citizens who have become easy targets for electoral violence and other acts of criminality, must be integrated into society and equipped with the necessary basic education and skills to become useful citizens of the country.

Insecurity affects everyone, rich or poor. For this reason, they should invest primarily in securing the region and attract foreign investors, in addition to creating a conducive environment for economic development for hardworking entrepreneurial Nigerians, even if this means devising strategies typically unheard of.  

Difficult situations call for drastic measures. Whether Nigeria has failed as a state and people to secure the nation is not up for debate at this point, but prioritising the security of our people and the way forward is the goal.

If this means seeking foreign intervention from well-equipped and well-trained military mercenaries like the Russian Wagner group to train our security personnel and enhance our security apparatus, I think we should take the plunge. Critics, however, might argue that this move is myopic, as doing so is akin to inviting foreign intervention into the country, which has suffered at the hands of colonialism. 

Moreover, arguments like indulging private mercenaries come at a price, mainly that of exploiting natural resources in exchange for security services. As such, the mercenaries might work against, instead of for, the betterment of the country by worsening the insecurity and prolonging it to continue gaining access to solid or liquid minerals, as seen in CAR, Sudan, Libya, and Mali, where the Russian Wagner group has had some presence. An argument that holds water to an extent, but is essentially not solid in the face of the realities staring Nigeria in the face.

Besides, political meddling by foreign powers, especially the United States and its other Western allies, has been constant in Africa. While ideally, this is a time for the continent to be ridding itself of foreign aid in its multifaceted nature, we have failed to give hope and instil confidence in our people.

As a young military leader, Ibrahim Traore seems to be the only leader currently making waves and admirable political reforms on the continent. However, he might not be the best example to cite for some because his leadership is undemocratic. But who cares about democracy? While the governance system is suited for the West, we Africans must find a system that works to drive significant change and development, fostering capacity building in Africa. It could be a modified form of democracy suited for our place, people, and time – there should be several routes to the market.

Having said that, I am calling on northern politicians to wake up. We do not need more bloodbaths before the fog is parted from our eyes to see the glaring realities of the North. Particularly, the way our elites display wealth, wining and dining in luxury, while their masses are subjected to inhumane conditions at the hands of criminal gangs and biting poverty. The wedding ceremonies of the sons and daughters of elites, intimidatingly littered across social media platforms, with wads of crisp hard currencies on display, sleek exotic cars, and palatial wedding halls, prove our misplaced priorities. We can do better. All that money could go a long way in developing the region, investing it into something that profits the population.

So, I’m calling on the youth of the North as well. The younger generation must try to outdo their fathers, ensuring they work for the good of the nation and not to satisfy their greed. We do not want a country like the Beku City Republic, as rightly portrayed by Adamu Kyuka Usman in “Hope in Anarchy,” where: “The Republican police were sent to arrest armed robbers but did not return. It was later learned they had joined the armed robbers. Eventually, the police and the armed robbers were brought to the judges for trial, but the judges joined them. This is the order of things in our Republic today.” A country “where everyone will prosper by the strength of their arms or perish by the lack of such strength.”

However, while there’s huge dysfunctionality in the nation, I want to convince myself that Nigeria may not be a failed state, despite the anarchy; I’m trying to hold on to hope. But it is undoubtedly unapologetically swaying its shameless hips towards that direction. But we, the masses, cannot afford that. I believe even the rich do not want to wake up to the realities of a nation where deep resentment, as a result of poverty, drives an unquenchable thirst for the blood of the rich.

If President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador can round up notorious criminal gangs, we can restore Nigeria’s peace and security. Therefore, in this spirit, I am calling on Northern youth, Nigerian youth – rich and poor – the nation’s development is in your hands. Rise.

Sa’adatu Aliyu is a tutor at DLC Ahmadu Bello University, pursuing a Master’s in Literature. She writes from Zaria, and can be reached via this email: saadatualiyu36@gmail.com

By Ummi Muhammad Hassan

Following the ban by Hisbah on a new song titled “Amana Ta” by Hamisu Breaker, social media went into an uproar, capturing the attention of the public.

In the early hours of April 24, 2025, social media was filled with reactions following a press statement issued by the Deputy Commander of the Hisbah Board, Kano State chapter, Dr. Khadija Sagir, announcing the ban of Breaker’s new song. The reason cited was that the song allegedly contains obscene language.

This announcement, however, triggered a counterreaction from the public. Many became curious to know more about the song and the so-called obscene content, with some taking to their social media handles to express their opinions.

The irony of the situation is that Hisbah unintentionally gave the song more prominence, causing it to go viral. Many people who were previously unaware of the song searched for and listened to it, just to understand the controversy.

In my opinion, after listening to the song, it contains no obscene language. Rather, the issue seems to lie with some young women who mimed the song in a suggestive manner after hearing that Hisbah had labelled it as indecent—as though to dramatize or reinforce the claim. Some even appeared as if they were intoxicated.

To me, this is both devastating and concerning, as it reflects the erosion of the strong moral standards once upheld by Hausa women. Many young people are now making videos lip-synching the song in indecent ways. It made me pause and ask myself: where has our shyness gone? I believe this question deserves a deeper conversation on another day.

In Breaker’s case, thanks to the Hisbah ban, he became the most trending Kannywood artist in April, and his song went viral—and continues to trend.

A similar incident occurred earlier this year when the federal government banned Idris Abdulkareem’s song “Tell Your Papa.” That action unexpectedly brought the artist back into the spotlight, causing the song to trend widely.

Social media has made censorship increasingly difficult. Once a movie, text, or song reaches the internet, it becomes almost impossible to control—even by the creators themselves.

While social media censorship remains a challenge, this recent incident highlights the need for the government to intensify efforts against the spread of indecent content—through Hisbah and agencies like the Kano State Film Censorship Board.

Clear guidelines should be put in place, requiring artists and filmmakers to submit their content for review and approval before public release. This, among other strategies, could help reduce the spread of inappropriate material.

Additionally, Hisbah should be more mindful of how such announcements are made, as they may inadvertently promote the very content they seek to suppress.

Ummi Muhammad Hassan, Ph.D., is a lecturer in the Department of Mass Communication at Bayero University, Kano. She can be reached via email at: ummeemuhammadhassan@gmail.com.