Opinion

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

“I will not and cannot ignore the religious concerns and ethnic sensitivities of our people. Taking them into due consideration is an important part of good and able governance. But religion, ethnicity, and region cannot always and fully determine our path. To forge ahead as a nation toward development and prosperity, we must break free of old binds. We must recalibrate our political calculations to where competence and fairness matter more than reductive demographics.”

That was vintage Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the Presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), making a passionate case for his choice of running mate and Nigerians to look at the bigger picture of loyalty, dedication, competence, good governance, and to, for once, ignore the petty details of individuals’ personal choice of how to worship God.

Tinubu, in that historic statement he signed on July 10, to announce Senator Kashim Shettima as his running mate ahead of the 2023 election, urged Nigerians to look back at the days of the country’s glory where ethnicity and religion matters little and, United voters on June 12, 1993, to vote for the fantastic duo of Late Chief MKO Abiola and Babagana Kingibe, in what has been described as the most credible election in the country’s history.

The announcement of Shettima did not come to any keen observer of Nigerian politics as a surprise. It had been coming for a long time and even with the organized opposition to the choice of a Muslim running mate, Tinubu had no choice at all because if he had to stand the best chance of winning the election and pick a very loyal and committed person who is also competent to serve as Nigeria’s Number Two Citizen, it had to be Shettima. A few other names were mentioned in the days before the announcement, but it was obvious that Shettima ticked all the boxes and Tinubu is smart enough not to punish a very deserving person based on the con-incidence of his religion.

In Shettima, a serving Senator from Borno Central, ‘The Jagaban’ will have a dependable, loyal, charismatic, diligent, articulate, purposeful, visionary, and intelligent ally as his Deputy.

A leader is always expected to be courageous, fearless, committed to his belief, and stand by his conviction no matter the consequences. Shettima was extremely vocal and consistent in fighting for Tinubu to get the ticket to the party and there was never a time he waivered or relented. Tinubu has also doubled down on his choice of Shettima as his running mate despite the groundswell of opposition against it by career rabble-rousers who will always wail no matter what happens. Though Shettima is on record to have repeatedly said he never supported Tinubu during the primaries for the self-centered aim of being on the ticket but for the common good of all, the fact that the two great men took turns to fight for each other and stood by each other at difficult moments means there will be remarkable chemistry and spirit of camaraderie that will overwhelm the Presidential Villa to Nigeria’s advantage if they win…

And to clear the air on all the misconceptions, propaganda, and lies about the so-called Islamisation agenda, we all know Tinubu has no history of religious bigotry or extremism. This is a man who married a Christian and in their decades of living together supported his wife to become a pastor in the largest church in Nigeria and also allowed his children to practice Christianity freely. It was also Tinubu as Lagos state governor who released Missionary schools to their original owners, a feat that has proven difficult in other states up till today. How can a man who literally ‘Christianised’ his own family and allowed Christians to have their way in Lagos to ‘Islamise’ Nigeria?

As for Shettima, he is on record to have protected the Christian community in Borno state from the wickedness of Boko Haram terrorism when he served as governor. He spent over a billion naira to rebuild all the churches destroyed by the demons, sponsored the highest number of Christians to the Holy Land in Jerusalem, and appointed a good number of them into important positions in government. So he did not only stand up to the terrorists, he fought them to a standstill even as they tried to kill him and his family. How on earth would such a man want to be part of the so called Islamisation agenda?

For Shettima, accepting Tinubu’s offer was merely a call to duty that he could not say no to even though he never lobbied or campaigned for it.

This is how his running mate, Tinubu, in that memorable statement, captured the essence of Shettima’s appointment and the value he would bring to the ticket, and governance if they win: “Senator Kashim Shettima’s career in politics and beyond shows that he is eminently qualified not only to deliver that all-important electoral victory but, also, step into the shoes of the Vice President. As a man with the talent, maturity, strength of character, and patriotism he has my implicit confidence and faith.”

On the needless emphasis on Shettima’s faith, Tinubu further wrote: “I am aware that many will continue to focus on a particular detail, the question of his faith. However, if we truly understand the challenges upon us as a nation, then we must also see the imperative of placing competence in governance above religious sentiment.”

“In 1993, Nigerians embraced Chief MKO Abiola and a fellow Muslim running mate, Babagana Kingibe, in one of our fairest elections ever. The spirit of 1993 is upon us again in 2023. As such, the ticket we present today represents a milestone in our political history. It symbolizes our party’s determination to be a leading light among political parties in Africa,” he added.

In 1993, Abiola and Kingibe called their ticket ‘Hope 93.’ Thirty years later, Nigerians will indeed have a realistic hope of robust, outstanding, and qualitative governance in these two excellent gentlemen, if they win the election.

Indeed, the spirit of 1993 is here . . .

Lawan Bukar Maigana writes from Wuse District Abuja and can be reached via:Lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com

By Abdulhaleem Ishaq Ringim

Economic Diversification in Nigeria by Zainab Usman is an in-depth analysis of Nigeria’s political economy that presents an apt delineation of the interplay of politics, institutions and policymaking in the process of economic development. Zainab’s is an attempt at instituting a diagnostic exercise to identify(beyond prevailing conventional narratives) major impediments to sustained development.

By repudiating ‘resource course’ and ‘backward neopatrimonilaism’ as the causal roots of Nigeria’s economic underperformance, the book presents a thesis that centres on challenges to economic diversification in resource-rich countries as the major impediment to economic transformation and development.

The author did a great job at identifying pathways to achieving economic transformation and establishing the state’s role in guiding the process but argued that the efficacy of the state’s guiding interventions remains a function of its institutional capacity which in turn depends on its political character.

Hence, to deconstruct Nigeria’s peculiar political character and its implications for economic transformation, the book deployed carefully designed frameworks for the analyses. Central among these analytical templates is the political settlement framework, which defines the influence of the distribution of political power on policymaking for development.

Per Zainab’s model, economic transformation, especially in resource-rich countries like Nigeria, depends on a kind of political settlement that distributes power among elite formations to ensure the emergence of a stable political coalition. This is why even while Nigeria has witnessed periods of semi-steady economic growth in her national life, such has never been adequate enough to usher in sustained development.

As an “Intermediate” State, Nigeria’s breed of political settlement is characterized by the formation of unstable political coalitions and cyclical political crises (especially in political transition periods). This has ensured that the country is always in crisis management. And the resulting policy and reform orientation has always assumed a manner that prioritizes short-term macroeconomic stabilization over long-term structural economic transformation.

The author, however, believes that such a political configuration is not immune to change. She explained that certain “critical junctures” determine whether a prevailing political configuration will change or persist. At these junctures, elites are constrained to take certain policy actions. And the economic outcomes of such policy actions depend on whether the assumed policy direction takes a stabilization or transformational orientation.

Using this framework, the author analyzed two subnationals, Lagos and Kano, to demonstrate the complex interplay of politics and policymaking and its influence on economic outcomes. The analyses mainly focused on critical junctures for both states and the resulting policy orientation and outcomes in relation to their contrasting political settlements. Lagos presented itself as a model for economic transformation while Kano a microcosm of Nigeria as it is.

The book concluded with recommendations on how Nigeria’s political settlement can be balanced by institutionalizing “zoning” as a power-sharing agreement, adopting a shared vision for transformation, and addressing market failures while emphasizing the imperative of building a post-oil economy. I find the book very interesting. It presents thought-provoking arguments and indeed updates our mental models on the challenges of economic diversification in Nigeria’s context.

Not that I agree with every postulation. In fact, I can’t entirely agree with the relegation of culture as an outcome of economic development rather than a determinant. Culture precedes economic activities(not to talk of development) in global historical trends, so I believe it cannot be an outcome of what it fundamentally precedes as far as existence is concerned.

As I posited some weeks back (linked), I belong to the school of thought that considers culture as a significant determinant of economic development alongside geography and climate. However, I believe culture itself is a product of nature, geography, climate and the environment.

I believe that at every point in human history, the culture of any people is determined and constituted by a combination of the powerful and inter-generationally persistent ‘cultural legacies’ the people have inherited over time (mostly developed in response to geographical and climatic determinants) and the cultural aspects developed as a result of the influence of [mostly unpleasant] environmental changes and the need to adapt to them.

Hence, I believe nature, geography, climate, and environmental changes determine the cultural compatibility and disposition(positive or negative) of any people towards development. Therefore, I have not seen enough reason to forgo Varoufakis, Gladwell and others on geographical and cultural determinism regarding economic development.

Nonetheless, the book is a masterpiece!

By Haruna Muhammad Inuwa

Nigeria is a great country. A country with great potential and great people. A giant of Africa and, of course, the most populous black country in Africa. Foreigners from other parts of the time – well, for some that have not travelled well – sometimes confuse Africa and Nigeria. This is because they tend to generalise that every black individual coming from Africa is from Nigeria. This is how dominating our great country has been!

In 2018, on March 10, President Muhammadu Buhari launched a national orientation program tagged “Change Begins With Me”. In the speech, he challenged Nigerians to realise that the change they want to see begins with them and that personal and social reforms are not a theoretical exercise. So, he practically says that for a developing country like Nigeria, everyone must get to work and realise their potential for the needed change we have been seeking. This must be a national assignment from Kano to Calabar, Lagos to Maiduguri. 

Embarking on a sacred expedition of bringing change in any society requires one to be passionate about their ideals. They must first identify a problem within. They must be willing to walk the talk. They must be willing to sacrifice a lot of time and resources. They must be believers in the change they wish for. Change is brought about so ordinary people can do extraordinary things. Hence, an ordinary citizen called Engr. Mustapha Habu Ringim founded Engausa Global Tech Hub. 

The Engausa model emerged as a one-size-fits-all solution in a society with system-wide problems. However, the approach is more interesting because it is skill-driven. Engausa Hub aims to empower these youths with digital skills in a community with battalions of unemployed youths. Engausa advocates teaching digital skills using home-based languages for accessible communication and understanding. From the city of Kano, Engausa Global Tech Hub is becoming a focal point of attraction to many university graduates, undergrads, Almajiris, and even those with natural talent and innovative ideas to be developed, managed or commercialised.

The Engausa story is inspiring because it centres on shaping the way things work and changing the narratives of our society. All thanks to the relevant authorities, who support the innovative activities of the Engausa Hub, the National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA) and Technology Incubation Centre Kano. During the recent graduation of 1353 students who were rigorously trained in programming, video editing, blogging, graphics design and software development, social media literacy, and digital marketing, the DG of NITDA, Kashifu Inuwa, happily commended Engausa Global Tech Hub for this significant paradigm shift in the digital ecosystem.

Engausa Global Tech Hub thrives on breaking barriers and bridging gaps. So far, the hub has graduated over 1700 technology apprentices with over 50 innovation-driven enterprises owned and managed by the Engausa graduates. Statistically, the hub is turning into a school where you don’t need a college degree before earning a living. Many Engausa graduates are now managing their business; others work in private sectors or are independently freelancing.

Engausa Global Tech Hub seeks collaboration and partnership to expand its operations to other northern Nigerian states because a generational change can only be actualised.

Haruna Muhd Inuwa wrote from Lagos via diamondmuhd@yahoo.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

I believe that the government are entirely to blame for the incessant ASUU strike. This is because it’s their responsibility to provide all that the ASUU members need and pay them handsomely. The government should look into this so long as they want the development of this country. It’s widely known that if there are no teachers in the nation, there will be nothing in that nation but quite a bunch of problems. And ignorance will continue to increase rapidly — which we are not praying for.

A popular saying has it that “Teachers are the backbone of the society”. So, if this is true, why won’t they be respected by all and sundry?

Whoever knows how negatively this strike affects the students (the biggest victims), he would sympathise with them.

“Education is the passport to the future, for tomorrow belongs to those who prepare for it today.” This Malcolm X’s saying implies how bleak our future is!

Truth be voiced out, I completely don’t know the specific role those politicians, who are elected as the leaders of our dear country play in their respective offices. This is because they reluctantly failed to offer a helping hand to the students of public universitie out of the mess they are in. Why are they acting like this? Is it because of the fact that most of their children are not studying here in Nigeria, but rather abroad? In other words, is it they are not part of the victims of all this menacing issue? The answer is ‘yes’ I guess!

Indeed, we should pay attention to this issue. It’s clear now that there is no any public university student that is not affected negatively. For example: a student who supposed to have graduated since last year, as written on his/her ID card, is unfortunately still in the same position. Although I’m a higher level student, frankly speaking, it baffles me whenever I think about this. Why is our country like this for goodness sake?

The government should, therefore, do the needful and fulfill the demands of the ASUU members for the strike to stop. We hold the government responsible for whatever happen to us, our behaviour, our wellbeing and our development. They should also remember that we are also their children and one day, we may become leaders of the country and their children and other family members may be under our care!

By Fatima Usman

The saying, “when two elephants fight, the grass gets to suffer,” is nothing but a fact. But unfortunately, in the case of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and the federal government (FG), the students are always at the receiving end, and students suffer the consequences of the fight.

At last, ASUU members will get paid and return to classes. What then happens to the students?

In 2020, when ASUU embarked on a strike that lasted for a good nine months coupled with COVID19, what did the students get in return after everything? Nothing! We only got expired rent, a disrupted academic calendar, and some items stolen from our various lodges.

After the 2020 strike, we never knew that another bigger one would await us soon. However, on February 14, 2022, another strike loomed again with the same demands the government failed to fulfil for nine months. This time around, only God knows our fate; five months strike and still counting, yet no positive response.

The Federal Government does not care about whether the poor masses get a quality education. They deny us our right to education by not providing enough equipment that students are supposed to use, not enough classes for lectures, and the teachers do not get well paid.

The ASUU strike has done more harm than good to the students. Some students don’t always get to serve their father’s land due to the age limit placed on NYSC. Once a student is 30 years they can no longer go for the one-year compulsory service. So many disadvantages come with embarking on this strike.

Because of these endless strikes by ASUU and the negligence of the Federal Government, we now have more cybercrime everywhere (Yahoo-Yahoo!), and some girls are now into prostitution as a means of survival.

We want to be compensated too after everything by increasing the age limit one can do the one-year compulsory service if we can’t get other compensation. At least this should be done.

Fatima Usman is a 300-level student of mass communication at IBB University, Lapai. She can be reached via usmanfatima499@gmail.com.

By Dr Raji Bello

The past few years have witnessed a gradual emergence of references in public commentary and social media to a potential or actual rupture of relations between Hausa and Fulani groups in the Northwest geopolitical zone of Nigeria. Prior to this, the two groups had enjoyed a largely harmonious relationship for much of their history which was only punctuated during the period of the establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate.

Since Nigeria came into being at the turn of the 20th century, conflict between the two groups was limited to occasional farmer/herder disputes. While the region has distinct Hausa (majority) and Fulani (minority) communities in the rural areas, the urban centres tend to have mostly mixed populations united by the Hausa language and Islam, which eliminates the possibility of ethnic conflict.

The idea of Hausa/Fulani antagonism began to emerge several years ago in the commentaries of individuals from outside the North like Femi Fani-Kayode and Nnamdi Kanu who relished in promoting it as a potential tool for undermining northern hegemony, as they saw it. But recent developments in the Northwest like the emirship succession in Kano and Zazzau, and the violent conflict between rural Fulani and Hausa vigilante groups as well as the wave of banditry against local communities by Fulani elements has created narratives of Hausa/Fulani conflict among northerners themselves.

As we acknowledge this new reality, it is also important to recognise that there are two strands of these narratives out there and the motives of those who articulate each of them are different. I will group them into non-extremist and extremist narratives.

Non-extremist narratives

These are propagated by ordinary Hausa citizens who are concerned by what they see as the continued suppression of Hausa identity and prestige as well as threats to the security of Hausa communities in parts of the Northwest as a result of banditry. They hold an unfavourable view of the existence of exclusively Fulani traditional ruling dynasties in Hausa-dominated emirates like Kano, Katsina, and Zazzau which were established when the Sokoto Caliphate came into being over 200 years ago. They object to the references that are often made to the Fulani heritage of the emirs (although I believe that this is not done out of ethnic chauvinism but because of a need for historical accuracy). These are concerns that the state governments in the Northwest can engage, with a view to introducing reforms that would assuage negative feelings and lead to a more harmonious society.

Traditional institutions play a vital role in preserving our heritage but for some segments of society, they may also be permanent reminders of an unpalatable past. It is the responsibility of modern day governments to ensure that they strike a balance between the two i.e. preserving heritage while not alienating some segments of society.

Reforms could be introduced that would formally recognise and integrate the legacies of the pre-Caliphate Hausa emirs. Like a contributor Aliyu Ammani has suggested in a Daily Trust article, Hausa ruling houses could be included as contenders during succession to the emirships; our governors are fond of creating new emirates where they didn’t exist before and therefore, they should not find it difficult to create new ruling houses within the existing emirates. The Sokoto state government may also consider elevating the status of the Sarkin Gobir of Sabon Birni – the ancient Hausa kingdom of Gobir being the epicentre of the Sokoto Jihad.

Governments have a duty to recognise and preserve heritage holistically; the heritage of some segments of society should not be elevated over those of others in a post-Caliphate and post-colonial nation state. This is a recipe for entrenching communal tension and possible conflict. The Northwest governments should collectively nip these emerging issues in the bud and not allow them to fester and grow into major problems in the future.

I expect some readers to either say that these suggestions are too radical or that they will be impossible to implement. I’m used to hearing this from reform-shy Nigerians who like things to remain just as they are even when the existing situation is pushing us towards the edge of the cliff.

The second cause for concern is, of course, the ongoing wave of banditry against local Hausa communities in many parts of the Northwest in which Fulani elements are major actors. However, this is not primarily an ethnic conflict; if communities that have lived in peace for generations are now locked in violent conflict we need to scratch below the surface to find the actual causes.

The banditry is a symptom of the failure of governance at various levels. Even a report commissioned by the Zamfara state government (the MD Abubakar-led committee) has alluded to that by indicting former governors, top government officials, traditional rulers and members of the security services. There are chronic issues with agricultural land management, law enforcement capacity, corruption and maladministration by local officials and traditional rulers.

The lack of a long term plan by successive federal and state governments for transitioning nomadic pastoralists to modern and sustainable livelihoods is itself an evidence of leadership failure. While people are entitled to show concern about the apparent ethnic divide in the conflict, it is clear that it is not fundamentally an ethnic one.

Extremist narratives

These are deeply inciting and apocalyptic portrayals of the state of Hausa/Fulani relations in the Northwest which are propagated on the internet by people with no apparent desire for peaceful co-existence. Their aim seems to be to incite a major upheaval in order to undermine the fabric of society. They are a faceless mix of anarchists, genocide entrepreneurs and probably, people with a religious agenda. They often start their narratives by depicting the arrival of the Fulani in Hausa land hundreds of years ago as an invasion, then portray Usman Danfodio as the original Fulani bandit leader before dwelling on their favourite topic of interrogating the validity of Hausa-Fulani as a descriptive term for a segment of the population of the Northwest. They hide behind a veneer of seductive Hausa ethnic nationalism but their true agenda is to engineer maximum disruption in the Northwest which they hope would serve their interests.

There is a YouTube site and a Facebook page dedicated to the project (yes, it does appear to be a well-funded project) and I have viewed a few of their videos. Some of the voices on the videos bear distinct Nigerien accents (with French-influenced pronunciations) and some of their messages give a hint that they are non-Muslim Hausas. One of the voices called for unity among Hausa people of all faiths – Muslim, Christian and pagan to confront the Fulani threat, as they saw it. From my knowledge of northern Nigerians, it is very unlikely that a Hausa Muslim Nigerian would call for unity between Hausa Muslims and Hausa pagans considering how paganism is viewed in Islam. A Hausa individual who makes this call is likely to be a non-Muslim. And if those behind the extremist messages on the internet are non-Muslim Hausas, the question arises about whether they are working for a religious agenda or not. By saying “non-Muslim Hausas” I’m not necessarily alluding to the Hausa Christian community; there are also a small but assertive number of Hausa atheists and modern day pagans who are not necessarily enamoured of the prevailing order in Northwest society. If anyone feels that I’m being alarmist here, they should visit the YouTube channel of Jaruma Hausa Tv and listen to the messages themselves.

Conclusion

Authorities in the Northwest need to face the new reality of tension and misgivings between the hitherto harmonious communities of Hausa and Fulani. There are issues that are germane (the exclusivist Caliphate traditional dynasties in some of the Northwest emirates and the ongoing banditry) behind the new unease in ethnic relations which need to be actively addressed, in order to re-establish harmony. But it should also be recognised that not all those who are currently pushing narratives of Hausa/Fulani conflict or Hausa nationalism on the internet are working for peaceful co-existence. Some of them are merely exploiting contemporary issues in the Northwest to achieve their own dark agenda.

By Hamisu Hassan

Terminus Modern Market Jos was closed down in 2002 after a mysterious inferno that engulfed the market in the middle of the night and destroyed more than 270 shops and warehouses with goods estimated in billions of Nairas. The market was a source of livelihoods to business operators, traders and companies within and outside the State. It was also a source of huge revenues to the Plateau State Government.

Recently, there’s memorandum of understanding between Ja’iz Bank and Plateau State Government to rebuild the market for the state at no cost to the State Government. It is very clear after exactly 20 years of closing the market, Plateau State Government either have no intention to rebuild it or have no resources to rebuild the market again. It’s unfortunate, saboteurs and haters have started appearing from obvious quarters to halt the government actions against rebuilding the market. To them, the market should not be repaired by Jaiz. This is ridiculous and amazing at the same time. But some questions which always come to my mind are, is the government really ready to strike the deal? Also, is the governor afraid of some powerful forces, to the extent that they have to agree before the work sees the light of the day?

Plateau State is one of the parasitic states in Nigeria that depends heavily on monthly federal interventions. It has no sources of revenue and no magic to earn more apart from the federal allocation. The pungent, acrid taste of any Plateau State Governor is either to pay wages at the end of the month and forgo infrastructures or engaged in infrastructures and forgo salaries. That’s why the state of development in the state in terms of infrastructures is stagnant and static for good 20 years.

I recently have one on one chat with one of the governorship flag bearer’s of a certain party of the state. I asked him his plans about building infrastructures in the state. He bared his mind and told me that unless Plateau State devices ways of generating more revenues, no magic can be done to have infrastructures in the state. 

The Governorship contender said that the State is already heavily indebted to the tune of ₦100 billion Naira. The  loans obtained for building Secretariat Junction flyover isn’t settled yet. When the American Junction flyover would be completed, Plateau State would be indebted to the tune of ₦170 billion Naira. Which obviously means the windows for giving loans to Plateau State would be closed. My investigation discovered that the domestic profile of Plateau State 2018 was ₦122 billion Naira.

The reality in the face of Plateau State is very glaring. Plateau has to accept the reality and bow out of the ethnic and religious sentiments that held her neck for decades or lag behind the wheels of misfortunes. It is sad to see this giant state with abundant idle resources and opportunities, such as those of tourism, mineral resources, underground water, business environments, most serene and favorable weather conditions, sufficient rainfall for agricultural and more, but these have become clogs behind its wheels.

Note: It’s my fear that Plateau State Government is fun of playing political fantasy of setting interest in the state during every election to gain more votes but it has no real intention of rebuilding the market in oder not to go out of favors for some myopic interests. But the truth is, the market is a milking cow for the revenue bloc of the state. Being pragmatic in decision making will not augur well for anyone at the helm of affairs. As they said, a stitch in time, saves nine.

Hamisu Hassan is socio political and economic analyst from Jos South, Plateau State. He can be reached via hamisuhassan@yahoo.com

By Ibrahim Ahmad Kala, LL.M

“NDLEA seizes 48,000 Tramadol tabs, 22 UK, France, Portugal passports” – Punch, January, Monday 31st, 2022;

“NDLEA arrests Indian businessman for ‘smuggling 134,700 bottles of codeine”- The Cable of February 13, 2022;

“NDLEA Nabs Suspected Drug Baron Behind N3bn Tramadol Linked To Abba Kyari’s Team” – Channel news, Monday, April 25, 2022.

“NDLEA seizes 1.1 tonnes of Tramadol, 396 kg of codeine syrup in Kaduna” – NewsDirect -April 28, 20220;

“NDLEA uncovers N22bn worth of Tramadol after arrest of Abba Kyari’s accomplice” – Daily Nigeria May 3, 2022; and

“NDLEA Seizes 34,950 Tramadol, Diazepam Capsules Enroute To Boko Haram” – Daily trust, Saturday 5th June, 2021.

The above are some of the recent striking headlines that often hit the news stands in both the online and mainstream media in respect of the Federal Government effort to arrest the rampant abuse of what are termed as “controlled” or “restricted” over-the- Counter (OTC) drugs in the country.

According to Wikipedia, OTC drugs are medicines sold directly to a consumer without a requirement for a prescription from a healthcare professional, as opposed to prescription drugs, which may be supplied only to consumers possessing a valid prescription.

Such OTC drugs include Codeine, Tramadol, Diazepam and all other Analgesics within their genre. The 2020 Nigeria Essential Medicines List, 7th Edition issued by the Hon. Minister of Health, Dr. Ehanire Osagie, restricts the usage of such Narcotic analgesics.

Their restrictions is no doubt connected with their common abuse nowadays in various ways that range from abortion ro sexual enhancement, from halluscination to crimes aiding tranquilizers.

It is therefore, evident that these OTC drugs have outlived their usefulness because of the growing number of Nigerians involved in the production, distribution, its use and abuse, and its consequencal effects such as increase in the likelihood of violent behavior and crime, stroke, mental disorder and brain damage.

However, the drugs control laws and policy have not produced the desired result of curbing the production, trafficking and abuse of these dangerous drugs and substances. To be specific, all these OTC drugs which are mostly Narcotic analgesics being usually prescribed by medical officers for the treatment of mild and severe pain to patients across the country, but now abused by unscrupulous few in the society, have not been clearly proscribed, criminalized, banned, and or outlawed.

The Minister, via his administrative fiat or directive, merely restrict and controlled its sale and usage. The ineffectiveness of the country’s drug laws and policy may be attributed to several factors one of which is that the drug policy and laws are formulated and implemented without the benefit of rigorous knowledge, research and review on them, and their effective enforcement.

For instance, the highbrow grains of Section 19 of the NDLEA Act, Cap. N30, LFN, 2004 – the principal drugs legislation where most drugs charges in courts basically drive its validity and vitality provides as follows: “Any person who, without lawful authority, knowingly possesses the drugs popularly known as cocaine, LSD, heroine or any other similar drugs shall be guilty of an offence under this Act and liable on conviction to be sentenced to imprisonment for a term not less than fifteen years and not exceeding 25 year”.

This section, as faulty and inadequate as it is, has been X-rayed by Nigerian Courts in plethora of cases, exposing the futile attempt by the NDLEA to bring within its fold, such Narcotic analgesics in the category of Tramadol, Diazepam and Codeine that do not fall within the category of negative drugs popularly known as cocaine, LSD, heroine within the ejesdem rule of “or any other similar drugs” stated in section 19 of the NDLEA Act.

This indeed, serves as escape route for drugs cartels to go unpunished in the aftermath of their trial in such drugs related cases. That is why whenever I see these headlines that a person is arrested in possession of these so called “controlled” or “restricted” drugs, I shrug in disapproval, having known very well that such person(s) would never be found guilty of what has never been criminalized in the country.

That section 19 of the Act seems to have created micro elements of the drugs offence, apart from the basic criminal elements of actus reus and mens rea. Namely: i. being knowingly in possession; ii. Without lawful authority; and iii. The drug being confirmed a prohibited or controlled drug. See Ugochukwu v. FRN (2016) LPELR – 40785 (CA).

These micro essential elements of the offence were later held in Eze v. FRN (2018) LPELR – 46112 (CA) to be four, namely; 1. The Defendant was found in possession; 2. The Defendant possess the drugs without lawful authority; 3. The Defendant has the knowledge of the substance in possession to be drugs; and 4. The drugs are proved to be cocaine, LSD, heroin or any similar drugs. See also Ugwanyi V. FRN (2013) All FWLR (Pt. 662) 1655 @ p. 1664.

However, such bifurcation of the ingredients from 3 to 4 is understandably for more elaboration, which does not wear away the substance and efficacy of the section under the Act. These ingredients have to be proved conjunctively to sustain a charge against the Defendant under the Act.

The one that is vital to my point among these micro elements, is “the drug being confirmed a prohibited or controlled drug” or “the drugs are proved to be cocaine, LSD, heroin or any similar drugs.”

This particular element embedded in section 19 of the Act was espoused in the case of Emeka Eze v. FRN (supra). Here the Appellant had made his way to Jimeta Modern Market to collect a consignment of goods comprising of 4 cartons of Tramadol. In the process of evacuating the goods, he was confronted by the officers of NDLEA, who, acting on information, arrested him and seized the cartons.

He was later charged under section 19 of NDLEA Act, but he argued that Tramadol has not been criminalized in Nigeria. While agreeing with the Appellant, the court held that Tramadol does not fall within the ejusdim genre classes of “any other similar drugs” negative to the ones such as cocaine, heroine and LSD listed under section 19 of the NDLEA Act, and the fact that it’s been abused by unscrupulous few people in the society does make its possession and usage illegal.

A drug being merely controlled or restricted without more is not illegal. Consequently, the Appellant was discharged and acquitted.

All I am saying is that category of narcotic analgesics such as Tramadol, Diazepam and Codeine that bring more harm than relief to our youths should be specifically banned and criminalized in the country having outlived their usefulness. New alternatives may be offered that have little or no narcotic effects on the health and well-being of the citizens.

Indeed, the essence of this piece is to celebrate the International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, or World Drug Day, though belated, which was marked on 26th June every year, to strengthen action and cooperation in achieving the goal of a world free of drug abuse.

Ibrahim Ahmad Kala, LL.M can be reached via Ibrokalaesq@gmail.com

By Hamza Muhammad Tasiu 

Let’s imagine this: 

You are a young mother. You leave Kaduna a few days earlier for a task in Abuja. After finishing the task, you call your husband and tell him that you will be coming back and that he should buy your best food from your best restaurant for you. You tell him how badly you miss him. You tell him that you’ve bought his favourite perfume for him. You even tell him that he should tell your little daughter that you have bought her a special present from Abuja.

And given that this is the first time you go to Abuja, you tell him that you have a lot of stories from the nation’s capital. So you stop and buy your mother apples and pineapples on your way to the train station. You also buy a new shirt for the Almajiri that runs errands for you.

You leave Idu station at 6 pm and are scheduled to arrive at Kaduna’s Rigasa train station by 8 pm. On the train, you say salaam to the other occupants and shake their hands. You smile at a little girl, and she smiles back. Her cute smile injects you with a dose of happiness you’ve not felt in a long time. The woman sitting next to you is an elderly woman in her late 60s. She looks like your mother. She starts a conversation, and, before long, you feel at home with her. You talk about a lot of things with her. You talk about the month of Ramadan and how you plan to spend it. You even tell her your readiness to fast throughout Ramadan as your ulcer seems to become dormant lately. She complains that she cannot fast as she is on medication. She says she will fast after finishing her drugs. 

Not more than 30 minutes into your journey, that woman now seems like someone you have known for many years. Amidst the exciting conversation you are having, she suddenly falls asleep. You want to continue the conversation but feel it uncourteous to wake her up from sleep. You allow her to continue sleeping. Before long, you also get overpowered by sleep due to the exhaustion from your work in Abuja. Suddenly, you wake up to the sounds of explosions and gunshots. In what seems like the twinkle of an eye, all the unlucky passengers are rounded up by the terrorists. They rain all sorts of abuse on you and force you to walk for tens of kilometres on foot in the bush.

Days have now become months, and you are still under the pharaonic care of these terrorists. You look at that older woman, and you feel sorry for her. Her health is deteriorating as she does not have the drugs that she takes three times a day. She often tells you in the night: “Zan mutu ‘ya ta. Ga ruwa, ga sauro, ga yunwa, ga duka, ga jinya. Ba zan iya ba. Karfi na ya kare!” But you give her words of encouragement and ask her to keep on, promising her that God will bring help.

Your comments seem to boost her spirit. She says to you: “Allah Ya miki albarka ‘ya ta. Da ba dan ke ba, da bansan inda zan sa kaina ba.” As soon as she closes her mouth, one of the terrorists says to her: “Idan ba kiyi shiru ba hajiya, zan zane ki wallahi! Kar kiga shekarun ki, yanzu zakiyi kuka wallahi! Kin manta dukan da aka muku da safe koh?” 

The elderly woman then says, somehow inaudibly: “Ya Allah ka saka mana. Ka mana hisabi da wadanda suka daurawa kansu nauyin kare mu amma suka banzantar da nauyin da suka daurawa kan su, amin.” As if someone has put her on a speaker, all the kidnapped victims say, “amin” in a resounding voice. The terrorists then descend on them, beating them mercilessly, saying: “Mu zaku hada da Allah? Wallahi zamu kashe ku gaba daya! Matsiyata kawai! Tsinannu! Idan ba a bamu kudi ba, wallahi sai mun kashe ku duka! Wahalallun banza! Dangin matsiyata!” You become angry because of the abuses they rain on you because you are someone your people highly respect, but then you remember there’s nothing you could do.

Back at home, your little daughter has been waiting for you for more than 100 days! All she can do is to pray to Allah to rescue you. She often tells her father: “Baba ni na hakura da present din, kawai ni mama nake so na gani. Dan Allah ka dawo da ita!” The father goes into his room and cries because there’s nothing he can do. He raises his hands in prayer: “Verily, the most helpless of people are those that are unable to ask for Your help. We ask for Your help regarding these servants. Rescue them, Ya Allah!

If this story touches you, then wait a minute and reflect on what the kidnapped victims are going through. Think of what their families are going through after watching that video. It’s devastating, to say the least. May God rescue them! The leadership has failed them!

Hamza Muhammad Tasiu 

By Abdurrazak Muktar Makarfi

Maternal mortality is one of the devastating and heartbroken issues, especially in Africa, where we have many unqualified and fake health personnel, which leads to such menace. In the community where I belong, we don’t value ante-natal. Many think it is not that important; some consider it a waste of time, resources and energy.

Most times, lack of awareness to some people is negligence and ignorance to many. I once heard someone saying, how could I allow my wife to deliver in hospital while she’s fit and healthy? I don’t blame him even once because our health personnel’s attitude discourages many people from going to the hospital for ante-natal.

The attitude of health personnel in the hospital is absurd. I sometimes feel like absconding whenever I hear a nurse screaming and yelling at pregnant women; some even raise their hands to beat them! This happens at the time of delivery, which makes it more unfortunate.

Government, religious leaders, community elders and traditional rulers advocate that daughters must be educated, especially in the health sector, where we are lacking. However, to my dismay, when they are, they turn black eyes and become arrogant by yelling at women to show they are superior. Some of those they shout at are old enough to be their grandmothers. What a shock!

On the other hand, research has shown that 99% of maternal deaths occur in developing countries, but why? It may be because of the complications that occur during pregnancy and childbirth. Most of the complications can be managed, but the woman may end up dying due to a lack of skilful health personnel.

Furthermore, most maternal deaths are caused by the following: Severe-bleeding (mostly bleeding after childbirth), which can kill a healthy woman within hours if left unattended. Injecting oxytocin immediately after childbirth effectively reduces the risk of bleeding.

Infection after childbirth can be eliminated if good hygiene is practised and early signs of infection are recognised and treated promptly.

Pre-eclampsia should be detected and appropriately managed before the onset of convulsions (eclampsia)and other life-threatening complications. Administering drugs such as magnesium sulphate can prevent pregnant women from developing eclampsia.

Poverty-stricken women living in remote and slum areas are least unlikely to receive adequate health care; this is likely my region where we have a low number of skilled health workers.

Cultural practices: These are the things like local surgeries (episiotomy called “yankan gishiri” in Hausa) done by traditional birth attendants without or with inadequate knowledge about the birth canal. They remove the vulva and vaginal, causing damage to some tissues resulting in fistula formation and easily causing infection, which may lead to maternal mortality.

I hope my people will heed some of the things I mentioned as the direct or indirect causes of maternal mortality, i.e. death of a woman while pregnant or within forty-two (42) days after delivery.

Abdurrazak Muktar Makarfi wrote via prof4true1@gmail.com.