Opinion

By Mukhtar Jarmajo 

As you settle into your new role, it is important to shed light on an issue of paramount importance – the urgent need for Nigeria to prioritise affordable housing. With a staggering housing deficit of 28 million homes, requiring a colossal 21 trillion Naira in financing, it is crucial that our nation focuses its efforts on closing this gap to unlock the potential of our people and propel Nigeria towards prosperity.

Affordable housing stands as a critical linchpin in our ambitious plans for national development. It serves as a foundation upon which countless other facets of progress are built – from socioeconomic stability to individual well-being and sustainable growth. By addressing the housing deficit head-on, we simultaneously embark on a journey towards alleviating poverty, creating jobs, and sparking economic growth in our dear nation.

The current deficit poses daunting challenges that cannot be ignored. Millions of our fellow Nigerians find themselves without decent shelter, perpetuating a grave cycle of despair and limited opportunity. High rental costs and inadequate housing options place an unnecessary burden on citizens’ shoulders, hindering their potential and choking the nation from realising its full potential.

To address these pressing realities, it is paramount that we employ a multi-faceted approach. Our strategies must involve collaboration with key stakeholders, including the public and private sectors, cooperatives, and international organisations experienced in addressing housing deficits. Together, we can forge a path forward that paves the way for the creation of safe, affordable, and sustainable communities throughout Nigeria.

As the new Minister of Housing, your visionary leadership shall play an instrumental role in translating our collective aspirations into concrete action plans. By working closely with your colleagues in government, you have the power to mobilise resources, devise innovative financing models, and develop policies that holistically address the housing crisis. Embracing public-private partnerships, streamlining regulations, and implementing tax incentives for affordable housing developers are just a few promising avenues we must explore.

Furthermore, we must foster an environment that encourages research and development in housing construction methods, materials, and technologies. Technology-driven solutions can not only enhance the speed and efficiency of housing construction but also reduce costs, making affordable housing a more attainable reality for millions of Nigerians. Embracing sustainability and environmentally friendly practices must be at the forefront of our efforts, ensuring that future generations can thrive in a clean and robust nation.

By diligently championing these efforts, we can envision a Nigeria where every citizen has access to a safe and secure home. This, in turn, will drastically improve health outcomes, enhance educational opportunities, and empower our people to participate in the nation’s growth and development actively. From the densely populated urban centres to the farthest reaches of our rural landscapes, affordable housing shall serve as the catalyst for levelling the playing field and driving collective progress.

Honourable Minister, this is your moment to leave an indelible mark on Nigeria’s history. With your unwavering commitment to the urgent cause of affordable housing, we can bridge the 28 million housing deficit and nurture a thriving society. Seize this opportunity, rally the nation’s resources, and build a brighter future where affordable housing is no longer a dream but a tangible reality for all Nigerians.

Jarmajo is the CEO of Greenturf Architects. 

By Ishaka Mohammed

In 2019, the University of Lagos (UNILAG) honoured Oluwaseyi Ajibade as the best PhD graduate of the year. Interestingly, 13 years earlier, he had graduated with a third-class bachelor’s degree in mechanical engineering from Lagos State University (LASU). His story exemplifies persistence.

Although Dr Oluwaseyi Ajibade’s story became news due to his exceptional performance at the PhD level, there are other third-class graduates around who proceed to obtain higher academic degrees. I recently met one, and he discussed his academic journey and an unfortunate situation with me.

His third-class bachelor’s degree necessitated his acquisition of a postgraduate diploma (PGD) before he enrolled in a Master’s programme. He received his PhD in 2020.

In addition to his academic qualifications and publications in reputable journals, he is an experienced teacher who once became vice-principal in a public school.

However, his weak first degree has so far blocked his aspiration to lecture at university. Two Nigerian universities have pointed this out to him, making reference to the minimum requirements set by the National Universities Commission (NUC).

The above revelation is akin to being denied admission to higher institutions because of one’s poor grades in primary school. I understand that a first-class or an upper second-class bachelor’s degree is a requirement for the position of graduate assistant in Nigerian universities, but the man’s case is different. Apart from his PGD and master’s degree, he also holds a PhD, the highest academic degree in Nigeria.

If his rejection is genuinely based on the NUC’s standards, the commission must review its standards. Aspiring lecturers’ previous qualifications should be checked only to ascertain a connection to the latest ones. Nonetheless, the grades in the latest qualifications may be considered a testament to the holders’ intellectual capacity.

By Muhammad Muzdaleefa

The resurgence of military coups is thwarting Africa’s democratic journey. The recent coup d’état in Niger, which saw the ousting of President Mohamed Bazoum by the military, has not only shaken the stability of the country but has also laid bare the divisions and weaknesses within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It has also exposed a wide cleavage between citizens of member countries and their governments on ECOWAS policy on Niger. 

As far as one can read the mood without the aid of a proper poll, support for military action against Niger would probably be less than 10 per cent across the region. In Niger, news footage suggests that the public is more solidly against ECOWAS military intervention. Somewhat or otherwise, the mainstream media and social media comments show deep scepticism about ECOWAS’ direction and intentions. Many, if not most, commentators believe that the West, especially France and the US, are behind the ECOWAS drive towards a military solution in Niger.

This has led to resentment, especially in the Francophone countries, where the citizens point out that ECOWAS has been silent at draconian French exploitation of their resources continuing long after independence.

One of the glaring weaknesses exhibited by ECOWAS in response to the Niger coup is its lack of unity and consistency among member states.

While some countries strongly condemned the coup and called for a swift return to civilian rule, others remained relatively silent, seemingly hesitant to take a decisive stance. This lack of a united front weakens the regional body’s influence and diminishes its ability to address such crises effectively.

Another aspect that has been brought to the forefront is ECOWAS’s flawed diplomatic approach. Despite constituting a mediation committee to engage with the coup leaders and negotiate a resolution, ECOWAS failed to halt the coup or achieve a viable solution. The committee’s lack of leverage and the limited consequences the perpetrator’s face have raised questions about the efficacy of diplomatic efforts and the regional body’s influence over military leaders.

ECOWAS has often resorted to imposing economic sanctions to exert pressure and resolve political crises. However, the effectiveness of such measures in addressing coups has been questionable. The reliance on economic sanctions has a limited impact, particularly in countries with weak economies and high poverty levels like Niger. 

The recent example of Mali, where sanctions failed to bring about meaningful change after a military coup, highlights the need a more comprehensive and proactive approach by ECOWAS. The situation has become even grimmer, with Russia increasingly stepping in to provide short-term assistance to cushion the effects of the sanctions against coup countries, which appear to have exchanged the influence of France with that of Russia.

What is worse is the fact that the Niger crisis has also highlighted ECOWAS’s inability to identify and address underlying issues that lead to political instability. This failure to take pre-emptive measures further exposes weaknesses within the organisation. Since ECOWAS gave an ultimatum to Niger, citizens in ECOWAS countries have voiced their disapproval against any military action, mainly because ECOWAS lacks the moral authority to send troops into Niger.

Many commentators have pointed out failure within member countries as a significant contributing factor undermining ECOWAS’s intentions. Some West African governments are dynasties, flawed elections taint others, while some have repressed their countries’ media and opposition parties. 

What principles does an ECOWAS military intervention in Niger seek to establish, and are they all practised in the countries that will impose them by force of arms in Niger? If democracy is essential to ECOWAS, it has to ensure that the complete panoply of democratic principles is firmly in place in all member countries. It cannot pick and choose. Therefore, to safeguard democracy, ECOWAS should invest more proactively in conflict prevention mechanisms, addressing socio-economic disparities, and promoting good governance across member states. 

Timely intervention in electoral processes, strengthening democratic institutions, and promoting dialogue are crucial steps towards avoiding crises before they occur. In addition, ECOWAS must develop a robust apparatus to communicate with citizens across the entire subcontinent and carry out programmes that promote dialogue between citizens and between citizens and governments. 

Does public opposition to military action signal a higher tolerance for military coups in West Africa? That is a difficult question, but there is no doubt that people have generally become disenchanted with the Western democratic model, given that poverty and lack of opportunity continue to be entrenched. At the same time, politicians are seen as opportunists who are in it for themselves. However, none of this can be interpreted to mean that people in West Africa prefer military regimes.

Significantly, however, the coup in Niger has exposed the leadership vacuum within ECOWAS. While the organisation has made progress in promoting regional integration and economic development, its political leadership role has been less pronounced. ECOWAS needs robust leadership capable of decisive action in times of crisis, backed by a clear framework and mechanisms that discourage power grabs and protect democratic systems.

The coup in Niger has exposed the weaknesses, divisions, and inconsistencies within ECOWAS. The regional body’s lack of unity, ineffective diplomacy, reliance on economic sanctions, inadequate pre-emptive measures, and leadership vacuum have hindered its ability to respond effectively to political instability. The regional body’s response to the coup has showcased its challenges in effectively addressing political crises, highlighting the need for a more cohesive and proactive approach to preserving democracy in the region.

To strengthen ECOWAS and protect democracy in the region, there is an urgent need for member states to forge a unified front, strengthen conflict prevention mechanisms, explore diplomatic alternatives, and foster strong leadership committed to preserving democratic values. Without addressing these fundamental issues, the fragile democratic gains achieved in West Africa may remain at risk, allowing further regional divisions and challenges to promote peace and stability.

Muzdaleefa wrote from Kaduna via mohammedadamu736@gmail.com.

By Bello Hussein Adoto

A few days after someone glibly told me that the grass was greener in Nigeria, a young medical doctor Dr Diaso Vwaere was crushed to death in an elevator accident at the General Hospital in Odan, Lagos State.

Netizens and other persons who have worked at the hospital said they complained about the malfunctioning elevator for years, but the management did nothing tangible to address it. So the young female doctor, with two weeks to complete her housemanship, took the elevator to retrieve a dispatch—a food package—on the ground floor. She never made it.

I imagine her in the elevator anticipating the food she ordered, salivating, getting ready to devour her food, and returning to her busy schedule as a house officer. I imagine her standing on the elevator, weightless, as it moves.

Then it snapped. Suddenly, the metal box is crashing down from the 10th floor all the way to the ground. Imagine her now in the elevator, weightless, as it falls freely. Imagine her grasp at everything and anything, something to break her fall. Then, bam, it crashed. Imagine her now.

What do you think she would have felt? She was trapped in the rubble. The package she was going to retrieve was less of a worry. Her call can wait. The world can wait. Now, she needed freedom, a way out of the rubble. She needed air. The wreckage is choking.

While in the rubble, time trickled. Seconds must have felt like a decade, minutes like forever. Time trickled. One, two, three… 40 minutes. She was there for 40 minutes before help came. She was out, finally. Ahhh, some relief.

Anyone could have been in that elevator. It could have been a patient, doctor, nurse, relative, or even you, my reader. It could have been a visitor, like the state governor or the CMD. Would this incident have made any difference? I wonder.

A consultant once said it’s better to have a heart attack on the streets of London than in the corridors of a teaching hospital in Nigeria, and I thought that was ridiculous. From what I have seen in recent times, he was not wrong. It is not impossible. We are all at our own’s risk.

Those who should provide the basic oversight at the hospital, from government officials to the hospital management and staff, seem to have other businesses than their jobs. That’s why the elevator could be so bad as to take a life before they consider fixing it. Do we need the president, governor, or minister of health to come and fix it too? What happened to the hospital management?

The elevator accident happened at a hospital big enough to have house officers, ten floors, and elevators. It is a big hospital, indeed, by every standard. Yet there was no blood to rescue Dr Diaso. Some said there was no morphine, emergency supplies, or cotton wool. The last part could have been a stretch, but I have seen resident doctors protest that there was no normal saline, which should be as common as sachet water. Yet…

When patients come to hospitals, and these supplies are not available, and they cannot afford them, they turn on the doctors and nurses that are equally helpless. A soldier beat my friend’s wife, a nurse at Sobi Specialist Hospital, some time ago because she asked him to get delivery packs for his wife’s delivery. Last December, patient relatives at the University of Ilorin Teaching Hospital pinned a doctor to the wall. They beat him because they thought their father was dying and he wasn’t helping. Meanwhile, they were asked to do a test they had yet to do.

These incidents happened in tertiary hospitals where we should expect—sorry, hope—that things are better, where supplies were available for patients to use and pay later. But they aren’t. What is the hope of someone in a rural area?

I wonder what would happen if someone fell off a storey building in Obehira, where I grew up, or Ikuehi, my hometown. What would be their fates? They may have to be referred to the recently built Reference Hospital in Okene. Will they fare any better there?

Back to Dr Diaso, the doctor in the elevator accident. She survived the crash but not the injuries she sustained. She was severely injured and needed blood. “There was no blood available for resuscitation,” wrote the Lagos branch of the Nigerian Medical Association. There she was in the hospital. She had spent 11 months and two weeks on calls, attending to patients, saving lives, unable to be resuscitated because there was no blood. She died. She died in the institution where she served.

They say the grass is greener here. Who is watering the grass?

Bello Hussein sent this piece via bellohussein210@gmail.com.

By Malam MB

On May 25th, 1997, the democratically elected of Sierra Leon, President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, was toppled by Major Johnny Paul Koroma. The development in Sierra Leone disrupted the plans of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) under the leadership of Nigerian Head of State, General Sani Abacha.

ECOWAS pleaded with the Koroma junta to step down but it didn’t budge. General Abacha didn’t shilly-shally, he directed the Nigerian troops under the Economic Community of West African States’ Ceasefire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) to station themselves in and around Freetown (the Sierra Leone’s capital).

Major Johnny Koroma instantly became scared and sought dialogue which gave birth to Conakry Peace Accord on October 23rd, 1997. This Accord called for reinstatement of the legitimate government of President Tejan Kabbah within a period of 6 months.

Major Koroma who expressed his commitment to the Conakry Peace Accord dilly-dallied and that prompted General Abacha to oust him on February 6th, 1998 and reinstate President Tejan Kabbah.

When General Sani Abacha ousted Major Koroma, Nigeria didn’t experience collateral damage or negative implication because it doesn’t share any border with Sierra Leone and it didn’t have Boko Haram and Banditry then.

Today, Nigeria shares border with Niger Republic and our Nigeria that grapples with Boko Haram, Banditry and so much corruption, wants to militarily oust the Nigerien Dictator Abdurramane Omar Tchiani and reinstate the democratically elected President Mohammed Bazoum. Yes! Nigeria has the military strength to defeat Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso but how can President Tinubu contend with collateral damages and proliferation of Boko Haram and Bandits’ activities? I advise that Niger Republic should be sanctioned until the Nigerien people ask Dictator Tchiani to step down. Ah! I ought to ask again, can Tinubu do it like Abacha did?

Malam MB is a Senior Advocate of the Commoners (SAC) and can be reached via: malammb16@gmail.com

Your Excellency, Abba Kabir Yusuf

I hope this message reaches you in good condition. I write this letter to advise you on the teachers whose salaries have been withheld pending their verification and screening of their recruiting processes. We all believe this is for sustaining education quality within the state boundaries. 

It is heartbreaking and adds pain to the people in mourning. The suspended teachers can now be seen as unemployed, leading to a high rate of criminality, a threat to the state’s peace and stability, and creating economic hardship for the state. 

With due respect, Your Excellency Governor, not all suspended teachers are unqualified and incompetent. Most of them obtained National Certificate In Education (NCE), which is requisite for teaching, and we believe in putting everything in place.

I kindly call on the Excellency Governor of Kano State, Abba Kabir Yusuf, and his cabinets for urgent consideration to reinstate the suspended teachers to take a breath of liberty. I hope this message reaches you on time and that you will consider my request.

Thank you for your attention to this matter, and I extend my best wishes to you as you continue leading Kano toward a brighter future.

Yakubu Nasir Khalid

yakubunasirukhalid@gmail.com

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin

Since the return of democracy in Nigeria, successive governments have contemplated removing fuel subsidies. The then government of President Olusegun Obasanjo (OBJ) saw multiple fuel price hikes, from N20 per litre it inherited from the transitional military government to the last unforgettable fuel hike. In 2007, two days before the expiration of his tenure, OBJ jacked up the pump price from 65 to 75 naira per litre.  However, the incoming president Umar Musa Yar’adua returned the honest nest to order.

The subsequent struggle to remove fuel subsidies, perhaps the biggest standoff, came in 2012 during the government of Goodluck Ebele Jonathan (GEJ). Vibrant labour, trade, civil and student unions, and agglomeration of opposition descended on the government for the decision, forcing GEJ to lower the price from the initial N141 to N97 and later in 2015 to 87 naira per litre. The struggle would continue. As soon as President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB) ascended to power, he greeted the public with partial subsidy removal.

PMB took the pump price from the official N87 to N145 before hitting N187 at the end of his tenure. But all out on fuel subsidy removal came during the run-down to the 2023 general election, where all the major presidential candidates dismissed any doubt left on fuel subsidy. They all warned the point black electorates that they would remove fuel subsidies so that President Tinubu would walk the talk even from the inaugural stage. 

The government and subsidy removal activists argue that an unbelievable amount of funds are being poured into the scheme while the national infrastructure languishes in bad condition. The large amount spent on the subsidy has been said to reach this height dubiously, no thanks to inflated numbers by some unscrupulous officials and the diversion of subsidised fuel to neighbouring countries by rogue marketers. To add insult to injury, Nigeria borrows to sustain this counterproductivity. Although this argument is plausible, instead of throwing a baby with the bath water, why not the government sanitise the scheme so that it brings the amount to within its capacity?

Another pro-subsidy removal argument was that only a few rich Nigerians benefit from the subsidy, the poor masses who were the target of the scheme are not benefiting the way it is supposed to. This slogan is challenging to explain to people; which ‘The poor masses are not benefiting the way it is supposed to’? When people can visibly see the effects of the subsidy when they buy fuel. No answer is as crunching as for a Nigerian to enter a filling station, and after purchasing an expensive fuel, he declares, they said we don’t benefit from subsidy!

 GMB and APC supporters have an additional puzzling dilemma to unravel because GMB had outrightly opposed the plan in 2012 when President Goodluck Jonathan mulled the idea of its removal. GMB and other APC chieftains famously proclaimed ‘over their dead bodies’ would they allow it. Meanwhile, by the side of the TV screen, we threw roses at them.

So, one of the top Buharist El-Rufai’s tried to rescue the situation in the aftermath of the then PMB’s backpedal. According to an accidental civil servant: ‘When fact changes, decision changes.’ This was to defend the then PMB decision even though he opposed it earlier. This philosophy convinced me; I said that Elrufai rightly arranged the pieces together. But one of my friends would make my life miserable; he said the same philosophy could also be applied to Jonathan as his reason behind fuel subsidy removal. I became speechless.

The speed with which the marketers change fuel prices immediately after price changes from NNPC (Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation), regardless of what’s in their stock, whether old or new, is perhaps the biggest showdown between the public and marketers. As soon as NNPC announces a new price, marketers countrywide change the price in the blink of an eye. The public argues that since the new price is for the new product, the marketers with the old product should stick to the old price. One Sheik brought this public sentiment to the fore when he calculated the difference between the old and new prices and multiplied that by a presumably large number of litres for one marketer. The profit he got was staggering, about 300 million naira.

I share this public sentiment, and I, too, initially thought the marketers were doing it illegally until Mele Kyari explained it on BBC Hausa Ra’ayi Riga program. According to the NNPC MD, marketers must sell their old products at a new price. This approach enables them to recoup their old investment. For instance, if a marketer had 100 litres, he had to sell them at a new price so that he could buy the same amount, but if he sold them at the old price of N250, he would not be able to buy the same 100 litres of new product at a higher price.

This is a plausible reason from a market viewpoint; what of the masses? Because while the market provides safety measures for marketers, it does not offer the same to the general public, especially the poor. Economics and the related professionals’ expertise are needed here; they should help us balance these conflicting but appealing arguments.

Although it could be too late to cry when the head is chopped off, Nigerian policymakers may need to learn from thermal shock phenomena when it comes to subsidy removal or any government policy implementation.  Thermal shock is a situation a material experiences when exposed to sudden changes in temperature conditions; it can lead to the material cracking or even breaking down. 

Take a glass cup of tea, for instance. If the tea glass cup is scorching and you suddenly put it in cold water to cool the tea inside, the glass may crack or even break depending on the level of the thermal shock, but to cool the tea inside the got glass cup successfully without harming the glass, you apply gradual cooling. First, you put the glass cup in warm water, then gradually reduce the water temperature until it becomes cold; in this way, the tea inside the glass cup can cool without causing any injury to the glass.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin is a doctoral candidate in Chemical Engineering at ABU Zaria, a public affair commentator, and a science writer.

By Kamal Alkasim

For many divorcées, the decision to return to school and pursue their dreams after parting ways with their husbands presents a significant challenge. In this article, we will explore the undeniable transformative power of education and its role in empowering divorcées to build a brighter future for themselves. Through the voices of these resilient women, we will understand the importance of providing them with the opportunity to pursue higher education and break free from the false theories that have hindered their path.

The Transformative Power of Education

Education is a powerful tool that can turn any individual into a star; women are no exception. By prioritising their studies over remarriage, divorcées can equip themselves with knowledge, skills, and confidence to overcome obstacles and shape their destiny. Education serves as the foundation for the development of any society and holds the key to personal and societal growth.

Challenging False Theories

Unfortunately, outdated and false theories surrounding women’s education in tertiary institutions have deterred many from pursuing their dreams. These misconceptions have created barriers for divorcées seeking to return to school. By challenging these beliefs, society can open new opportunities for these women to thrive.

Voices of Empowerment

Through conversations with divorcées who have chosen to pursue their dreams through education, we gain valuable insights into their determination and resilience. One woman shared her regret for not pursuing her studies earlier but expressed optimism about the positive changes education would bring to her future. Another divorcée spoke of her unwavering ambition to gain an education and fulfil her goals despite her challenges.

“If I had known earlier, I would have pursued my studies long ago. But now, this opportunity will bring positive changes to my future. I may have faced some challenges, but with education, I can overcome any obstacle.” – Divorcée.

“My greatest ambition is to gain an education, and after my divorce, I promised myself that I would come back to achieve this goal.” – Divorcée.

“People may judge me based on appearances and talk rubbish, but that won’t deter me. I will mind my own business and study human behaviour. This knowledge will help me solve matrimonial cases and more.” – Divorcée.

Overcoming Judgment and Criticism

Divorcées often encounter judgment and criticism from others, but their determination to succeed remains unshaken. One brave woman acknowledged the judgment she faced but declared her commitment to minding her own business and studying human behaviour to help others in similar situations. These voices exemplify the strength and resolve of divorcées in their pursuit of education.

Empowerment Through Education

Let us join hands in defeating these nonsensical theories and supporting divorcées in their educational journey. By empowering these women with education, we provide them with the tools to overcome obstacles and create a brighter future. Education holds the potential to transform lives and enable divorcées to achieve their dreams without fear or judgment.

Education is a beacon of hope for divorcées seeking to rebuild their lives and pursue their aspirations. By allowing them to learn and grow, society can break down barriers and empower these women to become agents of positive change. Let us recognise the transformative power of education and support divorcées in their quest for knowledge and self-fulfilment. With education as their ally, the future holds boundless opportunities for these strong and determined women.

Kamal Alkasm is writing from Kano.

By Dr. Aliyu U. Tilde

FOR STUDENTS, two days ago I learned about the tragic death of a mother who developed sudden BP after failing to gather enough funds for the last minute registration of her orphan daughter at a federal university in the northwest.

Within a day of illness, the mother died. This got me thinking of means to reduce difficulties for hundreds of thousands of students facing similar challenges on all our campuses. They are well into their courses when the fees were tripled. The students’ loan promised has not taken off and institutions have set deadlines for online registration. Do we sit back as a nation to see the students abandon their studies? No. We must do something. Here are my humble suggestions:

1. Installment payments. Higher institutions should allow old students to spread payments over the remaining sessions of their courses, with the caveat that no student shall sit for a semester exams or be issued his certificate without completing his payment. However, an initial deposit, say 30% of the fee, can be required at the beginning of the session or semester.
2. Students loan: The Special Committee under the CBN which is statutorily empowered to administer the loan should double its effort to enable a quick take off. Remember that the President once said he would like to meet the first set of beneficiaries of the loan in September.
3. Remove Family Earning Cap: The Committee can remove the family earning cap to allow any student to access the loan as the President has ordered.
4. Guarantors: State governments can serve as guarantors for their indigenes instead of individuals.
5. Online application: The Committee can explore digitizing all or part of the application process to reduce stampede at banks and check corrupt practices like extortion of students by officials of institutions and banks.
6. Legislation: To effect these changes, some sections of the Student Loans Act, 2023, need to be amended. This can be expressly done with the cooperation of the National Assembly and the Presidency.

Dr. Aliyu U. Tilde can be reached on Twitter: @Dr_AliyuTilde

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman,

In a newspaper interview, she narrated how the excruciating pain and cost of cancer treatment drove her to sell her valuables. Rosemary Nnamdi said it’s a miracle that she is still alive today. Nnamdi, 33, was diagnosed with the most common form of cancer, breast cancer, in 2019.

The young lady somehow and eventually took a leap of faith and, according to the report, had a single mastectomy – a surgical procedure that involves removing the entire breast. The process was supposed to be complemented by radiotherapy and chemotherapy, which involved killing cells with radiation from elements like uranium and anti-cancer drugs. This she could not afford.

“I started soliciting funds to cover chemotherapy and radiotherapy sessions, but it was never enough. I sold every single property, but it could not cover the sessions recommended by the doctor,” she said.

A revelation in an interview by Dr Adamu Umar, President of the Nigerian Cancer Society (NCS), came to mind after reading the heart-rending report on Rosemary Nnamdi.

During the interview, Dr Umar lamented that over N1.5bn earmarked for cancer treatment in Nigeria has not been accessed by people with the disease. He disclosed that many cancer patients are unaware of the intervention fund known as Cancer Health Fund (CHF), resulting in the inaccessibility of a larger part of the money.

He identified the lack of data to ascertain the actual number of cancer patients in the country as one of the reasons for frustrating the intervention programme.

His revelation was stunning because the World Health Organisation (WHO) estimates that 10 million people die of cancer (a disease in which cells of the body grow uncontrollably at a spot and spread to other parts) annually worldwide and that 70 per cent of these deaths occur in low-to-middle income countries including Nigeria.

In Africa, Mr Walter Mulombo, WHO country representative to Nigeria, said, “Every year, Africa records around 1.1 million new cases of cancer resulting in up to 700,00 deaths.” According to Globocan statistics, in 2020 alone, a staggering 78 899 cancer deaths were recorded in Nigeria.

Since it costs an arm and leg to treat cancer, the ‘Cancer Health Fund’ was separated from the budget to tackle different types of cancer in the country. Should cancer patients in Nigeria not know about this?

Regrettably, lack of awareness and inaccessible location has contributed to the low participation of cancer patients in accessing the fund set aside to manage their affliction.

The Nigerian CHF is a social service that provides funding and health care services to indigent cancer patients. Before this, the National Cancer Control Programme (NCCP) was established in 2006 as a fallout from the 58th World Health Assembly Resolution on cancer prevention and control adopted in May 2005. The programme was established to address the escalating cancer incidence in Nigeria.

But the CHF programme is an initiative of the Federal Ministry of Health that commenced in 2021 with six pilot hospitals. Ahmadu Bello University teaching hospital (ABUTH), National Hospital Abuja (NHA), University of Benin Teaching Hospital, Benin (UBTH), Federal Teaching Hospital Gombe (FTH), University of Nigeria Teaching Hospital (UNTH), University College Hospital (UCH).

It involves partners such as the American Cancer Society, ROCHE, Pfizer, MYLAN, Clinton Health Access Initiative, World Wide Commercial Ventures (WWCV), BICON and EMGE resources, which is mandated to implement the CHF initiative on behalf of the Federation Government.

Since many cancer patients seem to be oblivious to this vital function, there is a need for the National Orientation Agency (NOA) to carry out sensitisation programmes across many towns and villages in the country. The knowledge will then be a driving force for patients to seek treatment.

In addition, the media and non-governmental organisations can also be involved in such campaigns while the government strives to expand beyond the six pilot hospitals. 

By empowering people with the Cancer Health Fund information, we can help save thousands of lives from a killer disease, as we do not all have to be doctors to guarantee the most fundamental human right – the right to live.

Lawal Dahiru Mamman writes from Abuja and can be reached via dahirulawal90@gmail.com.