Opinion

By Abdulhaleem Ishaq Ringim

It is the realization that Nigeria’s presidency cannot be won by the sole or combined agencies of personal fame, resources or regional influence that informed the ideation of a merger of political parties that eventually birthed the APC. 

And the essence of this merger, as it were, was the pursuit of a formidable confluence between Nigeria’s most politically active blocs – northern and south-western regional voting blocs. This resulted in the officiation of an alliance through the instrumentality of a transnational political platform capable of displacing the political hegemony of the PDP. And the central representative figures of the two voting blocs were unarguably Muhammadu Buhari and Bola Ahmed Tinubu. 

Evidently, the merger would not have been successful without the uncompromising commitment and consensus of these central figures. Lack of such a consensus was the sole reason why attempts at the merger failed in 2011. And the eventual consensus was what translated into a successful merger that ousted PDP in 2015. One could say both of them are indispensable for as far as the merger is concerned. 

In both instances, the dynamics of running mate selection constituted a major challenge; one that stalled the entire merger process in 2011 and almost jeopardized the efforts again in 2015 if not for last minute compromises. And for the purpose of this article, our referential premise would be the events that characterized the selection of a running mate for Buhari in 2015. 

The resumption of merger talks was principally premised on the assurances of improved mutual understanding and primacy of deliberation and mutual agreement on all issues before implementation. Resultantly, the issue of VP selection was agreeably deferred to the ACN side of the merger. And being the leader of the ACN and a southerner, Bola Tinubu was the first point of call. 

However, such a supposition was put to test by the concern of certain stakeholders largely from the non-ACN merging parties over the feasibility of flying a Muslim-Muslim ticket to victory against the PDP. And based on this singularity of a justification defined strictly on the bases of religious [in]compatibility questions, Tinubu was dropped for Osinbajo whose credentialed affiliation to the leadership of Nigeria’s Christian establishment was seen as a suitable match to Buhari’s perceived religious fanaticism. 

7 years later, the same political platform faces same dilemma. Tinubu, the initial choice of Buhari’s running mate in 2015 and flag-bearer of the APC for 2023 presidential elections is faced with the daunting task of choosing a running mate. The dynamics that defined his emergence was largely characterized by ethnic considerations and the process of choosing his running mate seems to be greatly saturated by the influence of the overbearing conflict of ethno-religious interests. 

Ironically, the hypocritical ultimacy of political convenience as against principle has never been this blatant. Scores of politicians who vehemently opposed the idea of a Muslim-Muslim ticket in 2015 are seen today to be championing the cause. Even more perplexing is the dismissal by some of these supporters of issues of religious affiliation(of the running mate) as irrelevant. This group’s advocacy centers around the supposed primacy of merit and capacity to deliver without deference to ethno-religious considerations. The contradiction here is that same group agitated for a Tinubu presidency in fulfillment of a zoning agreement strictly based on an ethno-regional arrangement. 

As the elite slug it out, they keep deliberately torrenting the conflict down to the level of the masses whose minds have over time fallen victim of manipulative conditioning by the elite. As a result, the Christian establishment and followership, especially in the North demand uncompromisingly that the VP be picked amongst their brethren. While the Northern Muslim establishment and followership in the usual feeling of mutual insecurity and distrust have threatened to actively oppose a ticket with a Northern Christian as VP. 

It sadly almost seems as though whoever clinches the VP slot officially and institutionally enhances the presence and validity of the religion he belongs to. But is that accurate? How is a peasant Muslim farmer going to be better off with a Muslim as VP? And how’s the Christian peasant farmer in the opposite situation? What of security? Buhari is president yet the North suffer from insecurity the most. What of Justice? 

This conflict is largely an in-house Northern conflict. And we’ve consistently been falling victim to these manipulative tendencies because we’ve failed to understand certain political and social realities. But the most important among such realities is the glaring yet often forgotten fact that the allegiance of almost every elite in Nigeria is more to the power superstructure than it is to religion.

“This game of masks!”, as Yusufu Bala Usman, of blessed memory, described it only adopts religion as a manipulative enabler and agency for continued relevance within the power cycle. That is all! Religion should not be a manipulative tool. And it is high time we understand that it is never about religion but about power and the spoils that accompany its acquisition. The Muslim community should also be able to distinguish between manipulation and genuine allegiance to religious interest. 

In his seminal work ‘Leadership and Governance in Nigeria: The Relevance of Values’ whose content is drilled in philosophical and ethical theorization of Sokoto Caliphate’s breed of leadership and public policy with an exposition of the imperative of pillaring contemporary political and social value systems on the pristine belief systems and culture of our people; Mahmud Tukur, of blessed memory, explained that affiliation and allegiance to the Islamic belief system and values formed the foundational basis of community identity during the caliphal era. He puts “working hard in co-operation with fellow members to achieve the higher values of society or service in the interest of the community’s raison d’etre” as the archetypal basis of communal belonging. 

Muhammadu Sanusi II in his review of Tukur’s work deduced Islam – as a corpus of teachings(and values) rather than of actions of persons – to be the definitive basis for identity of the Northern Muslims. To quote his deconstruction of this principle, “… the fact that a “northerner” or a “Muslim” or a “Fulani” is the subject of a political issue is not sufficient to make that issue a “northern”, “Islamic” or “Fulani” one. The bottom line is how consistent is the issue at stake with the teachings of Islam as incorporated in the value-systems underlying the caliphate. In effect, every other identity is subsumed under our Islamic identity, and the Islamic values are the ones worthy of defending. These are not to be sacrificed in the name of “nationalism” or “northern politics” or even “Muslims”.

I find these delineations very instructive for it exposes religious manipulative systems and presents us with the philosophical framework for subjecting our political actions as Northern Muslims to intellectual scrutiny. It provides the basis for validation(or not) and examination of the consistency of our collective actions with the pristine Islamic value-systems. In the context of this article, it affords us the opportunity of examining the consistency of our agitation for VP slot(supposedly in the interest of religion) to our foundational Islamic values; is having a Northern Muslim Vice President fundamentally an Islamic interest? And are the Muslim northerners considered for the slot worthy of supporting strictly based on Islamic affiliations and considerations? Will fielding them in anyway lead to achieving the higher values of the Islamic community? 

These are the fundamental questions that require our dispassionate attention. By answering them, we’d be able to realize whether or not we are yet again falling for religious manipulative machinations. It will also reveal to us those social and political realities of ours that render us susceptible to this manipulative tendencies. However, one thing is clear, that the divarication and fragmentation of the formerly United North (into Muslim and Christian North) is our greatest source of susceptibility to manipulation and even marginalization. Even as the Union was not devoid of internal skirmishes, we were presentable as a United, influential front externally. This dichotomization only weakens our influence and negotiating position of advantage. 

Our collective problems as the North do not respect such bifurcations same way the results of incompetence of both Muslim and Christian political leaders of Northern extraction do not too. And good and ethical leadership are not exclusive preserves of any of the two religions. In fact, there’s a strong convergence of both religions on issues of political values, leadership ethics and principles of good governance. Insecurity; poverty; economic underdevelopment; inefficient educational and healthcare systems; infrastructural inadequacies; etc are our collective challenges and our collective resolve should be of getting competent leaders to reverse the situation. Ours should be geared towards sustaining and consolidating the unmatched northern political negotiating base and influence and leverage that to ensure we force the leadership to stick to their side of the social contract. 

To these manipulative elites, religion is only but an agency for the sustenance of relevance and power for self-aggrandizement. We must rise above such manipulative machinations and focus on building a formidable consensus capable of enforcing on the leadership a Northern agenda for development regardless of who becomes VP. 

Abdulhaleem Ishaq Ringim is a political/public affairs analyst, he writes from Zaria and can be reached via haleemabdul1999@gmail.com.

By Nura Jibo

Let me start by saying that I am not holding any brief for the Academic Staff Union of Nigerian Universities(ASUU) because I was its victim of strike for three (3) years. I am not holding any brief for Nigeria’s Federal Ministry of Education and government either, as I very seriously hate their mishandling of Nigeria’s education sector. 

Today, I write as a concerned individual who believes in teaching and providing free education to Nigerian and global citizens. 

Hence, I write this as a classroom teacher that taught in a Nigerian State’s Polytechnic for three (3) years as a volunteer lecturer. I did not collect a single Kobo or Naira from that college throughout my volunteerism teaching at the College of Business Management. I only wanted to pay back what I had taken from the excellent teachers that made me who I am today. 

Therefore, it is very pleasing whenever I reflect and have a flashback over certain moments that contributed to my making, particular via the teaching and mentorship of my amazing teachers. 

Indeed, I sometimes feel very disgruntled whenever I see a certain Minister of Education who once upon a time advocated through his long essays in Daily Trust stable a 30% allocation of Nigeria’s budgetary provision to the education sector. However, that Nigerian Minister now develops a thick skin on resolving this simple yet terrible antecedent by hiding under his Ministerial gown to suffer and implicate an already ailing system! 

The issue is simple: It is either the likes of our laconic and apt Prof. Farooq Kperogi amplified that Minister’s writing prowess beyond or above what he is, or he’s exaggerated as someone with firsthand knowledge of Nigeria’s education system. I am unsure whether writing long pieces of literature in the name of Friday columns and reeling towards power qualifies one as an expert to lead a very large and delicate African educational system. 

Therefore, I believe mastery of achievement so-called via writing newspaper columns or “Definitions in Humour” does not preclude one from being considered a novice and a toddler in leading an education system that is deliberately beleaguered in the name of politics. The way the Minister portrays himself as a man of God by writing all sorts of educational polemics in Nigeria, one would not have expected less from Nigeria’s presidency that offered and entrusted such a complex Ministry in the hands of a chronic accountant who never had a clue or better put never practised and excelled in his profession – Accountancy! But that’s Nigeria, where many people get away with its sensitive positions provided they can write pep and glib talks and share with the dull and ignorant. 

To quickly put the record straight, Nigerian leaders should refrain from allowing people to assume public office because of their writing prowess or mastery of oratory language. The duo are clearly very different and distinctive in acquiring or having a practical knowledge of teaching and education. 

I shall come back to this point later if time permits!

Indeed, three things made me raise my concern about ASUU Strike and the exaggerated disappointment from the Federal Government. First, the ASUU’s demands on an improved education system in the country. Second, the students’ extravagant hopes of acquiring a Nigerian education that is today by far less and very low in quality. The third is the bastardizing of the education sector by political leaders in Nigeria. 

Indeed, there are three global measurable indicators in gauging an education, whether it is qualitative or not. One is the availability of state-of-the-art teaching facilities. Two, stability in academic programmes. Three, quality of teaching staff. 

In Nigeria, none of the three(3) is available at the moment because the teachers and all university lecturers are already frustrated by the Nigerian political leaders, that are mostly half-baked or uneducated. 

The level of frustration is deliberate, though! And the way things are going, it is better and advisable for all Nigerian students to come out and demonstrate en masse by matching to Aso Rock villa to express their displeasure on the denial of their rights to education by Mr President and his education cabinet. As they do that, they should make the Nigerian government aware that the monthly salary of a Nigerian professor is not more than a primary school teacher’s salary in the UAE and other serious countries that left Nigeria far behind.

A professor in Nigeria today earns an average salary of N400,000 to N500, 000 per month. His yearly earnings are approximately N5-6 million. This is equivalent to what is being paid to an Engineer engaged as project manager (PM) every month in the UAE. 

This is not to talk of a primary school teacher in Nigeria who lives a typical hand-to-mouth life by surviving on a N23,000-N37,000 monthly salary with many family demands at their disposal. And considering the chaotic nature of a Nigerian state with no end in sight! 

Truth is: the Nigerian State can more than afford to pay its teachers and university lecturers global standard salary(s) the way COUNTRIES and regions in the UAE, such as Dubai, Bahrain, Oman, etc., are paying their teachers competent and befitting salaries because Nigeria is ten (10) times richer than Dubai, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain etc. 

How can one expect any good to come out of Nigeria’s education system that is not ready to discharge this global standard? 

The irony is that: the Nigerian education system is one that shamelessly cannot afford to recruit, engage and pay teachers global standard salary(s). It prefers to absorb graduates under Npower and pay them a stipend of N23,000 per month. At the same time, the political leaders steal the public funds and waste away the Nigerian nation by burying it in global shame. Therefore, the corrupt tendencies of Nigerian political leaders and their timid behaviour(s) of stealing public funds in the name of democracy will continue to put the country’s education system in untold hardship by killing it ultimately. And as the country continues along this path, it should be ready for more Boko Haram and kidnappers ad infinitum. 

Nura Jibo, MRICS, PQS, MNIQS, RQS, was a volunteer visiting teacher at a Polytechnic in Nigeria for three years. He can be reached via nurajibo@yahoo.com.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

The academic world will never cease to amaze me. Let us look at just one example. Take an invitation to present a paper at an international event, as I was in June 2022. This particular event was the 90th commemoration of the establishment of Oriental Studies at the University of Warsaw, Poland. About 30 of us were invited, mainly from Europe and Asia, to share experiences on our various studies on orientalism from 29th to 30th June 2022. 

The trip was daunting for me, to begin with. It started with an hour flight on Qatar Airways to Abuja from Kano (my base). I spent another hour or so on the ground at Abuja before taking off for the six-hour flight to Doha, Qatar. I spent over four hours meandering around the terminal at Doha, waiting for the connecting flight to Warsaw. Eventually boarded the five-hour flight from Doha to Warsaw. All told, about 17 hours journey time. Arrived at the hotel jetlagged, weary and disoriented.

Off the following day to the University of Warsaw for the two-day conference scheduled at 9.00 p.m. each day. And it was right on the dot, with welcoming remarks by Prof. Piotr Taracha, the Dean of the Faculty of Oriental Studies UW, followed by an address to the conference by Prof. Alojzy Z. Nowak, the Rector of UW. These were followed by two keynote addresses, then appreciation of retiring members of the university community who had been there for over 50 years, including my host, Prof. dr. hab. Nina Pawlak (that’s how distinguished academic titles are labelled in most Eastern European universities). Let’s see what the letters mean; prof stands for professor, while dr is the doctor. To be a hab, however, requires extra efforts.  

To be awarded the academic degree of doktor habilitowany (habilitation), the candidate must have remarkable scientific or artistic achievements; submit a habilitation book which contributes to the development of a given scientific discipline; receive a favourable assessment of their output, pass a habilitation examination and deliver a favourably assessed habilitation lecture. It is after all this that they become professors.  

Nina Pawlak received her PhD in 1983 (Constructions expressing spatial relations in the Hausa language), habilitation in 1995 (Syntactic Markers in Chadic) and professorship in 2007. Thus entitled to prof. dr. hab. status. The habilitation is a post-doctoral experience that is highly formalized, represented by a separate thesis or a compendium of outstanding work in the area that can be evaluated as making an original contribution to knowledge. It takes between four to ten years to complete. Its public presentation is something like an inaugural lecture before a professorship. In most cases, the habilitation is the qualification needed for someone to supervise doctoral students. So far, in Africa, only Al-Azhar University in Cairo seems to offer this route to university scholarship.  

It is the habilitation qualification that will determine one’s path to professorship, but the publications required for skipping it to become a professor directly have to be more outstanding than the habilitation publication. This process shows rigorous respect for original contribution to knowledge in European scholarship. One can still be referred to as prof. dr. in recognition of their scholarship, without the hab. For instance, I was recognized as so by the European Union award of a grant to teach at the University of Warsaw in 2012. The prof. dr. title, used in mainland Europe and some Asian universities, acknowledges scholarship, even without the region-specific hab.  

Now back to the Conference. No ‘Chairman of the Occasion’, or Lead Paper presenter, nor ‘Royal Father of the Day’, etc. Just presentations. Now that brings me to my wonderment about the academic process. After over 17 hours of flight time (and same hours returning back), like everyone else, I was given 20 minutes (which included being harassed five minutes to the end by the moderator) to present my paper titled The Trans-Oriental Express: Receptivity and Cinematic Contraflows in African Popular Culture, and 10 minutes allowed for discussions – and that’s it! 

Thus, you spend weeks on fieldwork and data synthesis, spend hours being ferried from one location to another, and stay for days cooped up in a dingy hotel room (wistfully thinking about your own spacious personal living space!) eat some unusual and often very expensive food. All for 20 minutes of fame! This has been a recurring pattern in all the conferences I had attended.  

So, what is it about, at least international scholarship, that people would rather read what you wrote than listen to you? In Nigeria, paper presenters tend to ramble way beyond their allocated time. Often, the moderator of your session is worried about stopping you because you are a ‘big’ man, even if you are talking out of point. I remember one case in which the ‘Guest Speaker’ was reminded that his time was up as per the ‘program of event’ (sic). He adamantly refused to heed the time and insisted that since he was the main ‘event’, he would only stop when he finished reading the booklet of his lecture, which was 32 pages! Thank God for Smartphones – people just ignored him and shifted their attention to their WhatsApp messenger and came back to earth only after someone started clapping to signal their relief at the conclusion of the presentation! 

Perhaps it is time for us as Nigerian academics to move from this dense didactic approach to presenting papers – where you are often expected to give ‘theoretical framework’, ‘research questions’, ‘methodology’ (to appear ‘Scientific’ even if there is no Science in your conclusions) before you get to the actual data itself. And most annoying, you are also expected to give totally useless ‘recommendations.’ I had arguments with moderators and participants in Nigeria on the last point where I am asked about my ‘recommendations’ after my presentations. I often reply that I don’t have any recommendations – I present my data and my interpretation. How it goes is up to you. For instance, what can I recommend to a person who based their own narrative creativity on intertextual appropriation, thus creating a meta-narrative? That it has happened is fascinating enough. That I brought it to your attention is sufficient enough in knowledge discourses. In wider international scholarship, participants are more interested in exploring other aspects of your data.  

I think our approach to conference presentations in Nigeria has vestiges of the didactic educational experiences we were grilled through. Under such an academic ecosystem, all research is geared toward policy and governance. It is time for a paradigm shift – cut down the number of minutes on presentation, and focus on the epistemological virtues of the presentation! Oh, and cut-off the prof’s microphone when he seems about to torture his audience beyond his allocated 15 to 20 minutes!

Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu is the former Vice-Chancellor of the National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN). He can be reached via auadamu@yahoo.com.

By Ibrahim Siraj Adhama, PhD

In Nigeria, as in most democracies, incumbent elected office holders are given the right of first refusal by their political parties. That is to say, they are considered the first option to fly the party’s ticket again while seeking re-election, all things being equal. As an extension of that privilege in Nigeria, incumbents serving their terms in office are accorded the opportunity to handpick who they want to succeed them. The anointed candidates – as fondly called – would therefore be bequeathed the incumbency factor and everything that comes with it.

The incumbency factor entails a lot of things; it is a blessing and, at the same time, a curse. It is a blessing because the incumbent has a record in office to show. He has achievements and a scorecard of performance to campaign with. It also confers the incumbent many other advantages, especially in terms of holding over the apparatus of power and control. It gives unrestricted access to state resources and assets. It is often said that in developing democracies, the incumbent always has the highest chance of winning an election than his opponent.

Incumbency could also be a burden where the scorecard is not so impressive, or the performance is below par. Whatever the case may be, the fact is no government is perfect! No matter how good the government’s plans and programmes are and well-executed they could be, its opponents will never be done. Again, no matter how good the government’s performance is, opposition parties will still pick holes here and there to criticize it. Characteristically, they will try to belittle the success stories and amplify the weaknesses and the shortcomings, thereby promising to do things in much better ways.

Suppose there’s anything to learn from the first round of the US presidential election debate of 2012 between then-incumbent President Obama and former governor Mitt Romney, the Republican candidate. In that case, it is the difficulty inextricably associated with defending incumbency. Many people agree that former President Obama’s biggest asset was his eloquence and his way with words. Yet, the world watched as he struggled to ward off attacks against his administration by a determined and hard-hitting Romney in a debate unanimously adjudged to have gone his (Romney’s) way. It’s simply not easy!

And things get a bit more complicated when the government’s approval rating is low owing to self-inflicted and needless controversies. Such is the predicament of Dr Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna, Kano State deputy governor and the APC flagbearer in the 2023 governorship election, who aims to carry Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje’s baggage. Gawuna’s situation, many people would say, has been made worse by his public avowal not to betray the governor. This is, without doubt, a considerable burden on his shoulder, considering Ganduje’s numerous controversies. And this is leading to what many analysts see as considerable scepticism among some voters.

But if the truth must be told, no two governors can be precisely the same despite the pretence and ostentation of continuity. Neither will Gawuna be exactly like Ganduje, nor will Abba Kabir Yusuf be the same as Engr Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. Whether we like it or not, all leaders are different, for better or worse. Individuals’ leadership style is influenced by their experiences, worldview, knowledge, vision, temperament, God’s consciousness, wisdom, discipline, character, etc. We’re naturally different vis-á-vis those qualities and variables mean that our approach to leadership should also be different. Thus, nothing could be more preposterous than assuming that one governor would do as his predecessor did. For me, it would be unwise – if not foolhardy – to insist Gawuna is going to be Ganduje’s puppet.

History of anointment has presented us with at least three patterns of relationship vis-à-vis predecessors and successors. First, there is the category of conformists represented by successors who are able to remain loyal to their predecessors through thick and thin. Secondly, there are the “surpassers” who are believed to have done better and outperformed their predecessors. Lastly, there is the category of derailers made up of successors who, for whatever reason, ditch their predecessors to chart a new direction. Governors under this category are often accused of betrayal if not dubbed ingrate. Successors’ overzealousness, power drunkenness, and predecessors’ desire influence their successors and get them to do their bidding in complete negation of the maxim no two captains on the same ship have always been responsible for the strained relationship. Add to that meddlesomeness of political charlatans who would want to create discord, knowing that without one, they will miss their relevance in the scheme of things.

Nasiru Gawuna is stepping into Ganduje’s shoes with a promise to continue from where he (Ganduje) left. Nonetheless, those people insinuating Gawuna will be Ganduje-reincarnate should be forgiven for their lack of understanding of the man. They were either too young or far away to know the strides he made when he held sway at Nassarawa Local Government. Those familiar with his record know full well that Kano will be in for a more fantastic future, judging by his numerous achievements.

Education, healthcare, business and commerce, security, infrastructure etc., will receive tremendous attention. Workers will be in for a greater deal as Gawuna’s people-friendly government will ensure prompt payment of salaries and other entitlements. Gawuna has long been known for his empathy and compassion. Therefore, his government will be expected to be responsive to the plight of pensioners, who are dying in silence. He will be trusted to go out of his way to offset the backlog of gratuities accrued over the years.

On the whole, Gawuna is imbued with unflinching willingness for the rapid social and economic transformation of Kano. This you come to understand each time you discuss it with him. He has the ideas and the initiatives that can change things for the better in our State. He has the leadership qualities, capacity, and determination to deliver. Ganduje himself would be proud to have a successor who will not only build on the successes achieved but also try to correct the mistakes made, sweep the mess created and improve on what is already there. And this is what Gawuna will be doing as governor.

Gawuna has the rare privilege of working closely with all the three governors Kano has had since the Fourth Republic in 1999. He worked with former governors Ibrahim Shekarau and Rabi’u Kwankwaso as Local Government Chairman and Commissioner, respectively. He is now working with Governor Ganduje as Commissioner and Deputy Governor. Therefore, it is perfect to assume that he has learnt some important leadership lessons from each. That he will be coming immediately after Governor Ganduje does not mean he is going to be having any fixation about it.

Thus, instead of continuing “from where Ganduje left”, Gawuna is expected to build on the legacies of all past Kano governors. He will hope to consolidate their individual and collective achievements as he leads Kano toward the path of more development and prosperity.

May Allah choose the best for us!!!

Dr Siraj writes from the Department of Mass Communication, Bayero University, Kano and is also a reporter for The Daily Reality.

By Zahraddeen Mallam Saleh.

The rise of kidnappings in Alakleri is one of the most pressing security issues in Bauchi State, yet underreported. Many villages in Gwana, Duguri, and Pali Districts suffer from the devastating criminal activity of kidnappers and cattle rustlers. As a result, kidnappings for ransom have become more common and a security concern in recent years in those communities.

A few days ago, kidnappers attacked Garin Bono in Maimadi ward and Sabon Gari in Pali ward, along Alkaleri/Futuk road, killing four people and injuring others. Scores of kidnapping incidences have recently occurred in Gwana District, from abducting prominent personalities to the commoners who found it difficult to feed their families. Nowadays, kidnappers target all people, irrespective of whether they are rich or poor, because wealthy individuals from rural areas migrated to urban cities to live in peace and harmony with their families.

Four children were kidnapped at the outskirt of Yalo. Yalo is less than 100 kilometres away from Alkaleri, the council headquarter. In Kargo, Malam Hamza was abducted at his residence in neighbouring Mansur. In addition, three farmers were kidnapped while working on their farms. As I write this piece, information reaching us revealed that four people were abducted today, 23^rd June 2022, at Bakin Layi, a suburb of Yalo town.

All these victims cannot pay the ransom or their proxy relatives. Evidence shows that most of today’s victims are poor villagers, a departure from the earlier kidnapping of wealthy individuals. This category of victims loses their lives in the process due to their inability to pay the ransom because of relative poverty.

It was estimated that from January 2022 to date, in Gwana District alone, more than one hundred (100) cases of kidnappings were reported to the office of the District head of Gwana, located in Futuk. This depicts the ugly nature of the situation where most armless commoners are indiscriminately taken for ransom. People live in distrust and fear due to this ugly picture of our security situation. Members of different bandit groups have been seen carrying heavy arms around Jada forest in Maimadi ward, a forest that comprises part of Yankari forest, harassing locals and farmers. A development that compelled many farmers to abandon their farms for fear of being kidnapped. For instance, Aliyu Inuwa (Messi), a resident of Futuk, left his maize farm despite spending a considerable amount of money. 

In her effort to curb the menace, the Bauchi state government procured and distributed motorcycles across the affected areas in the state. In addition, Hilux Patron vans were also distributed across all local governments. In Gwana District, in particular, the local security architecture has Patrol Hilux and several motorcycles provided by this administration in order to facilitate security surveillance and end criminal activities in the entire community. Hence, this intervention from the state government is highly commendable and appreciated. However, the situation demands a more formidable security architecture in curtailing this disease.

Equally, the military detachment in Futuk, Digare, and Mansur and the recent deployment of an anti-kidnapping squad in Yalo and Kargo aimed to reduce criminal activities in our areas. But the existing security architectures showcased their professionalism in collecting N20, N30, N50 and N100 from the motorists and motorcycle riders daily than dealing with monsters called bandits/kidnappers. We are not denying or undermining their role in protecting lives and property. I’m just reporting what I saw with my naked eyes on my recent trip from Futuk to Mansur to collect primary data for my postgraduate study.

Bauchi state government should put more effort into securing its people before it metamorphoses into what is happening in Zamfara, Katsina and Sokoto. In addition, the government should encourage and promote education.

Zahraddeen Mallam Saleh wrote from Futuk, Gwana District, Alakleri LG. He can be reached via zahradeenmsaleh@gmail.com.

By Kabir Fagge Ali

Almajiri is a system of Islamic education practised primarily in Northern Nigeria. The term is also used to denote a person who is taught or undergoing learning within this system called “Almajiranci.”

Almajiri is derived from the Arabic “Al-Muhajjirun”, an “Emigrant” who migrates from his home to a particular Islamic school in the quest for knowledge.

Over the years, it has been a normal feature, a cultural norm to have seen children roaming the streets in certain parts of (mainly northern) Nigeria, all in the name of seeking Islamic Education through the system of Almajiri.

Before the arrival of British colonial masters, a system of education called ‘Tsangaya’ has since prevailed in the Kanem-Borno Empire. It was established as an organised and comprehensive education system for learning Islamic principles, values, jurisprudence and theology.

Established after madrasahs in other parts of the Muslim world, Tsangaya was primarily funded by the state. Islam traditionally encourages charity, so the community readily supported these Almajiri. In return, he (Almajiri) gives back to society through manual labour.

The system also produced the judges, clerks, and teachers who provided the colonial administration with the needed staff. The Almajiri schools provided the first set of colonial staff in Northern Nigeria.

The Colonial masters abolished state funding of Tsangaya, arguing that they were religious schools. “Karatun Boko”, western education was introduced and funded instead. With this loss of support, the system collapsed.

A 2014 UNICEF report put the number of Almajiri in Nigeria at 9.5 million, or 72 per cent of the country’s 13.2 million out-of-school children. Unfortunately, this is a disaster unfolding before our eyes, as some estimates claim that the number of out-of-school children in the country has risen past the 15 million mark, most of whom originated from the North.

Regrettably, the Almajiri culture has since outlived its purpose and has become a breeding ground for child begging and, in extreme cases, potential materials for recruitment into terrorist groups. Moreover, the pupils who were meant to be trained to become Islamic scholars have now had to struggle to cater for themselves, begging rather than learning under the watch and supervision of some semi-literate Quranic teachers or Mallams who themselves lacked the requisite financial and moral support. Hence, the system runs more as a means of survival rather than a way of life.

This is because the Qur’anic schools became hapless, unable to render any help. After all, the head of the school is not also financially stable. This ultimately leads him to enforce a rule that ensures the students get him food or money. The most annoying part is making it mandatory, as punishment is enforced on anyone who fails to turn in what is expected from him.

Deprived of a normal and decent upbringing, Almajiri children, usually little boys between the ages of 4 and 15, may have been direct products of polygamous marriage or broken homes or simply due to economic challenges that hit the family. They lack adequate family cover as children are sent out to the streets under the guise of Almajiri as soon as the family’s resources are overstretched.

The Almajiri grows up in the streets without their parents’ love, care, and guidance; his struggle for survival exposes him to abuse (homosexuality and paedophilia), used as a slave, brainwashed, and recruited for anti-social activities, and used for destructive and violent activities. This is the picture of the pitiful plight of an Almajiri child in Nigeria.

Additionally, Almajiri culture epitomises child abuse, social exclusion, and chronic poverty in all ramifications. Because the system is believed to be rooted in Islamic religion and Fulani cultural practices, many attempts to reverse the trend or end such abuse of humanity have always hit a brick wall.

The fact that Islamic teaching strongly forbids begging, except in exceptional circumstances, which include a man’s loss of properties or wealth in a disaster or when a man has loaned much of his money for the common good, such as bringing peace between two warring parties already proves that Almajiri system as it is being practised today is unIslamic. A child neglected by his parents is vulnerable to diseases and social crimes. To survive, he often has to beg from ‘dusk to dawn’, after which he returns to the Tsangaya (Almajiri school).

For the past years, the Almajiri system has created a cover for criminally minded individuals to abuse Nigerian children through trafficking and expose them to anti-social behaviours such as forced labour and sex slaves.

Even former President Goodluck Jonathan designed a program under which a few Almajiri Model Boarding schools were established, which was aimed at integrating conventional western education into Islamic education, only turned out to be merely ‘removing a spoonful of water from a filled tank’, it wasn’t enough to adequately address the problem. As a result, less than five per cent of the children were captured by the Federal Government’s program meant to remove the Almajiri off the streets.

Therefore, as urgent, the government should take reasonable measures to address the Almajiri system in Nigeria to take them off the streets, even if it means banning the culture.

Unless it is banned or adequately reformed to meet the modern challenges and realities, the problems of underdevelopment, educational backwardness, and mass poverty in (northern) Nigeria will worsen. People will continue to bear children they do not have the resources to cater for, knowing that they could easily push such children out into the Almajiri system.

To conclude that the Almajiri system has deviated from its original purpose and is currently giving Nigeria a bad image in the international community is to admit the obvious.

This problem is a ticking time bomb waiting to explode at any time. And when it does, it will consume us all. But, it is still not late. So, something can be done to stem the tides.

Fagge is a student of Mass Communication at Skyline University Nigeria. He sent this via faggekabir29@gmail.com.

By Murtala Uba Mohammed (PhD)

In recognition of the importance of environment to human life, the United Nation Environmental Programme (UNEP) sets aside 5th day of every June as the World Environment Day (WED). This year, the world celebrated 50th WED with a theme “Only One Earth”. If everything, this theme was the first theme of the WED and also it signified the importance of protecting the planet earth. Since man has no any other place to call his home other than the earth, it is binding on him to safeguard its sanctity and ensure its sustenance, as well as to do everything possible to maintain its health status.

The planet earth which came into existence some billions of years back, was in a harmonious state with respect to its chemical and biological elements. Although, volcanic eruption and other natural occurrences such as falling of asteroids that occurred in the past, might have induced some modifications to it as the state is always being checked through planet’s self-regulating mechanism, recycling, replenishing and adaptation.

Man’s dominance of the planet which began with his emergence some 200,000 years ago through the current epoch of Anthropocene has made the most significant footprint on the earth. At the early stage, human beings started living in a small number; lived a simple life (without access to any tool) through hunting and gathering things, before man later multiplied (reaching billions) and acquired new technologies to exploit nature to suit his purposes. Through waves of revolutions in agriculture, urbanization, industrialization and information, environment received so much impact from human who introduces, transforms, modifies, hastens many processes and terminates many.

Consequently, with the recent development, environment started to react as earth begins to witness unusual, unfamiliar and difficult to predict events. Issues such as rise in temperature, air pollution, ice melt, flood, tropical storms, drought, desertification, soil desiccation, groundwater depletion and more intensified earth tremors and quakes become regular visitors to the planet. Also noticed is the extinction and disappearance of many species and habitats as well as emergence and re-emergence of new diseases. The main drivers of this change as explained by Intergovernmental Panel for Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) are changes in land and sea use, direct exploitation of organisms, climate change, pollution and invasion of alien species. All these are linked to human activities in the field of agriculture, mining, building of settlements and industries.

Although the drivers may not be sporadic as far as their nature and magnitude, their consequences are ubiquitous. The most vulnerable to the impact are the weaker members of human society and species such as the developing countries due to their poverty and underdevelopment status; the children and women because of their powerlessness and dependency; the disabled and people with special needs; and above all, the none human part of the environment (plants, animals and abiotic components) who may not have the human intellect and know-how (for example) to run for their safety.

At global level, efforts are made through changing and adapting more cleaner energy sources such as solar and hydro, as against the use of fossil fuel based energy which is harmful to the ecosystem and equally contributing to carbon accumulation into the atmosphere; switching to green technology through recycling of resource and producing environmentally friendly technologies and product; better and less environmentally damaging agriculture such as zero tillage, less to zero acreage farming, control grazing, integrated organic farming; as well as changing to green engineering, climate smart engineering among many other things. Rehabilitation, reclamation and restoring the damaged ecosystems are also receiving priorities through such projects such as Great Green Wall.

In spite of this effort at global level, we need to look inward and see what we are doing/can do at local level to help in solving the global problems while at the same time addressing our local issues. The population, particularly those in rural areas should be empowered through knowledge and economy to embrace changes in the areas of sustainable climate, smart agricultural practice, afford better technologies and change to clean energy. With current economic shock, low income, and high cost of accessing cleaner energy sources such as solar, we are indirectly encouraging Nigerias’ poor to continue using wood fuel and inflict more damages to our fragile ecosystem. When farmers are left at the mercy of nature, doing little to nothing to subsidize them or improve market price of their goods, the agricultural output will remain low and the demand for more land will continue leading to destruction of forest and reserves. Only when farmers are getting sufficient income, they will save enough and be able to send their children to school. This will address the current rural-urban drift which is making it difficult for city administration.

Environmental planning is one area we need to do a lot in Nigeria. Respect for nature and natural world is very fundamental. City folks should have access to open spaces, recreational areas and parks. Our built brown ecosystem should be sandwiched with grassy greenish and watery bluish ones to achieve harmony. Presence of all living things is fundamental to the environment. Cities soundscape should be a blended one, with presence of both manmade and natural (such as birds, insects and reptiles) sounds. Workability should be encouraged for both health improvement of resident and for carbon off-scaling in our urban area. We also need to revive and improve our local technologies and architectural designs to make it environmentally friendly.

Health and safety of residents should be given a priority. While, sharing the moment of grief in Kano State, as over 200 residents inhaled unknown gas and ended up in hospital, we hope such things will not happen again. The state recently faces problem of water scarcity particularly in the metropolis where a 25 litre water container cost between 60 to 100 Naira. This has implication on health and sanitation of the populace who are now taking water whose quality is highly questionable. The state should do more on water provisioning and supply. Water policy should also be implemented in order to check the current rampant proliferation of boreholes whose future implication is likely a doom.

In a nutshell, WED is a good time to reflect and ponder. It is time to think more about environment, make it healthy and support its sustainability. It is a moment for all hands to be on deck to achieve sustainable development where a balance will be achieved between built and natural ecosystem. All stakeholders including the policy makers, the professionals and media have roles to play in this endeavour. It is right to advocate for a healthy and sustainable environment.

Murtala teaches Geography at Bayero University and can be reached via his email, murtalamuhammadu@gmail.com

By Aminu Mohammed

This article was inspired by a post that I read on the Facebook page of Dr Muhsin Ibrahim, where he cautioned our youth against embarking on a perilous journey that may lead to their untimely death. However, while going through the comments, I was actually shocked by a statement made by someone who insisted on travelling to Europe through the Sahara Desert, despite warnings by the writer.

Of course, I know that life is tough in Nigeria, and many youths are jobless and hopeless. The high level of insecurity is worrisome in the North, as people are being hacked down to death daily without any concrete intervention from the security agencies. The deprivation is glaring on the streets all over the North, and people are looking for a way out. However, I will always advise people to travel legally anywhere or otherwise stay at home if they do not have the financial capacity to do so.

During my stint as a journalist in Sokoto a few years ago, I have written many articles about human trafficking and illegal migration. Unfortunately, this is a big business for many people in villages around the Illela local government area of Sokoto. Illela is a border town between Sokoto and Qoni in the Niger Republic. People are trafficked through these villages with the connivance of some youth in the villages. These nefarious people in the villages assist these illegal migrants by transporting them with motorcycles to the Niger Republic in order to evade immigration officers at the Illela border, who may likely prevent them from entering the Niger Republic en route to Libya and finally to Italy and other European countries.

Let me make it clear that life is not a bed of roses here, and the streets of Europe are not paved with gold. People don’t pick money on the streets. You have to work very hard to earn money. Although the government makes efforts to ensure a good life for the citizens, there are homeless people and beggars in Germany, the wealthiest European country. It is not a paradise as many of you may think or imagine in your dreams.

Life in Europe is akin to slavery for people without legal documents. First, life is tough here without legal documents. You cannot get accommodation, open a bank account, work, or visit the hospital without a resident permit. My first time at a clinic to see the doctor in my city, I was asked to present my residence permit and health insurance card; otherwise, I won’t be able to receive treatment. Thus, I presented my documents, which they quickly confirmed before treating me.

Many young men are being lured by the success stories of those who travelled illegally to Europe through the Sahara Desert in the past and believed they too could achieve success if they endure tribulation and go through pains. Although not all those who follow the pathway of illegal migration end up in agony, most live as enslaved people here.

Of course, I know and have met some of them who came to Europe through the Sahara Desert and Libya and are doing well here. For example, I know a Hausa guy from Kano State who lives in my city with his family and owns a clothing shop. He told me gory tales about his movement from Sokoto to Agadez in the Niger Republic and the perilous journey through the Sahara Desert to Libya, which lasted eight days. He spent about one year in Libya doing menial jobs before he summoned the courage to cross the Mediterranean with a boat carrying many people to the island of Lampedusa, Italy, 11 years ago.

According to this Kano guy, they took the boat early in the morning from Libya and were rescued at noon by coast guards who later ferried them in their boats to Lampedusa. He subsequently left Italy for Germany eight years ago and is now a legal resident here. He speaks fluent German and carries out his business diligently.

A few of them in my city came through that perilous route and are now established in Germany, doing meaningful jobs while contributing to the country’s economy. But their trajectory may not be the same as yours as everybody has his own destiny and luck. So many people have died in the Sahara Desert even before reaching Libya, while some have died trying to cross the Mediterranean Sea, yet our youth are still not deterred despite such deaths.

The fact of the matter is that many people who came through the illegal route are wallowing in misery and deprivation. Most of them are trapped in refugee camps scattered in most cities across Germany. I have been to the refugee camp in my city twice and witnessed how these people live. It is a kind of glorified prison, though they can still go out and even work illegally without the knowledge of the authorities. They do “black jobs”, which are very low-paid jobs that do not require documents and are usually paid directly after their labour but not through the banks.

I met a Ghanaian last year whose name is Idrissa. He left the refugee camp in Munich, the southern part of Germany and is now hiding in my city doing menial jobs. According to him, he feels terrified whenever he sees the police and usually gets scared of commuting by public bus or train for fear of being arrested. Unfortunately, this is the type of life those with illegal documents live here. In fact, at the peak of the Corona pandemic last year, this Ghanaian could not get vaccinated because no hospital would vaccinate him due to a lack of legal documents.

Some of these illegal immigrants, desperate to get legal documents for them to be able to work, get entangled with old German women that are old enough to be their grandparents under the guise of marriage and are treated as slaves. Of course, the German women are aware that they want them only because of their residence permit and make sure they go through excruciating pains.

I decided to write this article in order to alert our youths on the dangers of travelling to Europe through the Sahara Desert and the Mediterranean Sea. If your dream is to travel to Europe, then try to go through the legal way. You can go either through the study route, a scholarship or a job based on your skills. I know that many people get jobs with the skills they acquired in Nigeria, such as doctors, nurses, engineers, and those in data science and information technology, among others. Travelling legally is the only way to move freely without humiliation abroad due to a lack of legal documents. May Allah make things easy for all of us, amin.

Aminu Mohammed is at the School of Sustainability, Chrtistan Albrechts Universität zu Kiel, Schleswig Holstein, Germany. He can be reached via gravity23n@gmail.com or 219013@mail.uni-Kiel.de.

By Abdul Mutallib Muktar

I read from today’s edition of Daily Trust how DSS rescued 21 Almajiris from a house under the custody of ECWA church in Jos North. The Almajiris were alleged to have been forcefully brought there from another state. After their rescue, the Almajiris revealed how they were forced to learn and practise Christianity.

Keep aside the pluralism of Nigeria and remember how Plateau State has been suffering from crises for over two decades. The major cause of these crises is undeniably attributable to religious divides.

Taking and camping children from another religion in the name of educating them without parental consent, especially when they’re forced to receive religious instructions and attend religious ceremonies or observance different from their own religion, is an act that clearly violates Section 38(2) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended).

Therefore, the act of the Evangelical churches is constitutionally wrong. It is unacceptable in the eyes of the law. More so, looking at the situation in Plateau State, it is utterly unthinkable for the church to camp Muslim Almajiris without the consent of their parents or guardians and teach them Christianity or force them to attend church services. This act is akin to throwing an ember into a tank of fuel.

Looking at the issue from another angle, it behoves any fair pen, to tell the truth to the parents of these Almajiris. The remote places in the North still view the Almajiri system as a good way of learning merely because of its ancestral tint. It is highly condemnable to see little children roaming about the streets of our cities day and night, begging for food in the name of learning. Looking at the slavish lifestyle of Almajiris in Arewa, it will not be surprising if someone acts in the belief that the parents of these Almajiris have disowned them.

More strange news would continue to hit the headlines as long as the Almajiri system remains what it is today. However, as life changes, people must adjust to take a better breath.

Muktar writes from Jos, Plateau State and can be reached via abdulmutallib.muktar@gmail.com.

By Hassan Ahmad Usman

To begin, I would like my readers to understand that, unlike games, there is no “cheat code” for good governance. Governance is practical, with little room for derailing if the desired outcome must be achieved. If there is anything that President Buhari-led’s administration taught us, it is to shun unrealistic optimism.  There is nothing wrong with setting standards for our leaders or being optimistic about the prospects of their leadership.  

At the inauguration of Buhari in 2015, one would believe by now that he is rounding off his eight years stay, our four refineries would be functional, the epileptic power supply would be a thing of the past, security tackled, and so many things accomplished. 

Notwithstanding, people overlook many landmark achievements by his administration. Why? Unrealistic optimism. They are not the standards we set for him from the on set. In a year, we’ll have a new president, new administration and new policy makers. In between, we’ll have an election that will bring a new government.

The leading candidates so far are former vice president Atiku Abukar of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP),  former Lagos state governor Bola Tinubu of All progressives Congress (APC) and former Anambra state governor Peter Obi of the Labour party (LP). These candidates are enjoying a large support base. 

My candid advice to the “Batists”, “Atikulateds”, and the “OBIdients” is to learn from the travails the Buharists went through in his defence. They marketed Buhari to the extent that we thought only miracles would better his performance in office, and failure was an impossibility in our imaginations.  We again gave him another chance despite his dissatisfaction with his first term because the Saraki/Dogara-led National Assembly was a block to his reform agendas. They also told us that the 2016 economic recession was a catastrophe due to the then-ever-falling oil prices. With these excuses, whether acceptable or not, we should understand that there won’t be a smooth ride for any president in a developing economy like ours.

So, I remind those supporters to moderate their optimism and understand and study what development is all about in modern civilization. It is not as easy as we thought. It would be best if you weren’t in defence of your candidate throughout his stay in office.  

Nigeria had her chance to turn things around when the oil price was at its highest. Unfortunately, indecisions and a lack of foresight from the leaders made it impossible. We are now living to bear the brunts of the indecisions of our past leaders. 

To Nigerians, we should understand that good governance that translates into sustainable growth and development cannot be achieved through “quick-fix” solutions. It’ll take longer than expected time for it to manifest. We’ve read and heard of the turnaround of countries like China and the United Arab Emirates but never paid attention to the processes they passed through before making it to the big stage. If development is what we all crave, we must all make sacrifices that come with it and know that we may not be the immediate beneficiaries of our own strides. 

Hassan Ahmad Usman writes from Lafia, Nasarawa State, Nigeria.  He can be reached via basree177@gmail.com.